Rebellion failed
127-406: [REDACTED] Phibun regime [REDACTED] Democracy February 26 Movement The Palace Rebellion ( Thai : กบฏวังหลวง , RTGS : Kabot Wang Luang ) was a 1949 coup attempt in Thailand . Its plotters aimed to overthrow the government of Field Marshal Plaek Phibunsongkhram and to restore his main civilian rival, Pridi Banomyong , to the Thai political scene. Pridi had disavowed
254-458: A national assembly , half appointed and half indirectly elected. The people were promised that full democratic elections would be held once half the population had completed primary education —which was expected to be sometime in the 1940s. A prime minister and cabinet were appointed and a facade of constitutional rule was maintained. Once the new government had been established and the constitution put into effect, conflict began to erupt among
381-861: A constitution before his dynasty's 150th anniversary in 1932. The document was rejected by the princes in the supreme council. On 6 April 1932, the King opened a bridge across the Chao Phraya River . The celebration was somewhat muted due to fears stemming from an alleged prophecy dating back to the days of King Rama I, which predicted the end of the dynasty on its 150th anniversary. At the end of April, Prajadhipok left Bangkok for his summer holidays, leaving Prince Paribatra in charge as regent. The King went to Klai Kangwon Palace (วังไกลกังวล: translated as 'far from worries') of Hua Hin in Prachuap Khiri Khan Province . Despite their precautions, word of
508-535: A counter-coup, the Boworadet Rebellion staged by royalist factions. The royalists were led by Prince Boworadet and the many others who had permanently lost their influence and positions because of the seizure of power by the Khana Ratsadon. The rebellion was a failure, and although there is no evidence whatsoever that Prajadhipok was involved, his neutrality and indecisiveness during the brief conflict led to
635-516: A detached railway engine to warn the King in Hua Hin . By 08:00 the operation was over and the Promoters had won the day. The Khana Ratsadon forced the princes to sign a document proclaiming their commitment to peace and to avoidance of any bloodshed. The coup elicited almost no response from the populace, and the day-to-day life of the people returned to normal even before the end of the day. The rest of
762-565: A document exonerating all members of the Khana Ratsadon for the coup. The Khana Ratsadon then released all their hostages with the exception of Prince Paribatra , whom they considered too powerful. They asked him to leave the country instead. He later left for Java , never to return and died in Bandung in 1944. Other princes went into voluntary exile in other Southeast Asian countries, and some others in Europe. The coup took place in an era when most of
889-761: A guest of the People's Republic of China . Phibun's return to power coincided with the onset of the Cold War and the establishment of a communist regime in North Vietnam . He soon won the support of the US, beginning a long tradition of US-backed military regimes in Thailand (as the country was again renamed in July 1949, this time permanently). Once again political opponents were arrested and tried, and some were executed. During this time, several of
1016-416: A radio announcement was made in which he called Pridi his "friend." He went on to offer Pridi a position in the government, but Pridi decided to go ahead with his plans, and the field marshal's overtures were rebuffed. A state of emergency was declared by the government in anticipation of the countercoup. It began on February 26, when a Royal Thai Army officer loyal to Pridi and a group of supporters seized
1143-516: A radio station, and Free Thai elements and Thammasat University teachers and students occupied the Grand Palace . The group at the radio station announced on the air the formation of a new government headed by Pridi's friend, Direk Jayanama . Major-General Sarit Thanarat then moved troops in and easily managed to oust Pridi from the palace grounds. In the meanwhile, the Royal Thai Navy and
1270-751: A series of unequal treaties. To accomplish that, the Thai government needed Japanese assistance against France, which was secured through the Treaty between Thailand and Japan Concerning the Continuance of Friendly Relations and the Mutual Respect of Each Other's Territorial Integrity , concluded in June 1940. Also concluded in 1940 was the British-Thai Non-Aggression Pact between the governments of Great Britain and
1397-475: A set of twelve cultural mandates . In addition to requiring that all Thais salute the flag, know the national anthem, and speak the national language, the mandates also encouraged Thais to work hard, stay informed on current events, and to dress in a Western fashion. By 1941 it became illegal, among other things, to ridicule those who attempted to promote national customs. The programme also encompassed fine arts. Fiercely nationalistic plays and films were sponsored by
SECTION 10
#17328557766821524-458: A throne besmirched by blood." One point which the King did not concede was when the party sent a gunboat to carry him to Bangkok. He refused and travelled back to Bangkok by royal train, stating that he was not a captive of the Khana Ratsadon . King Prajadhipok returned to Bangkok on 26 June. His first action was to grant a royal audience to the Khana Ratsadon. As the members entered the room,
1651-571: A year later, in April and June amid infighting within the government over Pridi Banomyong 's socialist economic plan and a rebellion of the royalists . Since 1782, the Kingdom of Siam had been ruled by the Chakri dynasty . After 1868, King Chulalongkorn (Rama V) reformed a medieval kingdom into a centralising state of absolute monarchy . The monarchy started to make royal and nobility hierarchy,
1778-409: Is still the official name of Thailand today. The military came to power in the bloodless Siamese revolution of 1932 , which transformed the government of Siam from an absolute to a constitutional monarchy . King Prajadhipok initially accepted this change but later abdicated due to his strained relations with the government. Upon his abdication, King Prajadhipok issued a brief statement criticising
1905-745: The Anglo-Siamese Treaty of 1909 with Britain. In January 1942 Phibun declared war on Britain and the United States, though the Thai ambassador to the United States, Seni Pramoj , refused to deliver it to the State Department . Seni denounced the Phibun regime as illegal and formed a Seri Thai Movement in Washington. Pridi, now serving in the role of an almost powerless regent , led the resistance movement inside Thailand, while former Queen Ramphaiphanni
2032-516: The Chakri dynasty and resulted in a bloodless transition of Siam into a constitutional monarchy , the introduction of democracy and the first constitution , and the creation of the National Assembly . Dissatisfaction caused by the economic crisis, the lack of a competent government, and the rise of Western-educated commoners fueled the revolution. King Prajadhipok remained on the throne and compromised with Khana Ratsadon. Two coups occurred
