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117-511: On 24 June 1932, the People's Party overthrew absolute monarchy in Siam, a turning point in 20th century Thai history. After the establishment of the new regime, a series of counter-revolutionary crises threatened the new, constitutional government. The king accepted the new constitution as a temporary one, and took part in crafting a "permanent" constitution. Conservative Phraya Manopakorn Nititada , or Mano

234-650: A pronunciamiento , in which the military deposes the existing government and hands over power to a new, ostensibly civilian government. A "barracks revolt" or cuartelazo is another type of military revolt, from the Spanish term cuartel ('quarter' or 'barracks'), in which the mutiny of specific military garrisons sparks a larger military revolt against the government. Other types of actual or attempted seizures of power are sometimes called "coups with adjectives". The appropriate term can be subjective and carries normative, analytical, and political implications. While

351-462: A coup , is typically an illegal and overt attempt by a military organization or other government elites to unseat an incumbent leadership. A self-coup is when a leader, having come to power through legal means, tries to stay in power through illegal means. By one estimate, there were 457 coup attempts from 1950 to 2010, half of which were successful. Most coup attempts occurred in the mid-1960s, but there were also large numbers of coup attempts in

468-613: A coup is usually a conspiracy of a small group, a revolution or rebellion is usually started spontaneously by larger groups of uncoordinated people. The distinction between a revolution and a coup is not always clear. Sometimes, a coup is labelled as a revolution by its plotters to feign democratic legitimacy. According to Clayton Thyne and Jonathan Powell's coup data set, there were 457 coup attempts from 1950 to 2010, of which 227 (49.7%) were successful and 230 (50.3%) were unsuccessful. They find that coups have "been most common in Africa and

585-418: A coup. A 2019 study found that states that had recently signed civil war peace agreements were much more likely to experience coups, in particular when those agreements contained provisions that jeopardized the interests of the military. Research suggests that protests spur coups, as they help elites within the state apparatus to coordinate coups. A 2019 study found that regional rebellions made coups by

702-569: A coup. The authors of the study provide the following logic for why this is: Autocratic incumbents invested in spatial rivalries need to strengthen the military in order to compete with a foreign adversary. The imperative of developing a strong army puts dictators in a paradoxical situation: to compete with a rival state, they must empower the very agency—the military—that is most likely to threaten their own survival in office. However, two 2016 studies found that leaders who were involved in militarized confrontations and conflicts were less likely to face

819-839: A fixed succession rule being much less plagued by instability than less institutionalized autocracies. A 2014 study of 18 Latin American countries in the 20th-century study found the legislative powers of the presidency does not influence coup frequency. A 2019 study found that when a country's politics is polarized and electoral competition is low, civilian-recruited coups become more likely. A 2023 study found that civilian elites are more likely to be associated with instigating military coups while civilians embedded in social networks are more likely to be associated with consolidating military coups. A 2017 study found that autocratic leaders whose states were involved in international rivalries over disputed territory were more likely to be overthrown in

936-512: A greater consultation of regional and local-specific sources. Successful coups are one method of regime change that thwarts the peaceful transition of power . A 2016 study categorizes four possible outcomes to coups in dictatorships : The study found that about half of all coups in dictatorships—both during and after the Cold War—install new autocratic regimes. New dictatorships launched by coups engage in higher levels of repression in

1053-513: A hostage against Bavoradej. Some said he was out of sympathy with the rebellion and that he wished to disassociate himself from it entirely. King Prajadhipok's position was very much weakened. He was suspected by the government to be conniving with rebels; he was criticized by many royalists for not coming to the assistance of the rebels who were fighting his political battle for him; and he was "openly" criticized for alleged weakness in "running away" to Songkhla. In general, all parties believed that

1170-453: A large anti-revolutionary underground network consisting of the royal family, secret agents, assassins, military officers, civil servants and journalists—all of them loyal to the old regime. He defended the validity of the sources writing that royalist witnesses are more likely to tell the truth as the political atmosphere now in Thailand favors highlights of the former king's role in bringing down

1287-786: A major threat to dictators. The Harem conspiracy of the 12th century BC was one of the earliest. Palace coups were common in Imperial China . They have also occurred among the Habsburg dynasty in Austria, the Al-Thani dynasty in Qatar , and in Haiti in the 19th to early 20th centuries. The majority of Russian tsars between 1725 and 1801 were either overthrown or usurped power in palace coups. The term putsch ( [pʊtʃ] , from Swiss German for 'knock'), denotes

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1404-409: A modern civil service system. His successor Vajiravudh (Rama VI, r. 1910–1925) introduced a military-style promotion-based rank system, superseding the traditional titles, though they could still be granted at the king's discretion. Following the abolition of absolute monarchy in 1932, royal decrees issued during the government of Plaek Phibunsongkhram in 1942 abolished the use of noble titles and

1521-459: A more conciliatory approach by entering into negotiations in which he called on the government to allow the king a greater political role. On 13 October, Boworadet sent another ultimatum to the government. The rebel leaders backed down from their original demand for the government to resign as troops in the provinces they counted on failed to march on Bangkok and all the units in Bangkok remained loyal to

1638-508: A plaque commemorating the 1932 revolution that ended absolute monarchy disappeared from the Royal Plaza and was replaced with one extolling the monarchy. On 24 June 2020, the 88th anniversary of the Revolution, saw commemorations of the event throughout Bangkok. The Royal Thai Army observed the date by hosting a Buddhist ceremony at the army's information centre and army headquarters praising

