Condorcet methods
126-677: The congress was the highest forum of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY), the ruling party of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia . It assessed the activities of the LCY organs elected at the last congress and adopted, amended and supplemented the statute and programme . The party programme discussed important issues in Yugoslavia's socialist development and the country's international affairs . The congress assessed, decided on
252-573: A candidate-based PR system, has only rarely been used to elect more than 21 in a single contest. Some PR systems use at-large pooling or regional pooling in conjunction with single-member districts (such as the New Zealand MMP and the Scottish additional member system ). Other PR systems use at-large pooling in conjunction with multi-member districts ( Scandinavian countries ). Pooling is used to allocate leveling seats (top-up) to compensate for
378-639: A federalisation of the state, while the others pushed for limited regional autonomy only. The leftists prevailed at the January 1924 Third Land Conference held covertly in Belgrade where the KPJ proclaimed the right of each nation to secede and form its national state. In June, the Comintern instructed the KPJ that self-determination should take shape of independent Slovenian, Croatian, and Macedonian republics. The stance taken by
504-471: A few list-PR systems). A country-wide pooling of votes to elect more than a hundred members is used in Angola, for example. Where PR is desired at the municipal level, a city-wide at-large districting is sometimes used, to allow as large a district magnitude as possible. For large districts, party-list PR is often used, but even when list PR is used, districts sometimes contain fewer than 40 or 50 members. STV,
630-547: A makeshift KPJ training school as the prison allowed grouping of political prisoners. On instructions from the Comintern, non- Serb members of the KPJ were to advocate breakup of Yugoslavia as a construct of the Western Powers. However at the time, most of their efforts were invested in struggle against the JSDS and debating revolutionary merits of literature written by Miroslav Krleža . By 1932, membership dwindled to less than 500,
756-475: A number of seats roughly based on its population size (see degressive proportionality ) and in each member state, the election must also be held using a PR system (with proportional results based on vote share). The most widely used families of PR electoral systems are party-list PR, used in 85 countries; mixed-member PR (MMP), used in 7 countries; and the single transferable vote (STV), used in Ireland, Malta,
882-663: A political confrontation with the USSR. The clash culminated in the Tito–Stalin split and the KPJ was expelled from the Cominform in 1948. For political reasons, the rift was presented as ideological rather than geopolitical one. The KPJ initially reacted to Stalin's criticism by adopting corrective measures in the field of collectivisation described as more Stalinist than those employed by Stalin himself. The KPJ saw purges of real or perceived Stalin supporters and other political opponents of
1008-450: A proposed composition list for these organs rather than on individual candidates. Initially, there was a surplus of nominees to the number of seats up for election. The CVEO was empowered to propose one unified list, which meant that nominees who did not make the list were excluded from public vote. Congress delegates had the right to challenge individuals on the CVEO's list, and if that occurred,
1134-487: A result of protest votes against the regime on account of past or expected actions coming from unemployed urban voters and from voters in regions having no other attractive national or regional opposition parties found in the Slovene lands, Croatia-Slavonia , and Bosnia and Herzegovina. In light of difficult economic and social circumstances, the regime viewed the KPJ as the main threat to the system of government. In response to
1260-593: A special-purpose prison camp built on the uninhabited Adriatic islands of Goli Otok and Sveti Grgur in 1949. In view of the circumstances and the ideological aspect of the Yugoslav–Soviet split, the KPJ found it necessary to differentiate the Yugoslav political system from the Soviet one. Since the KPJ labelled the USSR undemocratic, it was necessary to devise and highlight KPJ's innovative approach to communist rule. This
1386-697: A waiting tactic. In February 1942, the KPH leadership under Hebrang saw this as an opportunity for the Croatian Partisans to wrest the position of the central patriotic force among Croats from the HSS. In effect, Hebrang thus pursued a policy close to the wartime Soviet coalitionist views, supporting a certain level of involvement of the former members of the HSS, and the Independent Democratic Party , as well as representatives of associations and trade unions in