2159-704: The Royal Thai Marine Corps took up defensive positions around Bangkok, to protect their allies. The rebels managed to escape in naval vessels across the Chao Phraya River , and navy units engaged the army in fierce street fighting. A ceasefire was declared that afternoon, but it would take the navy and the army a full week to negotiate a resolution to the crisis. Monarchy of Thailand Regents of Thailand Prime Ministers of Thailand Military Others Institutions Key events History of Thailand (1932-1973)#Phibunsongkhram' Second Premiership The history of Thailand from 1932 to 1973
2286-453: The Sakdina , to be the most critical aspect of Siam political system . Towards 1880, Chulalongkorn asked of Europe an initiation into modern culture and showed a decided preference for England 's Anglo-Saxon culture. In 1910s, King Vajiravudh ( Rama VI) sought to legitimise absolutism through Thai nationalism , using a Western approach, by appointing more able commoners to
2413-452: The Sangha was affected when the status of the royally sponsored Thammayuth sect was downgraded. Meanwhile, all cinemas were instructed to display Phibun's picture at the end of every performance as if it were the king's portrait, and the audience were expected to rise and bow. Another aspect of Phibun's growing personality cult was becoming apparent in official décor. He was born in the year of
2540-592: The Supreme Council of State to solve the problems. The council was composed of experienced senior princes, that quickly replaced the commoners appointed by Vajiravudh. The council was dominated by the Minister of the Interior , German-educated Prince Paribatra Sukhumbandhu , high-ranking Chakri princes had regained dominance of the government, and only four of the twelve ministries were administered by commoners or members of
2667-560: The government . A commoner involvement disappointed the aristocracy and nobility . Rama VI carried out unpopular policies that lowered the influence of the royal family . During the reign of King Rama VI , the government's fiscal health was eroded. Lavish spending on the court, inability to control the corruption of the King's inner circle, and his creation of the Wild Tiger Corps to promote modern-style nationalism were widely deemed as wasteful. By 1920, fiscal mismanagement and
SECTION 20
#17328557766822794-542: The "promoters". These Western-educated commoner elites were exposed not just to the latest scientific and technical knowledge in Europe, but also to the ideals of Western democracy, nationalism, and communism. In February 1927, in a hotel on the Rue du Sommerard in Paris, France, a small group of seven military and civilian students assembled to debate the founding of a party to try to bring change to Siam. Intent on not wanting to repeat
2921-578: The Ananta Samakhom Throne Hall on 28 June 1932. The charter however did not last long. By the end of the year a new more moderate permanent constitution would be signed, on 10 December. This constitution eventually gave back to the monarchy many powers it had lost in the previous charter, and the monarchy was once again held "sacred and inviolable". The Assembly of People's Representatives was expanded to include 156 members, 78 elected and 78 appointed. The democratic restrictions were removed and
3048-487: The Ananta Samakhom Throne Hall, including Phraya Ritthi. Having been told weeks before that a military exercise was happening, other troops in the vicinity of Bangkok joined the plotters, thus unknowingly participating in a revolution. Units loyal to the monarch shut themselves in their barracks. By the time the infantry and cavalry arrived in the Royal Plaza in front of the Ananta Samakhom Throne Hall at about 06:00, there
3175-581: The Japanese to pass through the country to attack Burma and invade Malaya . Convinced by the Allied defeats of early 1942 that Japan was winning the war, Phibun decided to form a military alliance with Imperial Japan. In return, Japan allowed Thailand to invade and annex the Shan States and Kayah State in northern Burma, and resume sovereignty over the sultanates of northern Malaya which had been surrendered in
3302-506: The Khana Ratsadon was hurt, the princes in custody would suffer. Before the arrival of the Musketeers' telegram, the King was aware of ongoing events in Bangkok. He was playing golf at the summer villa's course with the queen , two princely ministers, and some courtiers. When an urgent message arrived, reportedly at the eighth hole, Prince Purachatra arrived to report to the King. The King and
3429-454: The King rose and greeted them by saying: "I rise in honour of the Khana Ratsadon". It was a significant gesture, as in Siamese culture the king always remains seated when their subjects offer homage, not the reverse. This led to Pridi apologising for defaming him in the manifesto. Subsequently, all known copies were pulled from circulation. The King responded to this act by affixing his royal seal on
3556-408: The King signed by the three full colonels and musketeers: Phraya Phahon, Phraya Songsuradet, and Phraya Ritthi. The telegram stated, using royal language (Rachasap: ราชาศัพท์), that if the King did not wish to remain as a monarch under a constitution, the party was willing to replace him with another royal prince. Despite the language, the telegram warned the monarch in strong terms that if any member of
3683-556: The Kingdom of Thailand. On 18 July 1940, the British government accepted Japanese demands to close the Burma Road for three months to prevent war supplies from reaching China. As the government of Thailand was now becoming aligned with the Japanese, the British government concluded the pact with Bangkok so as not to antagonize Tokyo. Luang Wichit wrote a number of popular dramas that glorified
3810-413: The Siamese people were not yet ready for democracy, and most were illiterate peasants with little concern for affairs in Bangkok. In Bangkok itself, the new and emerging middle class was dependent on the patronage of the aristocracy for jobs and positions. As a result, they realised that a "mass revolution" was not possible and only a military-led coup d'état was possible. For this purpose a vanguard party
3937-480: The Thais. Britain regarded Thailand as having been partly responsible for the damage dealt to the Allied cause and favoured treating the kingdom as a defeated enemy. However, the US had no sympathy for what they considered British and French colonialism and supported the new government. Thailand thus received little punishment for its wartime role under Phibun. Seni Pramoj became prime minister in 1945 and promptly restored
Palace Rebellion - Misplaced Pages Continue
4064-482: The US in 1961, sending troops to Vietnam and Laos, and allowing the US to use airbases in the east of the country to conduct its bombing war against North Vietnam. The Vietnamese retaliated by supporting the Communist Party of Thailand 's insurgency in the north, northeast, and sometimes in the south, where guerrillas co-operated with local discontented Muslims. In the postwar period, Thailand had close relations with