1755-487: A player in the rebellion: Phibun . After the rebellion, senior officers, such as Phraya Song and his friends, who had kept aloof from the military conflict, found their influence dashed. In 1932, Phibun had been simply one of the junior coup members. Now he moved up rapidly in the military hierarchy. He became Minister of Defense in early-1934. Phibun gradually weakened his enemies and eventually eliminated them. Several others were accused of being involved in plot to overthrow

1872-405: A putsch. Pronunciamiento ( ' pronouncement ' ) is a term of Spanish origin for a type of coup d'état . Specifically the pronunciamiento is the formal declaration deposing the previous government and justifying the installation of the new government by the golpe de estado . One author distinguishes a coup, in which a military or political faction takes power for itself, from

1989-506: A senior army officer and member of the People's Party , Colonel Lord Phahon , seized power in the 1933 Siamese coup d'état , overthrowing the government of Manopakorn. Phahon appointed himself the second Prime Minister of Thailand, declared that Pridi was not guilty, and invited him to return to Thailand. The counter-revolutionary rebellion that ensued, led by National Salvation Group (คณะกู้บ้านเมือง) under Prince Boworadet and other royalty,

2106-556: A somewhat higher chance of success in Africa and Asia. Numbers of successful coups have decreased over time. A number of political science datasets document coup attempts around the world and over time, generally starting in the post-World War II period. Major examples include the Global Instances of Coups dataset, the Coups & Political Instability dataset by the Center of Systemic Peace,

2223-627: A statement that expressed His Majesty's regret over the "suffering caused by the civil war" and announced a donation of 10,000 baht to the Red Cross . Prajadhipok reportedly also secretly funded the rebellion with a sum 20 times larger than the Red Cross donation, a charge some consider questionable. Phahon's government was able to further cement their grip on power as a result of the Rebellion. Although there are controversies about King Prajadhipok 's role in

2340-425: A two-sided impact on coup attempts, depending on the state of the economy. During periods of economic expansion, elections reduced the likelihood of coup attempts, whereas elections during economic crises increased the likelihood of coup attempts. A 2021 study found that oil wealthy nations see a pronounced risk of coup attempts but these coups are unlikely to succeed. A 2014 study of 18 Latin American countries in

2457-570: Is an editor's note in the London Morning Chronicle ,1804, reporting the arrest by Napoleon in France, of Moreau , Berthier , Masséna , and Bernadotte : "There was a report in circulation yesterday of a sort of coup d'état having taken place in France, in consequence of some formidable conspiracy against the existing government." In the British press , the phrase came to be used to describe

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2574-519: Is more likely in former French colonies. A 2018 study in the Journal of Peace Research found that leaders who survive coup attempts and respond by purging known and potential rivals are likely to have longer tenures as leaders. A 2019 study in Conflict Management and Peace Science found that personalist dictatorships are more likely to take coup-proofing measures than other authoritarian regimes;

2691-403: Is now. There's a risk that the monument will be gone for good," said Chatri Prakitnonthakarn, a conservationist who teaches history of Thai architecture at Silpakorn University . The Bang Khen District chief claimed he knew nothing about the removal. He said the monument was in an area governed by the state railway, which was building an elevated railway nearby. No one at the agencies involved in

2808-460: Is often regarded as another royalist attempt to undermine the People's Party and its revolutionary government, because major participants had relations with royal family. The rebels' chief motive declared in an ultimatum was their concern that Phahon and Pridi had "encouraged the people to despise the King Prajadhipok..." Others have argued that it was not only an organized royalist rebellion, but

2925-536: The chatusadom system, and the rank of phra was added to the previously used khun and nai , in order to accommodate the expanding machinery of government. (The ranks luang and okya were further introduced during the mid- and late-16th century, respectively.) The sakdina system, which assigned a numeral rank representing the amount of land one was entitled to own, was also officially described. Nobles were not directly remunerated for their service, but enjoyed earnings and benefits derived from their office and

3042-456: The abolition of absolute monarchy in 1932. Thai noble titles comprise a rank and a title, which denote the holder's post or office. Unlike in European aristocracies, Thai noble titles were not inherited, but individually granted based on personal merit. Nevertheless, familial influence was substantial, and some families were able to accumulate large amounts of wealth and power, especially during

3159-456: The head of government assume dictatorial powers. A soft coup , sometimes referred to as a silent coup or a bloodless coup , is an illegal overthrow of a government, but unlike a regular coup d'état it is achieved without the use of force or violence. A palace coup or palace revolution is a coup in which one faction within the ruling group displaces another faction within a ruling group. Along with popular protests, palace coups are

3276-420: The paramilitary faction led by Ernst Röhm , but Nazi propaganda justified it as preventing a supposed putsch planned or attempted by Röhm. The Nazi term Röhm-Putsch is still used by Germans to describe the event, often with quotation marks as the 'so-called Röhm Putsch'. The 1961 Algiers putsch and the 1991 August Putsch also use the term. The 2023 Wagner Group rebellion has also been described as

3393-444: The rents that an incumbent can extract . One reason why authoritarian governments tend to have incompetent militaries is that authoritarian regimes fear that their military will stage a coup or allow a domestic uprising to proceed uninterrupted – as a consequence, authoritarian rulers have incentives to place incompetent loyalists in key positions in the military. A 2016 study shows that the implementation of succession rules reduce