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#17328551123881512-504: Is allocated seats based on its party share. Some party-list PR systems use overall country-wide vote counts; others count vote shares in separate parts of the country and allocate seats in each part according to that specific vote count. Some use both. List PR involves parties in the election process. Voters do not primarily vote for candidates (persons), but for electoral lists (or party lists ), which are lists of candidates that parties put forward. The mechanism that allocates seats to
1638-420: Is also randomness – a party that receives more votes than another party might not win more seats than the other. Any such dis-proportionality produced by the district elections is addressed, where possible, by the allocation of the compensatory additional members. (Number of districts won) (party-list PR seats) under MMP MMP gives only as many compensatory seats to a party as they need to have
1764-419: Is described here. The mixed-member proportional system combines single member plurality voting (SMP), also known as first-past-the-post (FPTP), with party-list PR in a way that the overall result of the election is supposed to be proportional. The voter may vote for a district candidate as well as a party. The main idea behind MMP is compensation , meaning that the list-PR seat allocation is not independent of
1890-456: Is more complicated than first-past-the-post voting , but the following example shows how the vote count is performed and how proportionality is achieved in a district with 3 seats. In reality, districts usually elect more members than that in order to achieve more proportional results. A risk is that if the number of seats is larger than, for example, 10 seats, the ballot will be so large as to be inconvenient and voters may find it difficult to rank
2016-542: Is no need for a single office (e.g. a president, or mayor) to be elected proportionately if no votes are for parties (subgroups). In the European Parliament , for instance, each member state has a number of seats that is (roughly) proportional to its population, enabling geographical proportional representation. For these elections, all European Union (EU) countries also must use a proportional electoral system (enabling political proportional representation): When n % of
2142-484: Is not considered to make an electoral system "proportional" the way the term is usually used. For example, the US House of Representatives has 435 members, who each represent a roughly equal number of people; each state is allocated a number of members in accordance with its population size (aside from a minimum single seat that even the smallest state receives), thus producing equal representation by population. But members of
2268-580: Is used with 5-member districts, it is common for successful candidates to receive 16.6 percent of the vote in the district. This produces a high effective threshold in the districts, and the country maintains a very strong two-party system. However, about 4000 voters in a district would be enough to elect a third-party candidate if voters desired but this seldom happens. Conversely, New South Wales, which uses STV to elect its legislative council in 21-seat contests, sees election of representatives of seven or eight parties each time. In this election about 1/22nd of
2394-642: The Australian Senate , and Indian Rajya Sabha . Proportional representation systems are used at all levels of government and are also used for elections to non-governmental bodies, such as corporate boards . All PR systems require multi-member election contests, meaning votes are pooled to elect multiple representatives at once. Pooling may be done in various multi-member voting districts (in STV and most list-PR systems) or in single countrywide – a so called at-large – district (in only
2520-584: The Axis invasion of the country , Tito was in Zagreb. Two days after outbreak of hostilities, the KPJ and the KPH requested arms from the 4th Army headquarters to help defend the city, but they were denied. With the Yugoslav defeat imminent, the KPJ instructed its 8,000 members to stockpile weapons in anticipation of armed resistance, which would spread, by the end of 1941 to all areas of the country except Macedonia. Building on its experience in clandestine operation across
2646-631: The Bihać Republic . In the town, a pan-Yugoslav assembly – the Anti-Fascist Council for the National Liberation of Yugoslavia ( Antifašističko vijeće narodnog oslobođenja Jugoslavije , AVNOJ) – was established in the town at the initiative of Tito and the KPJ later that month. At its founding meeting, the AVNOJ adopted the principle of federal state as the solution for future. In the wake of