4191-575: The US, which it saw as a protector from communist revolutions in neighboring countries. The Seventh and Thirteenth US Air Forces were headquartered at Udon Royal Thai Air Force Base . Agent Orange is a herbicide and defoliant chemical used by the U.S. military as part of its herbicidal warfare program, Operation Ranch Hand . Agent Orange was tested by the United States in Thailand during the war in Southeast Asia. Buried drums were uncovered and confirmed to be Agent Orange in 1999. Workers who uncovered
4318-644: The US. Thailand had formally become a US ally in 1954 with the formation of the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO). While the war in Indochina was being fought between the Vietnamese and the French, Thailand (disliking both equally) stayed aloof, but once it became a war between the US and the Vietnamese communists, Thailand committed itself strongly to the US side, concluding a secret agreement with
4445-555: The Vietnamese. Through despotic paternalism, Sarit's persona is characterized as being det khat, a Thai term meaning tough, decisive, and uncompromising. Although repressive, Sarit justified his harsh measures with good governance. In a pho-look relationship, he acts as the father of the people he's serving. perception The young King Bhumibol, who returned to Thailand in 1951, co-operated with this project. The Thai monarchy's present elevated status thus has its origins in this era. The regimes of Sarit and Thanom were strongly supported by
4572-526: The actions of the conservative prime minister would eventually lead to the first coup d'état by Phraya Manopakorn Nititada on 1 April 1933. In late 1932, the King wrote to his nephew Prince Chula Chakrabongse about his decision to return to Bangkok: "...we were all quite aware that we were probably going to our death." The many unsettled constitutional roles of the crown and the dissatisfaction with Phraya Phahon's seizure of power culminated in October 1933 in
4699-451: The army staged a bloodless coup on 17 September 1957, ending Phibun's career for good. Sarit restored the monarchy so well that by Thanom's time their rule was a close partnership between the military and the king. Sarit acted as a defender of the monarchy and threats of communism emerged during the Cold War. By moving away from Western-style democracy, he paved the way for a Thai version with
4826-514: The army, he immediately joined the party and gave it his support. The second senior officer was Colonel Phraya Songsuradet , considered one of the best minds of his generation and the Director of Education at the Military Academy. Both had studied abroad and were eager for change. Songsuradet instantly became the party's tactician, advising it should first secure Bangkok militarily and eventually
4953-463: The autocratic regime, were banned. At the same time Phibun passed a number of authoritarian laws which gave the government the power of almost unlimited arrest and complete press censorship. During the Second World War, newspapers were instructed to print only good news emanating from Axis sources, while sarcastic comments about the internal situation were banned. On 23 June 1939, Phibun changed
5080-525: The civilian liberals led by Pridi as foreign minister, worked together harmoniously for several years, but when Phibun became prime minister in December 1938 this co-operation broke down, and military domination became more overt. Phibun was an admirer of Benito Mussolini , and his regime soon developed some fascist characteristics. In early 1939 forty political opponents, both monarchists and democrats, were arrested, and after rigged trials eighteen were executed,
5207-403: The cock, and this symbol began to replace the wheel. Similarly, Phibun's auspicious birth-colour, green, was used in official decorations. In 1940, most of France was occupied by Nazi Germany , and Phibun immediately set out to avenge Siam's humiliations by France in 1893 and 1904 , when the French had used force to redraw the borders of Siam with Laos and Cambodia, requiring the Thais to sign
Palace Rebellion - Misplaced Pages Continue
5334-514: The commander of the First Army Corps, offered any resistance. He put up a fight and was slightly wounded, but was eventually taken into custody, becoming the revolution's only casualty. About 40 officials were arrested and detained in the Ananta Samakhom Throne Hall. One exception was the Minister of Commerce and Communications, Prince Purachatra Jayakara , Prince of Kamphaeng Phet , who escaped in
5461-461: The country was also similarly disaffected, prompting The Times in London to report that the revolution merely was "a simple re-adjustment". By the evening of 24 June, the Khana Ratsadon were confident enough to call a senior ministerial meeting. In the meeting Pridi tried to persuade senior civil servants to support the Khana Ratsadon, asking them for support and telling them to remain united, lest
5588-483: The country would follow. He also advised the Promoters to be more secretive to avoid official and police detection. Eventually, he approached his friend Colonel Phraya Ritthiakhaney , commander of the Bangkok Artillery, who shared his concerns about the princes' domination over the army and eventually joined the party. Finally, they were joined by Phra Phrasasphithayayut , another discontented officer. Forming what
5715-612: The country's name from Siam to Prathet Thai ( Thai : ประเทศไทย ), or Thailand, said to mean "land of the free". This was a nationalist gesture: it implied the unity of all the Tai -speaking peoples, including the Lao and the Shan, but excluding the Chinese. The regime's slogan became "Thailand for the Thai." Modernisation was also an important theme in Phibun's new Thai nationalism . From 1939 to 1942 he issued
5842-400: The country, and cannot do anything independently without the approval of the assembly of the people's representatives… If the king replies with a refusal or does not reply within the time set… it will be regarded as treason to the nation, and it will be necessary for the country to have a republican form of government. The tone of the manifesto differed greatly from that of the telegram sent to
5969-399: The cult of the leader. Aware of the power of mass media , they used the government's monopoly on radio broadcasting to shape popular support for the regime. Popular government slogans were constantly aired on the radio and plastered on newspapers and billboards. Phibun's picture was also to be seen everywhere in society, while portraits of the ex-monarch King Prajadhipok, an outspoken critic of
6096-399: The depression of the economy and hardships… the government of the king has treated the people as slaves… it can be seen that from the taxes that are squeezed from the people, the king carries off many millions for personal use… The People's Party has no wish to snatch the throne. Hence it invites this king to retain the position. But he must be under the law of the constitution for the governing