3510-419: The 17th to 19th centuries. While the use of noble rank and title words are found in the documents of many early Tai city states including Sukhothai , the earliest extensive descriptions are from the administrative reforms introduced in 1448 by King Borommatrailokanat of Ayutthaya, which by then had become the dominant polity in the region. The reforms established official titles for high-ranking ministers of

3627-456: The 1932 coup makers, to command the Bangkok forces and put down the rebellion. On 13 October, Phibun launched a counterattack. He directed an artillery bombardment of rebel positions. Phibun's artillery was better supplied than the rebel forces. The government was supported in non-combat roles by Boy Scouts, students, and labourers. For the next three days the two opposing parties shelled each other, causing many casualties and great damage. Artillery

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3744-429: The 20th century study found that coup frequency does not vary with development levels, economic inequality , or the rate of economic growth. In what is referred to as "coup-proofing", regimes create structures that make it hard for any small group to seize power. These coup-proofing strategies may include the strategic placing of family, ethnic, and religious groups in the military; creation of an armed force parallel to

3861-588: The Americas (36.5% and 31.9%, respectively). Asia and the Middle East have experienced 13.1% and 15.8% of total global coups, respectively. Europe has experienced by far the fewest coup attempts: 2.6%." Most coup attempts occurred in the mid-1960s, but there were also large numbers of coup attempts in the mid-1970s and the early 1990s. From 1950 to 2010, a majority of coups failed in the Middle East and Latin America. They had

3978-494: The Boworadet rebellion. The army's statement included this: "The heroic deeds and sacrifice of Prince Boworadet and Phraya Si Sitthisongkhram deserved to be recognized as protectors of the monarchy institution and an attempt to ensure that Thailand has a truly democratic system." The army's view was that the People's Party was not only anti-democratic, but wanted to overthrow the monarch. The army's ceremony came two and half years after

4095-611: The Coup d'etat Project by the Cline Center, the Colpus coup dataset, and the Coups and Agency Mechanism dataset. A 2023 study argued that major coup datasets tend to over-rely on international news sources to gather their information, potentially biasing the types of events included. Its findings show that while such a strategy is sufficient for gathering information on successful and failed coups, attempts to gather data on coup plots and rumors require

4212-515: The King. The latter was the case especially from the late 19th century, as the proliferation of officials necessitated the creation of a large number of titles. Nobles would be known almost exclusively by their current title. Historical references to holders of shared titles conventionally include the person's birth name in parentheses, e.g. Chao Phraya Chakri (Mut) , who was chief minister under King Taksin . The ranks, in descending order, are: Some of

4329-506: The Phahon government and replace it with a more traditional one. Another prominent counter-revolutionary leader was Phraya Si Sitthisongkhram , a former close friend of Phaya Phohon and Phaya Song. He received his military education in Germany. Like Prince Boworadet, he also refused to join the 1932 revolution, but he anticipated his revolutionary friends would appoint him to an important position in

4446-714: The Skytrain extension—the Bangkok Metropolitan Administration (BMA), Bangkok Mass Transit Authority (BMTA), the Culture Ministry's Fine Arts Department , or the Transport Ministry's (MOT) Department of Highways—has claimed to know what happened to the monument in spite of soldiers being on hand to guard the removal. The removal marks the second time in two years that a monument in Thailand has been removed in secret and without explanation. In April 2017,

4563-412: The above factors are connected to military culture and power dynamics. These factors can be divided into multiple categories, with two of these categories being a threat to military interests and support for military interests. If interests go in either direction, the military will find itself either capitalizing off that power or attempting to gain it back. Oftentimes, military spending is an indicator of

4680-421: The approaching pro-rebel soldiers. His intention was to remain a free agent and to strengthen his hand as an impartial party to whom both sides could look for a solution. Baston suggests that Boworadet fell out with the king after his resignation. Other evidence counters this speculation. The prince remained on the best of terms with Prajadhipok who gave him a new house a few months after his resignation. Following

4797-625: The area around Bang Khen . The rebels consisting of the Korat , Phetchaburi , and Udon Regiments, together with a cavalry unit and several artillery batteries set up a stronghold near the Lak Si train station , using machine guns and cavalry. They called themselves the "National Salvation Group" ( Thai: คณะกู้บ้านเมือง; RTGS: Khana Ku Ban Mueang) and their attempt the "Siege Deer Plan" ( Thai: แผนล้อมกวาง; RTGS: Phaen Lom Kwang). Boworadet probably hoped that at least some Bangkok army units would join him and

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4914-418: The army to rebel. He soon took complete control of Korat and got positive responses from other provinces. The central government had sensed the political storms in the provinces, but was trapped by the antagonistic elements in Bangkok. Bangkok started military preparations for the upcoming insurrection. Businesses and organizations offered money and volunteer services to help the defense. On 11 October 1933, under

5031-424: The authors argue that this is because "personalists are characterized by weak institutions and narrow support bases, a lack of unifying ideologies and informal links to the ruler". In their 2022 book Revolution and Dictatorship: The Violent Origins of Durable Authoritarianism , political scientists Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way found that political-military fusion, where the ruling party is highly interlinked with

5148-413: The besiegers dropped leaflets on the city from aeroplanes, accusing the People's Party of restraining the king. Major Luang Seri Somroeng Rit ( Thai: พันตรีหลวงเสรีเริงฤทธิ์) was appointed (under truce) to ask the rebels to surrender, under a government offer of amnesty . He was seized and made a hostage. Faced with the prospect of a full-scale battle to remove the existing leadership, Boworadet adopted