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#17328551123882772-529: The Communist Party of Yugoslavia , was the founding and ruling party of SFR Yugoslavia . It was formed in 1919 as the main communist opposition party in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes and after its initial successes in the elections , it was proscribed by the royal government and was at times harshly and violently suppressed. It remained an illegal underground group until World War II when, after
2898-681: The German defeat at Moscow in late 1941, the KPJ leadership thought that the war was nearly over and went to ensure full control by the KPJ in the country. In the period until spring of 1942, this policy was generally confined to Montenegro and eastern Herzegovina , and in a lesser draconian form to the area of present-day Vojvodina and Slovenia . It largely consisted of killing of class enemies where individual Partisan units were given quotas of required executions. It also meant forced labour for peasants deemed idle or even untidy. The targeted populations were driven to support Chetniks or other Axis forces, and
3024-712: The Independent State of Croatia ( Nezavisna Država Hrvatska , NDH). In Macedonia, the regional organisation led by Metodi Shatorov switched allegiance from the KPJ to the Bulgarian Communist Party , practically recognising Bulgarian annexation of the area. Collapse of Užice Republic , a Partisan-controlled territory in occupied Serbia in 1941 during a German and Chetnik offensive was, in part, helped by views of local peasants who viewed Chetnik propaganda more favourably than communist social radicalism in light of preservation of their property. Following
3150-486: The League of Communists of Croatia ( Savez komunista Hrvatske , SKH) and the League of Communists of Macedonia ( Сојуз на комунистите на Македонија , SKM). They were joined in an informal national-reformist coalition by the League of Communists of Slovenia ( Zveza komunistov Slovenije , ZKS) and, in a less prominent role, by the leadership of Vojvodina . In early 1963, Tito was compelled to publicly warn about chauvinism and reassure non-Serbs that merger of nations
3276-646: The Social Democratic Party of Croatia and Slavonia (SDPCS) came into existence in 1894, two years before the Yugoslav Social-Democratic Party ( Jugoslovanska socialdemokratska stranka , JSDS) was set up in Slovene lands . The Serbian Social Democratic Party (SSDP) was founded in 1903. In Bosnia and Herzegovina , the Social Democratic Party of Bosnia and Herzegovina (SDPBH) was established in 1909. The SSDP deemed it natural to serve, as
3402-878: The Yugoslav Republican Party , the Independent Democratic Party, the Agriculturalist's Union, the Socialist Party , the JSDS, the Croatian Republican Peasant Party ( Hrvatska republikanska seljačka stranka , HRSS), and a group of politicians organised as the Forward ( Napred ) group. While non-communist parties in the NFJ hoped for equality, Tito primary saw the NFJ as a tool for neutralization of political opposition by allying them with
3528-653: The Yugoslav Wars and breakup of Yugoslavia . The party, which was led by Josip Broz Tito from 1937 to 1980, was the first communist party in power in the history of the Eastern Bloc that openly opposed the Soviet Union and thus was expelled from the Cominform in 1948 in what is known as the Tito–Stalin split . After internal purges of pro-Soviet members, the party renamed itself the League of Communists in 1952 and adopted
3654-750: The Yugoslav government-in-exile and forbade the King Peter II return to the country. A month before the Jajce meeting, the central committee of the KPJ created the National Committee for the Liberation of Yugoslavia as the new Yugoslav government, and the AVNOJ confirmed its composition – including Tito as its president. Tito's position was reinforced through the Tito–Šubašić Agreements he concluded with
3780-461: The invasion of Yugoslavia in 1941, the military arm of the party, the Yugoslav Partisans , became embroiled in a bloody civil war and defeated the Axis powers and their local auxiliaries. After the liberation from foreign occupation in 1945, the party consolidated its power and established a one-party state , which existed in that form of government until 1990, a year prior to the start of
3906-489: The royal army and restrictions on communist propaganda . The violence served as a pretext for prosecution of the KPJ. On 30 December, the government issued a Proclamation ( Obznana ) outlawing the KPJ. A faction of the KPJ named Red Justice ( Crvena pravda ) attempted to assassinate the Regent Alexander on 28 June, and then killed former Interior Minister Milorad Drašković on 21 July. This led to proclamation of