6223-478: The desired effect in that they contributed to the farmers' awareness of how bad off they really were. It was not always the poorest of the poor who joined the anti-government insurgency. Increased government presence in the rural villages did little to improve the situation. Villagers became subject to increased military and police harassment and bureaucratic corruption. Villagers often felt betrayed when government promises of development were frequently not fulfilled. By
6350-494: The drums fell ill while upgrading the airport near Hua Hin District , 100 km south of Bangkok. A declassified Department of Defense report written in 1973, suggests that there was a significant use of herbicides on the fenced-in perimeters of military bases in Thailand to remove foliage that provided cover for enemy forces. The Vietnam War hastened the modernisation and Westernisation of Thai society. The American presence and
6477-490: The early 1970s rural discontent had manifested itself into a peasant's activist movement. Siamese revolution of 1932 Coup successful The Siamese revolution of 1932 or Siamese coup d'état of 1932 ( Thai : การปฏิวัติสยาม พ.ศ. 2475 or การเปลี่ยนแปลงการปกครองสยาม พ.ศ. 2475 ) was a coup d'état by the People's Party which occurred in Siam on 24 June 1932. It ended Siam's centuries-long absolute monarchy rule under
SECTION 50
#17328557766826604-480: The end of absolute monarchy. It was the job of the others, such as Plaek, who had by then received the Luang title and became Luang Phibunsongkhram, to try to gather supporters within the army . A young naval captain, Luang Sinthusongkhramchai , was doing the same for the navy . The number of party members increased, and, by the end of 1931, it reached 102 members, separated into two branches consisting of civilians and
6731-464: The end of the 20th century the population had doubled. Bangkok's population had grown tenfold since 1945 and had tripled since 1970. Educational opportunities and exposure to mass media increased during the Vietnam War years. Bright university students learned more about ideas related to Thailand's economic and political systems, resulting in a revival of student activism. The Vietnam War period also saw
6858-510: The exposure to Western culture that came with it had an effect on almost every aspect of Thai life. Before the late 1960s, full access to Western culture was limited to a highly educated elite in society, but the Vietnam War brought the outside world face to face with large segments of the Thai society as never before. With US dollars pumping up the economy, the service, transportation, and construction industries grew phenomenally as did drug abuse and prostitution . The traditional rural family unit
6985-401: The fact remains that at the height of the conflict, the royal couple took refuge at Songkhla . The king's withdrawal from the scene of the fighting was interpreted by the victorious party as a sign that he had failed in his duty. By refusing to give his full support to the legitimate government, his credibility was undermined. A few months later in 1934, King Prajadhipok , whose relations with
7112-419: The failure of the 1912 plot , they laid out a clear and coherent plan to change Siam. This group included two young students: one a soldier and an artilleryman Plaek Khittasangkha , the other a law student and radical Pridi Banomyong . The group called themselves the "Promoters" (ผู้ก่อการ), hoping to return home to try to promote change. The Promoters realised, ironically, as the king's advisors had done, that
7239-521: The first elections in which political parties were legal, and Pridi's People's Party and its allies won a majority. In March 1946 Pridi became Siam's first democratically elected prime minister. In 1946, after he agreed to hand back the Indochinese territories occupied in 1941 as the price for admission to the United Nations , all wartime claims against Siam were dropped and a substantial package of US aid
7366-506: The first political executions in Siam in over a century. Many others, among them Prince Damrong Rajanubhab and Phraya Songsuradej, were exiled. Phibun launched a demagogic campaign against the Chinese business class. Chinese schools and newspapers were closed, and taxes on Chinese businesses increased. Phibun and Luang Wichitwathakan , the government's ideological spokesman, copied the propaganda techniques used by Hitler and Mussolini to build up
7493-480: The following year, The government then chose Prince Ananda Mahidol , who was at that time in school in Switzerland, as the next king, becoming King Rama VIII. For the first time in history, Siam was without a resident monarch and was to remain so for the next fifteen years, the Khana Ratsadon believing that he would be more pliable than Prajadhipok. The military, now led by Major General Phibun as defence minister, and
7620-508: The generation of Pridi and Phibun had been. Rather, they were Thai traditionalists, who sought to restore the prestige of the monarchy and to maintain a society based on order, hierarchy, and religion. They sought to get rid of criminals, separatists, and drug dealers. They also appealed to the masses by promising social and economic development. They saw rule by the army as the best means of ensuring this, and also of defeating communism, which they now associated with Thailand's traditional enemies,
7747-407: The global economic downturn took the state budget into deficit. In 1925, the most senior princes decided to demand large cuts in expenditures, especially the royal household. This represented a bold challenge to the authority of the absolute monarch and reflected the severity of the fiscal malaise in Siam. The critique was thus that Rama VI was not a competent absolute monarch, and that he squandered
SECTION 60
#17328557766827874-465: The government factions as being communist . Because of its attack on private property , the members of the conservative clique were the ones most alarmed by Pridi's plan. They urged the Mano government to adopt policies that would reverse the course of the "revolution". However, when Phraya Mano attempted to do this, Phibun and Phraya Phahon launched a second coup that toppled the Mano government. Phraya Pahon
8001-503: The government of having no regard for democratic principles, employing methods of administration incompatible with individual freedom and the principles of justice, ruling in an autocratic manner and not letting the people have a real voice in Siam's affairs. In 1934, the Press Act came into effect, forbidding the publication of any material deemed to be detrimental to the public order or to undermine morals. The law has been strictly enforced to
8128-418: The government scheduled Siam's first election in October 1933. Despite his lofty ideals and Western education, Pridi's version of democracy faced the same dilemma that Prajadhipok's version did: the notion simply that the country, especially the rural populace was not yet ready for it. Within days, the Khana Ratsadon had turned Siam into a one-party state with institutions such as the "People's Assembly" and