5265-522: The cabinet. Mano took advantage of conflicts in the People's Party to win the support of those opposed to reform in the executive. After securing King Prajadhipok's signature on a decree, he carried out a silent coup to dissolve the National Assembly on 1 April 1933, and used emergency decrees (such as the Anti-Communist Act) to govern. Pridi was immediately exiled to France . On 20 June 1933,

5382-501: The contextualized idea of a 'knockout blow to the existing administration within a state'. One early use within text translated from French was in 1785 in a printed translation of a letter from a French merchant, commenting on an arbitrary decree, or arrêt , issued by the French king restricting the import of British wool. What may be its first published use within a text composed in English

5499-505: The country and find asylum in French Indo-China . Most of the rebel forces surrendered and were granted amnesty except for important rebel leaders. Twenty-three had been killed in action. The People's Party arrested the stragglers and eventually jailed 230 people including Boworadet's younger brother, Prince Sinthiphorn Kadakorn ( Thai: หม่อมเจ้าสิทธิพร กฤดากร). Two retired senior military officers were tried and executed. A royal prince

5616-489: The coup attempt will be successful. The number of successful coups has decreased over time. Failed coups in authoritarian systems are likely to strengthen the power of the authoritarian ruler. The cumulative number of coups is a strong predictor of future coups, a phenomenon referred to as the "coup trap". In what is referred to as "coup-proofing", regimes create structures that make it hard for any small group to seize power. These coup-proofing strategies may include

5733-609: The coup trap and reduces cycles of political instability. Hybrid regimes are more vulnerable to coups than very authoritarian states or democratic states. A 2021 study found that democratic regimes were not substantially more likely to experience coups. A 2015 study finds that terrorism is strongly associated with re-shuffling coups. A 2016 study finds that there is an ethnic component to coups: "When leaders attempt to build ethnic armies, or dismantle those created by their predecessors, they provoke violent resistance from military officers." Another 2016 study shows that protests increase

5850-483: The determining factor for promotions. Several noble families gained much power and influence during the late Ayutthaya period, and even more so during early Rattanakosin; some, such as the Bunnags , effectively became as powerful as the monarchy. King Chulalongkorn (Rama V, r. 1868–1910) introduced reforms that ended the system that allowed nobles to command manpower, and transformed titled nobles into paid officials under

5967-446: The estrangement of aristocratic factions and families, who had served the kingdom for centuries. They were viewed by the government with distrust and were slow to regain their former power and position in Thai politics. The Promoters had crushed the counter-revolution at the expense of the revolution's democratic potential. The Promoters relied on a host of non-democratic measures to stave off

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6084-417: The government to deal with the rebellion. His failure to support the constitutional government undermined his credibility and his perceived commitment to democracy and the constitutional system. This allowed Phahon and the king's opponents to claim that the monarch had failed to do his duty. A series of events following the rebellion eventually leading to the king's abdication in 1935. The rebellion also led to

6201-415: The government's request to return to Bangkok, he offered five times to end the armed struggle, but all were met with silence from the government. It was evident that the Phahon government was in no mood to accept any role offered by the monarch as long as the king refused to return to the capital and support the government. The king's explanation for his escape to the south was that he tried to evade capture by

6318-456: The government, which was the most effective way to attack rivals. He also built up his political constituency in the armed forces. He replaced Phahon as prime minister from 1938 to 1944, the de facto dictator of Thailand. He served again from 1948 to 1957. He remains the longest serving prime minister in Thai history. The Constitution Defense Monument ( Thai : อนุสาวรีย์พิทักษ์รัฐธรรมนูญ ; RTGS :  anusawari phithak rat thammanum )

6435-433: The government. The second ultimatum presented the following demands: With the situation turning in the government's favor, the government was unwilling to compromise with the insurgents. Phahon, in a radio speech, revealed the king's telegram expressing his regret for the rebels' action to appeal for popular support, which got a warm response. The government appointed Lieutenant Colonel Plaek Pibulsonggram (Phibun), one of

6552-557: The highest members of the royal family including Princes Boriphat and Purachatra . Nonetheless, before the 1932 revolution, he had been in contact with the Promoters and had been considered as a possible leader of the plot against the absolute monarchy. Benjamin Baston indicates that the king did not enjoy a good relationship with Prince Boworadet as he was suspected of participating in overthrowing King Prajadhipok's regime. Some scholars listed

6669-409: The importance of the city. Each city had its associated noble title, e.g. Surasi for Phitsanulok , Surinluechai for Phetchaburi , Wichitphakdi for Chaiya , Aphaiphubet for Phra Tabong ( Battambang ), etc. Coup d%27%C3%A9tat A coup d'état ( / ˌ k uː d eɪ ˈ t ɑː / ; French: [ku deta] ; lit.   ' stroke of state ' ), or simply

6786-447: The king and other princes, it is hard to deny the royalist credentials of some of Boworadet's lieutenants. Both sides justified their military actions by vowing their loyalty to the king, as the rebels alleged that the government "disrespected" the king and the government declared that their resistance was to protect the king. Although the king declared neutrality, he did not return to Bangkok as Phraya Phahon requested. Instead he escaped to