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4032-417: The 1946 Yugoslav constitution followed the model of the Soviet federation in which the federal parliament legislates laws applicable to the federal units and has the power to overrule the units' legislation. In 1952, Kardelj drafted constitutional amendments to reflect the reality of the reforms of 1950–1951. This led to codification of the reforms as 1953 Yugoslav constitutional amendments seeking to reflect
4158-534: The 200-seat legislature as large as in the examples that follow, about 67 three-seat districts would be used. Districts with more seats would provide more proportional results – one form of STV in Australia uses a district with 21 members being elected at once. With a larger district magnitude, it is more likely that more than two parties will have some of their candidates elected. For example, in Malta , where STV
4284-800: The Action Committee of the Left ( Akcioni odbor ljevice ) and opted for the unified social-democratic party with the SSDP and the SDPBH. Soon afterwards, the Vojvodina social-democrats reversed their decision. The Unification congress of the Socialist Labor Party of Yugoslavia ( Communists ) ( Socijalistička radnička partija Jugoslavije (komunista) , SRPJ(k)) was held in Belgrade on 20–23 April 1919 as consolidation on
4410-555: The Bihać meeting, there were land councils established as political bodies representative of individual parts of the future federation. The AVNOJ convened for the second time in Jajce in November 1943, declaring itself as the future parliament of the new Yugoslav state, affirmed commitment to forming a democratic federation without specifying any details of such federation. It also denied authority of
4536-679: The Cominform was influenced by Moscow visit by Stjepan Radić , the leader of the Croatian Peasant Party ( Hrvatska seljačka stranka , HSS) when Radić added the HSS to the Peasant International (Krestintern) – itself an agency of the Cominform. Furthermore, the Comintern criticised the factional clashes in the KPJ over the national question in its 1924 Resolution of National Question which linked social emancipation to national one in strategic considerations. In response, Milojković
4662-767: The Comintern for guidance. By 1924, the KPJ membership was reduced to 688. Additionally, some members emigrated abroad – most to Moscow , but also to Vienna , Prague , and Paris . Indeed, the KPJ held a land conference in Vienna in 1922, where the party leadership moved the year before. In the early 1920s, KPJ saw more factional struggle between its right wing led by Marković and Belgrade-based trade union leaders Lazar Stefanović and Života Milojković advocating work through legal means to regain government approval, and leftists, including Đuro Cvijić, Vladimir Ćopić , Triša Kaclerović, Rajko Jovanović, and Kosta Novaković , favouring Leninist undercover struggle. The leftists also supported
4788-589: The Comintern mandate to lead the KPJ in 1939. Miletić was released from prison that year and sought to replace Tito. Months later he disappeared after he was summoned to Moscow and arrested by the NKVD as a victim of a series of purges in the KPJ in 1937–1940 which strengthened Tito's position. In 1940, the KPJ successfully completed the campaign to diminish influence of Krleža and his literary adherents who were advocating Marxist ideas and opposed Stalinisation fearing totalitarianism . Also, Tito removed Kraš and Žaja from
4914-488: The Comintern. Filip Filipović and Sima Marković , both former SSDP activists, were elected to lead the KPJ. By May 1920, the KPJ had about 50,000 members, and numerous sympathisers largely drawn from among 300,000 members of trade unions and youth organisations. In the 1920 Constitutional Assembly election , the KPJ won 58 out of 419 seats. The best results were achieved in large cities, in Montenegro and Macedonia as
5040-534: The Croatian federal unit which would ensure their political representation and preservation of their culture. Nonetheless, the increased Croatian character of the KPH caused anxiety among the Serbs. The independent policy pursued by the KPH brought Tito and Hebrang into conflict with pursuit of nationalist policy as the principal charge against the KPH. Due Hebrang's popularity, the KPJ wanted to avoid antagonising Croats during
5166-512: The HRSS was aligned with the KPJ (81%), followed by Slovenia (78%) despite non-participation by the pre-war parties in the NFJ slate there, and the lowest support in Serbia (67%). This result is attributed to monarchism and the boycott. Ultimately, 88,43% of the electorate voted, and the NFJ was supported by 88,69% of the votes cast. The suffrage was universal for everyone over the age of 18 (including women for