8255-502: The government. Often these depicted a glorious past when Thai warriors fearlessly gained freedom for the country, defended their honour, or sacrificed themselves. Patriotism was taught in schools and was a recurrent theme in songs and dances. At the same time, Phibun worked rigorously to rid society of its royalist influences. Traditional royal holidays were replaced with new national events and royal and aristocratic titles were abandoned. Ironically, he retained his aristocratic surname. Even
8382-411: The growth of the Thai middle class which gradually developed its own identity and consciousness. Economic development did not bring prosperity to all. During the 1960s many of the rural poor felt increasingly dissatisfied with their condition in society and disillusioned by their treatment by the central government in Bangkok. Efforts by the Thai government to develop poor rural regions often did not have
8509-455: The idea of many ethnic groups belonging to a greater "Thai" empire and condemned the evils of European colonial rule. Irredentist and anti-French demonstrations were incessantly held around Bangkok, and in late 1940 border skirmishes erupted along the Mekong frontier. In 1941 the skirmishes turned into the small–scale Franco-Thai War between Vichy France and Thailand. Thai forces dominated
8636-467: The key figures in the wartime Free Thai underground, including Thawin Udom, Thawi Thawethikul, Chan Bunnag, and Tiang Sirikhanth, were eliminated in extra-legal fashion by the Thai police, run by Phibun's ruthless associate Phao Siyanon . There were attempted counter-coups by Pridi supporters in 1948, 1949, and 1951, the second leading to heavy fighting between the army and navy before Phibun emerged victorious. In
8763-520: The king and promoting communism, and he demanded that the government leaders resign. He had hoped that some of the garrisons in the Bangkok area would join the revolt, but they remained loyal to the government. Meanwhile, the navy declared itself neutral and left for its bases in the south. After heavy fighting in the northern outskirts of Bangkok, the royalists were finally defeated and Prince Boworadet left for exile in French Indochina . One effect of
8890-436: The king maintains his power above the law as before. He appoints court relatives and toadies without merit or knowledge to important positions without listening to the voice of the people. He allows officials to use the power of their office dishonestly… he elevates those of royal blood to have special rights more than the people. He governs without principle. The country's affairs are left to the mercy of fate, as can be seen from
9017-505: The land belongs to all people." The constitution basically stripped the king of all of his ancient powers such as his power of veto, power of pardon, and the right to even confirm his own successor and heir. The constitution removed the monarchy's powers, without abolishing the office itself. The constitution created a People's Committee ( คณะกรรมการราษฎร , the executive) and an Assembly of People's Representatives ( รัฐสภาผู้แทนราษฎร ) made up of 70 appointed members. "Democracy" for Siam
9144-545: The loss of Thailand's rice export markets, this made both the war and Phibun's regime very unpopular. In July 1944 Phibun was ousted by the Seri Thai-infiltrated government. The national assembly reconvened and appointed the liberal lawyer Khuang Aphaiwong as prime minister. The new government hastily evacuated the British territories that Phibun had occupied and surreptitiously aided the Seri Thai movement, while at
9271-546: The loss of his credibility and prestige. Three years after the revolution, King Prajadhipok abdicated the throne and left Siam never to return. He died in England in 1941, during World War II . He was replaced as king by his nine-year-old nephew Prince Ananda Mahidol (King Rama VIII), who at that time was attending school in Lausanne , Switzerland. Public perception and discourse over the 1932 revolution has fluctuated over time. With
9398-417: The lower nobility. Prajadhipok turned out to be a sympathetic monarch, immediately ordered a cut in palace expenditure and travelled extensively around the country. He made himself more accessible and visible to the ever-growing Bangkok elite and middle class by carrying out many civic duties. By this time, students sent to study abroad had started to return, faced with a lack of opportunity, the entrenchment of
9525-514: The massive political capital. In 1912, a palace revolt , plotted by young military officers , tried unsuccessfully to overthrow and replace Rama VI. Their goal was to overthrow the ancien régime and replace it with a Westernised constitutional system and to replace Rama VI with a prince more sympathetic to their beliefs. The revolt failed and the participants were imprisoned. In reaction, Vajiravudh abandoned his attempts at constitutional reform and continued with his absolutist rule , with
9652-402: The members of the new ruling coalition. There were four major factions competing for power: the older conservative civilian faction led by Phraya Manopakorn Nitithada ; the senior military faction led by Phraya Phahon; the junior army and navy faction led by Luang Phibunsongkhram; and the young civilian faction led by Pridi Banomyong. The first serious conflict arose in 1933 when Pridi was given
9779-447: The military budget, angering most of the country's educated elite. The officer corps was especially disgruntled, and in 1931 Prince Boworadej , a minor member of the royal family and Minister of Defence , resigned. Boworadet was not a member of the supreme council, and it was suspected that disagreement with the council over budget cuts led to his resignation. The King, who openly confessed his own lack of financial knowledge, stating he
9906-510: The military. Prayoon Pamornmontri , one of the seven Promoters, himself an army officer, and former Royal Page of King Vajiravudh, took it upon himself to try to recruit for the party influential and powerful members who also wanted to see the end of absolute monarchy and power of the princes. One officer he had a connection with was the Deputy Inspector of Artillery, Colonel Phraya Phahol Pholpayuhasena . An affable man and popular within
10033-407: The minor exception of appointing some able commoners to his privy council and government. Western education became popular in the reign of Rama V. Although this was still largely limited to the Siamese nobility and the wealthy, new avenues of social mobility were now available to commoners and members of the lower nobility. The best example of these commoner beneficiaries is Phibun Songkram who
10160-461: The monarchy and the aristocracy, in particular with Rama VII, who was supposedly in favour of a constitutional monarchy. In the immediate aftermath of the revolution, Prajadhipok and the Khana Ratsadon immediately set about granting the Siamese people their first constitution . The temporary charter was signed on 27 June 1932 at 17:00. It was a draft document written by Pridi in advance. The constitution began by announcing that: "the highest power in