6903-491: The king would show his preference by remaining strictly neutral and non-committal. The rebels aimed to bring nine upcountry garrisons to besiege the city, but only three moved to the city's northern outskirts while the others hesitated or were repelled by pro-government garrisons. Boworadet tried to persuade other forces to join him, including the Royal Thai Navy , which instead declared itself neutral. The commander-in-chief of

7020-418: The king's departure from Klai Kangwon Palace to the south as Prajadhipok awaiting news of success in the south according to the plan. The special court of 1939 accused royalists of trying to assassinate the People's Party leadership. Memoirs of His Majesty's secret agent uncovered an attempt to assassinate the leader of the People's Party by snipers hired by royalists prior to the start of the rebellion. Rebellion

7137-450: The king's letter to the British officials Sir R. Holland and Baxter as evidence that the king had foreseen the rebellion ahead. However, more details about the letter provided by historian Kobkua Suwannathat-Pian showed that the king had been well aware that the rebellion would not galvanize the people. If he really had been so sensible before the rebellion, it would less possible for him to lead

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7254-452: The king's role in the rebellion other than mention the neutral standpoint he took at the beginning of the rebellion and the regret he expressed when the rebellion was quelled. Others took a more sympathetic view of King Prajadhipok's predicament during the rebellion. Boworadet's motives remain obscure even though the rebellion was generally regarded as royalist and reactionary. Boworadet was regarded as having strained relations with several of

7371-486: The leadership of Prince Boworadet, a full-scale rebellion broke out at the provincial garrison in Korat. The garrisons of Nakhon Ratchasima , Ubon Ratchathani , Prachinburi , Saraburi , Ayutthaya, Nakhon Sawan , and Phetburi , one after another, declared themselves in favor of the rebellion against the Bangkok government. They issued their first ultimatum calling on the government to resign immediately or be removed by force on

7488-419: The likelihood of a coup taking place. Nordvik found that about 75% of coups that took place in many different countries rooted from military spending and oil windfalls. The accumulation of previous coups is a strong predictor of future coups, a phenomenon called the coup trap . A 2014 study of 18 Latin American countries found that the establishment of open political competition helps bring countries out of

7605-435: The likelihood of coups. A fifth 2016 study finds no evidence that coups are contagious; one coup in a region does not make other coups in the region likely to follow. One study found that coups are more likely to occur in states with small populations, as there are smaller coordination problems for coup-plotters. In autocracies, the frequency of coups seems to be affected by the succession rules in place, with monarchies with

7722-427: The mid-1970s and the early 1990s. Coups occurring in the post- Cold War period have been more likely to result in democratic systems than Cold War coups, though coups still mostly perpetuate authoritarianism . Many factors may lead to the occurrence of a coup, as well as determine the success or failure of a coup. Once a coup is underway, coup success is driven by coup-makers' ability to get others to believe that

7839-596: The military and created the administrative structures of the military from its inception, is extremely effective at preventing military coups. For example, the People's Liberation Army was created by the Chinese Communist Party during the Chinese Civil War , and never instigated a military coup even after large-scale policy failures (i.e. the Great Leap Forward ) or the extreme political instability of

7956-400: The military more likely. A 2018 study found that "oil price shocks are seen to promote coups in onshore-intensive oil countries, while preventing them in offshore-intensive oil countries". The study argues that states which have onshore oil wealth tend to build up their military to protect the oil, whereas states do not do that for offshore oil wealth. A 2020 study found that elections had

8073-656: The mysterious removal of a monument commemorating the defeat of the Boworadet rebellion in the Lak Si area of Bangkok. (1936-10-31 Khon Kaen (Khon Kaen): About 50 Vietnamese communists peacefully protested against the arrest of 11 Vietnamese communists in a secret meeting. The government brutally suppressed the demonstration, resulting in 2 deaths and 10 injuries. 193 Vietnamese, 1 Laotian, and 7 Thais were arrested) Monarchy of Thailand Regents of Thailand Prime Ministers of Thailand Military Others Institutions Key events Phraya The Thai nobility

8190-460: The navy withdrew his battleships from the capital and sailed to ports in the south. The rapid advance of the rebel army, the seizure of Don Mueang airport , and the withdrawal of the navy struck panic into the government. Even more discouraging was the fact that in the face of the royalist counter-revolution, the Promoters themselves were not unified. Some members of Colonel Phraya Songsuradet 's senior military clique showed their reluctance to fight

8307-579: The new regime as his educational background and stature among army officers would help the Promoters in strengthening the revolution. Much to his disappointment, he only got a minor position in the Ministry of Education . Later, he was appointed to the State Council and to replace Phya Song as the Directory of Military Operations after the four military leaders were expelled by the coup carried out by Mano. However,

8424-656: The noble posts and titles include: The samuhanayok was head of the Mahatthai . During the Ayutthaya period, office-holders took the title Chakri , with the rank of phraya . The rank was increased to chaophraya during Thonburi, and in Rattanakosin individualized titles were granted to each appointee. According to the Three Seals Law , the samuhanayok had a sakdina of 10,000. ( List of samuhanayok ) The samuhakalahom

8541-509: The occurrence of coup attempts. Succession rules are believed to hamper coordination efforts among coup plotters by assuaging elites who have more to gain by patience than by plotting. According to political scientists Curtis Bell and Jonathan Powell, coup attempts in neighbouring countries lead to greater coup-proofing and coup-related repression in a region. A 2017 study finds that countries' coup-proofing strategies are heavily influenced by other countries with similar histories. Coup-proofing