10287-540: The monarchy as a moral basis. In this period the monarchy was restored the power it had before the Siamese revolution in 1932 . Thanom became prime minister until 1958, then yielded his place to Sarit, the real head of the regime. Sarit held power until his death in 1963, when Thanom again took the lead. Sarit and Thanom were the first Thai leaders to have been educated entirely in Thailand, and were less influenced by European political ideas, whether fascist or democratic, than
10414-497: The name Siam as a symbol of the end of Phibun's nationalist regime. However, he found his position at the head of a cabinet packed with Pridi's loyalists quite uncomfortable. Northeastern populist politicians like Tiang Sirikhanth and Bangkok upstarts like Sanguan Tularaksa were not the sort that the aristocratic Seni preferred to associate with. They, in turn, viewed Seni as an elitist who was entirely out of touch with Thailand's political realities. Pridi continued to wield power behind
10541-595: The nation. I alone can no longer contest Sakdina." By 1955, Phibun was losing his leading position in the army to younger rivals, led by Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat (Commander of the First Army) and General Thanom Kittikachorn . To shore up his position he restored the 1949 constitution and called elections, which his supporters won. But the army was not prepared to give up power, and in September 1957 it demanded Phibun's resignation. When Phibun tried to have Sarit arrested,
10668-440: The national assembly as an elected body. This provoked strong opposition from the universities and the press and led to a further round of trials and repression. The regime was greatly helped, however, by a postwar boom which gathered pace through the 1950s, fuelled by rice exports and US aid. Thailand's economy began to diversify, while the population and urbanisation increased. In 1956, it became clearer that Plaek, allied to Phao,
10795-475: The national assembly, although political parties were still not allowed. Thammasat University was founded, at Pridi's initiative, as a more accessible alternative to the elitist Chulalongkorn University . Military expenditure was also greatly expanded, a clear indication of the increasing influence of the military. In the years between 1934 and 1940 the kingdom's army, navy, and air force were equipped as never before. After King Prajadhipok left Siam and abdicated
10922-483: The navy commandeered a gunboat from its dock on the Chao Phraya River , and by morning was aiming its guns directly at Prince Paribatra's palace in Bangkok. Luang Sinthu himself mobilised 500 armed sailors ready to take the Ananta Samakhom Throne Hall , at the centre of the capital and part of Dusit Palace . Following them was Prayoon, who later that night took command of a cadre of young officers to seize
11049-466: The navy's 1951 attempt, popularly known as the Manhattan Coup , Phibun was nearly killed when the ship where he was held hostage was bombed by the pro-government air force. In 1949 a new constitution was promulgated, creating a senate appointed by the king (in practice, by the government). But in 1951 the regime abolished its own constitution and reverted to the 1932 arrangements, effectively abolishing
11176-417: The new government had been deteriorating for some time, went abroad to receive medical treatment. While abroad, he carried on a correspondence with the government that discussed the terms under which he would continue to serve as a constitutional monarch. He requested the continuation of some traditional royal prerogatives. The government, however, would not agree. In his abdication speech, Prajadhipok accused
11303-480: The other half through indirect representation. These candidates must, of course, have been examined by the Khana Ratsadon before any election. Third, the charter stated that full democratic representation in the assembly could only be achieved at the end of ten years or when more than half of the populace had gone through primary education, whichever was achieved first. The first session of the People's Assembly convened in
11430-436: The plan's existence eventually leaked to the police. On the evening of 23 June 1932, the director general of the police made a call to Prince Paribatra, asking for his authorisation to arrest and imprison all involved in the plot. The prince, recognising names on the list that included many influential and powerful individuals, decided to delay the order for the next day. That same evening, one of Luang Sinthu's supporters in
11557-533: The plan. Phraya Phahon and some supporters gathered near the Ananta Samakhom Throne Hall waiting for the signal, while Phraya Songsuradet went with a couple of the conspirators to the barracks of the First Cavalry Regiment of the Royal Guards , where most of the armoured vehicles in Bangkok were kept. On arrival, Phraya Songsuradet reprimanded the officer in charge of the barracks for sleeping while there
11684-409: The population was kept out of politics and the political sphere was the domain of military and bureaucratic elites. Handley suggests that there was the refusal of both Rama VI and VII, and aristocracy to share power with the new "commoner" elites, forced the "commoner" elites and some high-ranking nobility to support the Promoters' bid to seize power through military force. The resulting unhappiness at
11811-435: The position of "President of the People's Committee". However, Khana Ratsadon showed their bipartisanship when they recommended the appointment of lawyer and Privy Councillor Phraya Manopakorn Nititada as the first President of the People's Committee and in effect the first Prime Minister of Siam . However, infighting within the government over Pridi's "Draft National Economic Plan", the so-called "Yellow Cover Dossier", and
11938-509: The post and telegraph offices around the capital. One of the officers was Khuang Abhaiwongse . All communications between the princes and senior members of the administration were thus disabled. Their houses were also under surveillance and guarded by both civilian and military party members. While King Prajadhipok was residing out of Bangkok, at about 04:00 on the morning of 24 June 1932, Phraya Phahon , Phraya Songsuradet , and Phra Phrasasphithayayut were already carrying out their part of
12065-410: The present day. Reaction to the abdication was muted. Everybody was afraid of what might happen next. The government refrained from challenging any assertions in the king's abdication statement for fear of arousing further controversy. Opponents of the government kept quiet after the failure of the royalist rebellion. Having defeated the royalists, the government now was put to the test of living up to
12192-411: The princes discussed many options, which included fleeing the country, staging a counter-coup or full surrender. However, the King had already decided before the telegram arrived. He quickly replied he was willing to remain on the throne as a constitutional monarch and that he had always favoured granting the people a constitution. The King wrote of his decision of refusing to fight, "I could not sit on
12319-523: The princes, and the comparative backwardness of the country. In 1930, as the Wall Street Crash and the economic meltdown reached Siam. Prajadhipok proposed the levying of general income taxes and property taxes to help alleviate the sufferings of the poor. These were rejected by the Supreme Council, who feared their fortunes would be reduced. Instead, they cut civil service payrolls and reduced
12446-493: The promises on which it had come to power. It took much more aggressive steps to carry out some important reforms. The currency went off the gold standard, allowing trade to recover. Expenditures on education were increased four-fold, thereby significantly raising the literacy rate. Elected local and provincial governments were introduced, and in November 1937 democratic development was brought forward when direct elections were held for
12573-420: The ranks of lieutenant general and general. This caused a rapid deterioration of relations with Britain and the United States. In April 1941 the United States cut off petroleum supplies to Thailand. Thailand's brief period of glory came to an end on 8 December 1941 when Japan invaded the country along its southeastern coastline and from Cambodia. After initially resisting, the Phibun regime gave in and allowed
12700-553: The regime. His statement included the following phrases—often quoted by critics of the slow pace of Siam's political development: I am willing to surrender the powers I formerly exercised to the people as a whole, but I am not willing to turn them over to any individual or any group to use in an autocratic manner without heeding the voice of the people. The new regime of 1932 was led by a group of colonels headed by Phraya Phahon Phonphayuhasena and Phraya Songsuradet . In December they produced Siam's first constitution . Which included
12827-406: The repression of the insurrection was the diminution of the king's prestige. After the revolt started, King Prajadhipok declared in a telegram that he regretted the strife and civil disturbances. It is not clear whether he was motivated by a fear of being captured by rebels, a fear of being viewed as a supporter of the rebels, or a wish to avoid further choices between Phahon and Boworadet. Either way,
12954-497: The revival of the role of the monarchy initiated by the government of Sarit Thanarat in the 1960s, the state began downplaying the significance of 1932. Public observation of 24 June as National Day was abandoned in favour of King Bhumibol's birthday on 5 December. The events were glossed over by school textbooks, while views describing the actions of the People's Party as premature, and the idea that Vajiravudh and Prajadhipok had been making their own preparations for giving democracy to
13081-491: The revolution was left to the civilian side of the party. Pridi Banomyong , its leader, with the help of his supporters, blanketed the capital in the Khana Ratsadon 's propaganda leaflets, pamphlets, and radio broadcasts, all supporting the revolution. The text of the manifesto of the Khana Ratsadon, written by Pridi, criticised the monarch in harsh terms: All the People, When this king succeeded his elder brother, people at first had hoped that he would govern protectively. But…
13208-470: The same time evacuating escaped prisoners of war . By early 1945, Thai air force officers were performing liaison duties with South East Asia Command in Kandy and Calcutta . By 1944, it was evident that the Japanese were going to lose the war, and their behaviour in Thailand had become increasingly arrogant. Bangkok also suffered heavily from Allied strategic bombing . Coupled with economic hardships caused by
13335-414: The same time maintaining ostensibly friendly relations with the Japanese. The Japanese surrendered on 15 August 1945. Immediately, Allied military responsibility for Thailand fell to the British. As soon as practicable, British and Indian troops were flown in and rapidly secured the release of surviving POWs . The British were surprised to find that the Japanese soldiers had already been largely disarmed by
13462-837: The scenes as he had done during the Khuang government. The regent's looming presence and overarching authority rankled the proud, thin-skinned Seni, fuelling a personal animosity that would poison Thailand's postwar politics. Following the signature by Thailand of the Washington Accord of 1946, the territories that had been annexed after the Franco-Thai War , which included Phibunsongkhram Province , Nakhon Champassak Province , Phra Tabong Province , Koh Kong Province , and Lan Chang Province , were returned to Cambodia and Laos. Democratic elections were subsequently held in January 1946. These were
13589-454: The semblance of confusion lead to foreign intervention. Pridi asked the foreign ministry to dispatch to all foreign missions a document stating that the party was committed to protecting foreign lives and business and to fulfilling Siam's treaty obligations. Most of the military and civil administrations offered little resistance. Accustomed to taking orders and with all lines of communication shut down, they were unable to act. The next stage of
13716-511: The status quo due to the awareness of the ideals of Western democracy, nationalism, and communism, coupled with the mismanagement by the absolute monarchy and the deteriorating economic conditions caused by the Great Depression, triggered the 1932 revolution. The onus of the outbreak of the 1932 revolution from this perspective thus lies with the disgruntled commoner elites. who wanted radical change and were generally unwilling to compromise with
13843-411: The task of drafting a new economic plan for the nation. His radical programme called for the nationalisation of large tracts of farmland as well as rapid government-directed industrialisation . It also called for the growth of higher education so that entry into the bureaucracy would not be completely dominated by royalty and the aristocracy . However, the plan was condemned immediately by most of
13970-424: The use of violence during the immediate aftermath of the 1947 coup , but the frustrations of exile eventually overcame him. Although in the People's Republic of China , he still maintained contacts with his supporters in Thailand and, with their help, he laid plans for a countercoup. In the first week of February 1949, he secretly returned to Thailand. Phibun, however, soon learned of Pridi's intentions and quickly,
14097-551: The war on the ground and in the air, but the Thai Navy suffered a crushing naval defeat at the battle of Ko Chang . The Japanese then stepped in to mediate the conflict. The final settlement thus returned most of the disputed areas in Laos and Cambodia to Thailand. Phibun's prestige was so increased that he was able to bask in a feeling of being truly the nation's leader. To celebrate the occasion, he promoted himself to field marshal, skipping