8658-572: The overthrow of the absolute monarchy, Boworadet regularly spent time in the company of the king. They happened to be together when the second coup happened and when Phibun issued his circular. More evidence was the king's letter to Baxter, his former adviser in England, at the beginning of August. He made it clear that for any action against the government to be "effective", he would have to "retire to some safe place and await events". The king and queen's scheduled departure from their Hua Hin palace on 5 October

8775-413: The penal code of the time required written royal consent before executions could take place, the king delayed signing death warrants, thus preventing executions from taking place. A more middle analysis of the evidence is provided by political scientist Federico Ferrara. Ferrara pointed out the king's ambiguous behavior and some disputed explanations. Even though Boworadet had a difficult relationship with

8892-466: The plan to change the government. Because of the prince's reluctance to use force to overthrow the government, the Promoters carried out the revolution without the prince's participation. He then expected Phahon to invite him to be prime minister. Pridi rejected Phahon's recommendation and named Mano as prime minister instead of the prince. Boworadet was then at odds with the Promoters. An ardent royalist, he

9009-683: The political-military actions of an unsuccessful minority reactionary coup. The term was initially coined for the Züriputsch of 6 September 1839 in Switzerland. It was also used for attempted coups in Weimar Germany , such as the 1920 Kapp Putsch , Küstrin Putsch , and Adolf Hitler 's 1923 Beer Hall Putsch . The 1934 Night of the Long Knives was Hitler's purge to eliminate opponents, particularly

9126-568: The rank of chaophraya . The head of the Krom Wang was titled Thammathikon after the department, or Thammathikoranathibodi . Most heads of the Krom Phra Khlang took the rank and title Chaophraya Phra Khlang , while during Ayutthaya period the title was also called Kosathibodi . The heads of Krom Na or Kasettrathikan had the rank and title Chaophraya Phonlathep . Governorships were major noble positions, with several types of posts depending on

9243-501: The rank system. While the decree abolishing titles was repealed by the Khuang Aphaiwong government two years later, allowing previously held titles to be reinstated, the granting of noble titles never resumed after 1932. Thai noble titles comprise a rank ( บรรดาศักดิ์ , bandasak ) and a title ( ราชทินนาม , ratchathinnanam ), which denote the holder's post or office ( ตำแหน่ง , tamnaeng ). For example, Chaophraya Chakri

9360-400: The reasons for the turmoil. The accusations casting him as a communist, the divisions of the People's Party, and the first coup along with the rebellion diminished his power. The liberal and socialist civilian faction was weakened. Phahon's supporters won a clear mandate in the national elections and built a single-minded government party. The rebellion was the beginning of the meteoric rise of

9477-572: The rebel base in Nakhon Ratchasima . By the end of the October, the rebellion finally wound down in the provinces with the possibility of further reinforcement by other provincial garrisons. On 23 October, government forces defeated rebel forces at Hin Lap . Boworadet's second-in-command, Sri Sitthi Songkram, died in the battle. By the end of October 1933, rebel remnants dispersed, and the royalist rebellion

9594-427: The rebellion, the result was a blow to royalist and conservative power, as the rebels had claimed to be fighting in his name. His prestige was diminished, and his power weakened. The king's perceived lack of leadership and indecisiveness was demonstrated when he released a telegram saying that he regretted the strife and civil disturbances of the rebellion. The king and queen then left the capital for Songkhla , leaving

9711-479: The rebellion, the royalist propaganda published articles in Bangkok media attacking the People's Party to rally the public's support for the rebellion. Before the rebellion broke out, King Prajadhipok began to strengthen the guard of Klai Kangwon Palace in Hua Hin by ordering machine guns and reinforcement troops where he resided after the 1932 revolution. He also prepared an emergency escape route. Nattapoll interpreted

9828-421: The rebellion. There were two movements, one within and one outside Bangkok. The former was a representative of the genuine discontent with the People's Party and would therefore have won, had it not been hampered by the latter led by Prince Boworadet, 'No movement' emphasized the king, 'which had for its apparent object the restoration of the old regime could possibly succeed. Even though King Prajadhipok declined

9945-420: The rebels sent an empty locomotive down the track at high speed to collide with a government troop train. The resulting crash killed a number of government soldiers and gave the rebels time to reach their base in Korat. The government, with superior forces and artillery moved in by rail, attacked the rebel stronghold. Running out of ammunition and supplies, the rebels broke. Government forces pursued and advanced to

10062-499: The rebels' morale, and on 14 October they began to retreat. On 16 October, government forces recaptured Don Mueang Airport on the outskirts of the city and drove the rebel troops back along the northeastern railway line. Much destruction was done to the infrastructure of Bangkok (railways and bridges) and the surrounding area, including the Don Mueang Aerodrome , from artillery bombardment, bombing, and fire. Desperate to escape,

10179-402: The rebels, and Songsuradet and Colonel Phra Prasas themselves left the country a few days before the rebellion and refused to return. For thirty hours Phahon tried to negotiate a peaceful resolution. Neither side wanted a shooting war, and most of the salvoes were propaganda. The People's Party put out radio broadcasts and leaflets damning the Boworadet forces as "rebels" and "bandits". In reply,

10296-440: The regular military; and development of multiple internal security agencies with overlapping jurisdiction that constantly monitor one another. It may also involve frequent salary hikes and promotions for members of the military, and the deliberate use of diverse bureaucrats. Research shows that some coup-proofing strategies reduce the risk of coups occurring. However, coup-proofing reduces military effectiveness, and limits