14224-417: Was a Chinese uprising taking place elsewhere in the city—all the while opening the gates of the barracks and mobilising the troops. The ruse worked, and through all the confusion and panic, Phraya Prasan was able to arrest the commander of the regiment and place him in custody. Plaek Phibunsongkhram was ordered to guard him. Armoured vehicles, including some tanks, were commandeered and ordered to head toward
14351-554: Was already a crowd watching the assembled military. A crowd mistook the act for a Chinese uprising or a military exercise. Phraya Phahon climbed onto a tank and read the Khana Ratsadon Manifesto , a declaration proclaiming the end of the absolute monarchy and the establishment of a new constitutional state in Siam. The Promoters cheered, followed by the military, probably more out of deference than full comprehension of what has actually happened. In truth, Phraya Phahon
14478-427: Was bluffing. The success of the revolution still depended on events elsewhere in Bangkok. Phraya Prasan was sent to the house of Prince Paribatra , and to other high-ranking members of the government and princes. Prince Paribatra was apparently in his pajamas when he was arrested. Thirteen Thai Royal Family members and twelve nobilities were arrested, in which Thai elites were traumatically distressed. None, except
14605-421: Was broken down as more and more rural Thais moved to the city to find new jobs. This led to a clash of cultures as Thais were exposed to Western ideas about fashion, music, values, and moral standards. The population began to grow explosively as the standard of living rose, and a flood of people began to move from the villages to the cities, and above all to Bangkok. Thailand had 30 million people in 1965, while by
14732-462: Was combined with increasing modernisation and Westernisation under the influence of the United States . The end of the period was marked by Thanom's resignation, following a massacre of pro-democracy protesters led by Thammasat University students. From 1939 (excluding a few months in 1946), the official name of Thailand was changed from the Kingdom of Siam to the Kingdom of Thailand , which
14859-585: Was dominated by military dictatorships which were in power for much of the period. The main personalities of the period were the dictator Plaek Phibunsongkhram , who allied the country with Japan during the Second World War , and the civilian politician Pridi Banomyong , who founded Thammasat University and was briefly prime minister after the war. A succession of military dictators followed Pridi's ouster—Phibun again, Sarit Thanarat , then Thanom Kittikachorn —under whom traditional, authoritarian rule
14986-532: Was forced to resign amid suspicion that he had been involved in the regicide. Without his leadership, the civilian government floundered, and in November 1947 the army, its confidence restored after the debacle of 1945, seized power. After an interim Khuang-headed government, in April 1948 the army brought Phibun back from exile and made him prime minister. Pridi, in turn, was driven into exile, eventually settling in Beijing as
15113-503: Was formed and it was named the Khana Ratsadon (คณะราษฎร) (or the People's Party). When the Promoters eventually returned to Siam by the end of the 1920s, they quietly expanded their lists of contacts and party membership, mostly using a personal relationship. Pridi became a teacher at the Ministry of Justice's Law School , where he gathered the support of about fifty like-minded men, mostly civilians and civil servants, who also wanted to see
15240-465: Was from a peasant background. Many of the brightest Siamese students, both commoners and the nobility, were sent abroad to study in Europe. These include Pridi Banomyong , who was of Sino-Thai descent, and Prayoon Pamornmontri , the half-German son of a junior Thai official at the Siamese legation in Berlin and later a page to the crown prince who would become Rama VI. They were to become prominent members of
15367-400: Was just a simple soldier, tried with little success to battle the senior princes over the issue. Meanwhile, the King put his efforts into the drafting of a constitution, with the help of two princes and an American foreign policy advisor, Raymond Bartlett Stevens . Despite being advised that his people were not yet ready for democracy, the King was undeterred and was determined to implement
15494-431: Was known within the party as the "Four Musketeers" (4 ทหารเสือ, Four Tiger Soldiers), the most senior members of the party they eventually became its leaders. Prince Prajadhipok Sakdidej inherited a country in crisis. His brother King Vajiravudh had left the state on the verge of bankruptcy, and the fact that the state and the people were forced to subsidise the many princes and their lavish lifestyles. Prajadhipok created
15621-418: Was losing to another influential groups led by Sarit, and consisted of "Sakdina" (royalties and royalists). Both Plaek and Phao intended to bring home Pridi Banomyong to clear his name from the mystery around the death of King Rama VIII. However, the US government disapproved, cancelling the plan. In June 1957, he told one of Pridi's son to "tell your father that I want [him] to come back [and] help me work for
15748-484: Was made the new prime minister, and his new government excluded all of the royalists. A royalist reaction came in late 1933 when Prince Boworadet , a grandson of Mongkut and one-time Minister of Defence, led an armed revolt against the government. He mobilised various provincial garrisons and marched on Bangkok, capturing the Don Muang Aerodrome along the way. The prince accused the government of disrespecting
15875-494: Was received. In December 1945, the young King Ananda Mahidol had returned to Siam from Europe, but in June 1946, he was found shot dead in his bedroom under mysterious circumstances. Three palace servants were tried and executed for his murder, although there are significant doubts as to their guilt and the case remains both murky and a highly sensitive topic in Thailand today. The king was succeeded by his younger brother, Bhumibol Adulyadej , who became King Rama IX. In August, Pridi
16002-614: Was the nominal head in Great Britain. Secret training camps were set up in remote areas, the majority by the populist politician Tiang Sirikhanth in the northeast region of the country. There were a dozen camps alone in Sakhon Nakhon Province . Clandestine airfields also appeared in the northeast, where Royal Air Force and United States Army Air Forces planes brought in supplies, as well as Special Operations Executive , Office of Strategic Services , and Seri Thai agents, at
16129-471: Was to be given to the people in three installments. First, assembly members were to be appointed by the Four Musketeers. They would exercise power on behalf of the people, and their first session was to last six months. Second, a period when the mostly ignorant populace would learn about democracy and elections; the assembly would then be changed to be composed of half-appointed members by the Musketeers, and
#681318