10413-491: The revolution when a group of revolutionaries attempted to arrest him. As early as January 1933, he had tried to form an opposition, royalist party, the National Party. He harbored strong animosity against the promoters of the revolution, and he subsequently became a counter-revolutionary leader whose task was to incite the troops in the northern provinces. Early in October 1933, Prince Boworadet appeared in Korat to mobilize

10530-401: The revolutionaries. According to him, the Boworadet rebellion received the full support of King Prajadhipok and the royalists and was plotted by them. Prince Boworadet was asked to be the commander of the rebel armies. King Prajadhipok made a personal donation of 200,000 baht, and mandated the combined army infantry units from the northeast should be the rebels' principal troops. Two months before

10647-401: The risk of coups, presumably because they ease coordination obstacles among coup plotters and make international actors less likely to punish coup leaders. A third 2016 study finds that coups become more likely in the wake of elections in autocracies when the results reveal electoral weakness for the incumbent autocrat. A fourth 2016 study finds that inequality between social classes increases

10764-459: The royal house received the letter, including Prince Boworadet, who was in Hua Hin with the king at that time. The combined catalysts of the warning and Pridi's return stirred Prince Boworadet to seek revenge on the Promoters. Prince Boworadet plotted with Colonel Phraya Sri Sitthi Songkhram ( Thai: พระยาศรีสิทธิ์สงคราม), the commander of the military in Bangkok, to stage a coup d'état to unseat

10881-523: The royalist challenge to the constitutional regime and in the immediate aftermath placed Siam on a track to military dictatorship. The government could then arrest dissents using the excuse of their involvement in conspiracies against the government. The press was controlled and the "Act to Protect the Constitution" criminalised public expressions of disrespect for the constitution or the constitutional regime. Pridi and his economic plan might have been one of

10998-545: The same day. The government in Bangkok refused to comply with their demands. The first clash occurred on 11 October 1933 in Pak Chong District , in Nakhon Ratchasima Province . Government forces were defeated and several members of the government were captured. On 12 October, troops from the northeast of the country marched on Bangkok, seized Don Mueang Aerodrome , and entered the northern suburbs, occupied

11115-524: The second coup soon took over Mano government, and Phaya Srisith subsequently became the bitter enemy of the new government. In the rebellion, he was assigned as Borowadet's deputy and given the task of inciting the Ayutthaya garrison. A member of the royal family who had commanded the First Army Corps before the revolution, Sena Songgram was the only high-ranking officer who lost power on the first day of

11232-490: The south. King Prajadhipok and the queen moved to Songkhla , near the Malaysian border. The move prompted many interpretations. Some thought it was to escape seizure by either side. A foreign observer provided various explanations: Some said he had gone further south to raise support for Bavoradej [Boworadet]. Others said that he had fled south for fear of being taken into custody by the revolutionary [government] party and held as

11349-400: The strategic placing of family, ethnic, and religious groups in the military and the fragmenting of military and security agencies. However, coup-proofing reduces military effectiveness as loyalty is prioritized over experience when filling key positions within the military. The term comes from French coup d'État , literally meaning a 'stroke of state' or 'blow of state'. In French,

11466-431: The support of the throne would ensure quick success for its side, thus there would be no bloodshed or misinterpretation of the king's will. According to Kobkua Suwannathat-Pian, the king could have played a more positive and effective role in helping to end the conflict. His indecisiveness and passivity throughout the crisis were blamed for the large number of casualties. Shortly thereafter, the king's private secretary issued

11583-457: The top, is a form of coup d'état in which a political leader, having come to power through legal means, stays in power through illegal means through the actions of themselves and/or their supporters. The leader may dissolve or render powerless the national legislature and unlawfully assume extraordinary powers not granted under normal circumstances. Other measures may include annulling the nation's constitution , suspending civil courts, and having

11700-656: The various murders by Napoleon's alleged secret police , the Gens d'Armes d'Elite , who executed the Duke of Enghien : "the actors in torture, the distributors of the poisoning draughts, and the secret executioners of those unfortunate individuals or families, whom Bonaparte's measures of safety require to remove. In what revolutionary tyrants call grand[s] coups d'état , as butchering, or poisoning, or drowning, en masse, they are exclusively employed." A self-coup , also called an autocoup (from Spanish autogolpe ) or coup from

11817-410: The war's duration. A 2003 review of the academic literature found that the following factors influenced coups: The literature review in a 2016 study includes mentions of ethnic factionalism, supportive foreign governments, leader inexperience, slow growth, commodity price shocks, and poverty. Coups have been found to appear in environments that are heavily influenced by military powers. Multiple of

11934-410: The word État ( French: [eta] ) is capitalized when it denotes a sovereign political entity. Although the concept of a coup d'état has featured in politics since antiquity, the phrase is of relatively recent coinage. It did not appear within an English text before the 19th century except when used in the translation of a French source, there being no simple phrase in English to convey

12051-510: The work of commoners ( phrai ) under their command. Unlike in European aristocracies, Thai noble titles were not inherited, but individually granted by the king or his ministers based on personal merit. Noble families could, however, present their sons to the royal household, placing them at an advantage to succeeding in those positions. This practice became especially influential from the 17th century, when war subsided and commerce flourished, leading personal patronage to displace martial ability as

12168-570: The year after the coup than existed in the year before the coup. One-third of coups in dictatorships during the Cold War and 10% of later ones reshuffled the regime leadership. Democracies were installed in the wake of 12% of Cold War coups in dictatorships and 40% of post-Cold War ones. Coups occurring in the post- Cold War period have been more likely to result in democratic systems than Cold War coups, though coups still mostly perpetuate authoritarianism . Coups that occur during civil wars shorten

12285-493: Was a plan to arrange and provide state welfare , to distribute all land to the rural poor, to intervene in private sector economic affairs, and to provide farmers more economic subsidies . These concepts were deemed communistic (or at least socialistic) by Prajadhipok. This led Thawan Ritthidet ( Thai: ถวัลย์ ฤทธิเดช), a private citizen, to file a lawsuit against the king, accusing him of intervention in political, state, and economic affairs. The fallout over Pridi's plan divided

12402-570: Was a social class comprising titled officials ( khunnang , Thai : ขุนนาง ) in the service of the monarchy . They formed part of a hierarchical social system which developed from the time of the Ayutthaya Kingdom (14th century – 1767), through the Thonburi (1767–1782) and early Rattanakosin (1782 onwards) periods. Reforms by King Chulalongkorn ended the system around the end of the 19th century, though noble titles continued to be granted until

12519-563: Was appointed prime minister. He later showed royalist tendencies. In March 1933, Pridi Banomyong , a Minister of State and a member of the People's Party , was attacked verbally by the constitutional monarch King Prajadhipok (King Rama VII) as a communist following Pridi's submission of the Draft National Economic Development Plan, or the "Yellow Cover Dossier", to the National Assembly . The Yellow Dossier

12636-525: Was augmented by an armoured car and a tank force commanded by Phibun's friend, Lieutenant Colonel 'Luang Amnuai Songkhram (Thom Kesakomon) ( Thai: หลวงอำนวยสงคราม (ถม เกษะโกมล)), who would later be killed in combat. The government was able to drive back the rebels with the help of the Nakhon Sawan Regiment and a declaration of the Prachinburi Regiment in support of the government. This broke

12753-577: Was erected in 1936 to commemorate the newly established constitutional democracy after Prince Boworadet's failed revolt. It was placed in the middle of Ramintra junction. In 2016 the monument was moved to Bang Khen District 's Lak Si Circle as it had stood purportedly in the path of construction of the Sukhumvit Line of the BTS Skytrain . On 27 December 2018, the monument was removed without notice or explanation by persons unknown. "We don't know where it

12870-409: Was furious that anyone was allowed to sue the king. This added to his displeasure at Phahon's coup against Manopakorn and Phahon's support of Pridi against the monarch. At the end of July, Phibun and Supha sent a circular to a number of prominent individuals warning them to "exercise peace of mind", otherwise the "party will be forced to bring stringent measures to bear on you." A number of members of

12987-502: Was head of the Kalahom . Like the samuhanayok , the post had a sakdina of 10,000. Most of office-holders were titled Chaophraya Mahasena well into the Rattanakosin period. ( List of samuhakalahom ) Four ministers headed the four government departments of the chatusadom . By the Rattanakosin period, the head of the Krom Mueang or Nakhonban were titled Yommarat , with most having

13104-456: Was headed by King Prajadhipok. The rebellion accused Pridi of communism and proclaimed that its armed struggle against the government was intended to establish real democracy in Siam. The government saw the rebellion as fueled by Boworadet's personal ambitions. The Special Court's "Decision on the Insurrection" noted that Prince Boworadet had once consulted General Phahon and Phaya Srisith about

13221-425: Was not the only method they used to undermine the government, but it was the last resort. Once in England, the king began negotiations with the government. He objected to the government's treatment of the Boworadet rebels. He made four demands on the government. One of them was amnesty for those imprisoned for political offenses. Were the demand not met, he threatened to abdicate. The government rejected his demand. As

13338-460: Was over. The government broadcast a radio appeal to rebel troops to surrender and offered a ten thousand baht reward for the capture of Boworadet. On 25 October Boworadet and his wife boarded an aeroplane and left Siam for Vietnam , (then part of French Indochina ). When the news of his escape was known, Phya Sena Songgram and other important leaders, now approaching Burirum Province, became disheartened and fled. Twenty-two officers managed to flee

13455-480: Was postponed indefinitely. Even though no concrete conclusion of the king's involvement can be made from these indications, suspicions were raised that the king was informed of the timetable of the rebellion. Another revisionist view provided by political scientist Nattapoll Chaiching is that Prajadhipok was the head of the anti-government conspiracy. Based on a report of the special court of 1939 and eyewitness's memoirs, Nattapoll argues that King Prajadhipok established

13572-549: Was sentenced to life imprisonment. These later were sentenced to death, but later all the sentences were commuted, and no executions took place. Most sentences were later reduced and many were pardoned. Boworadet sought asylum in Cambodia , where he lived until 1948. He then returned home to Thailand, dying in 1953 at the age of 76. King Prajadhipok's role in the Boworadet Rebellion is controversial. Some historians do not note

13689-418: Was the full title of the samuhanayok , one of the king's two chief ministers. Chaophraya was the highest rank of the nobility, and Chakri was the title associated with the post. The titleholder would also have received a numerical rank under the sakdina system. Most major titles were tied to the post, and shared by successive holders, while others could be created specifically for a singular person by

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