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5292-558: The House are elected in single-member districts generally through first-past-the-post elections : a single-winner contest does not produce proportional representation as it has only one winner. Conversely, the representation achieved under PR electoral systems is typically proportional to a district's population size (seats per set amount of population), votes cast (votes per winner), and party vote share (in party-based systems such as party-list PR ). The European Parliament gives each member state
5418-627: The KPJ at odds with the Comintern which continued to advocate breakup of Yugoslavia until signing of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact in August 1939. Still, Gorkić largely stayed out of Yugoslavia. In 1934, he appointed Tito, just released from jail, to organise secret KPJ congress in Ljubljana later that year. Gorkić was appointed the general secretary of the KPJ in 1936, with Sreten Žujović and Rodoljub Čolaković as central committee members. Tito
5544-558: The KPJ maintained its leadership divided in at least two locations at all times in 1928–1935, including at least one abroad in Moscow, Prague, Vienna, or Paris. Also acting on Comintern July 1932 instructions to promote and aid national revolt in Croatia, Slovenia, Montenegro, and Macedonia, the KPJ sought to establish ties with the Bulgaria -based Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization , but
5670-421: The KPJ of creating its own army. In response, Slovene Partisan commissars' caps were adorned with red stars defaced with letters "OF" instead. By 1942, typically 30–50 percent of Partisan unit personnel declared themselves as communists. Selection of personnel deemed the best for 14 Proletarian Brigades increased this share in those units – to more than 60 percent in some instances. According to Yugoslav sources,
5796-457: The KPJ of elitism and enjoying privileges. In response, Đilas was removed from the KPJ central committee in January 1954 and soon he left the party altogether. In a subsequent The New York Times interview, he called for a multi-party system in Yugoslavia – and this led to his imprisonment. Đilas was pardoned in 1966. At the 7th Congress of the SKJ held in 1958, the party became more centralised. This
5922-572: The KPJ was suspended. The move left Tito in de facto control of the KPJ as his position was ranked second only to the one held by Gorkić. Tito spent 1937 and early 1938 in Yugoslavia organising the KPJ there as a disciplined covert organisation drawing new members loyal to the communist ideas and Tito personally from all nations within Yugoslavia, except Macedonians . During this period, Tito intervened in conflict among groups of KPJ members incarcerated in Sremska Mitrovica. The conflict centred on
6048-714: The KPJ's electoral success at the local and regional level including Belgrade and Zagreb earlier that year in March–August, and at the national level the Democratic Party and the People's Radical Party advocated prohibition of communist activity. The regime saw the KPJ as the greatest impediment to realisation of views held by King Peter I on resolution of Serbian national question . In December 1920, KPJ-led miner strikes in Slovenia and Bosnia and Herzegovina led to suppression by
6174-472: The KPJ. Due to weakness of the non-communist parties in the NFJ, the KPJ dominated the group. In preparation of the 1945 elections, the AVNOJ was expanded by addition of pre-war members of parliament deemed not compromised by cooperation with the Axis powers. In effect, this meant the addition of liberal and left-leaning politicians who could not be accused of collaborating with the Axis. Civil rights were curbed in
6300-546: The KPJ. This was later the precedent for establishment of communist parties in other parts of Yugoslavia. Still the KPH leadership headed by Kraš and Žaja came into conflict with Tito in 1938 when the KPH supported the HSS instead of the Party of the Working People as the KPJ front founded for participation in 1938 parliamentary elections . The temporary leadership put together by Tito remained largely unchanged when Tito received
6426-429: The Law on the Protection of the Realm turning the KPJ ban into legislation on 2 August, annulment of the KPJ seats in the national assembly two days later, and numerous covert police agents infiltrating the KPJ. Despite the electoral success, the ban and KPJ's consequent move to covert operation took a heavy toll on the party in the next decade and a half when, faced with factional struggle, it would increasingly look to
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#17328551123886552-435: The Partisan forces grew to 800,000 by 1945 through volunteers, conscription of men aged 17–50, and defections of enemy troops promised amnesty. KPJ's strategic approach was complex because of pressures from the Comintern prioritising social struggle competing with the national liberation in substantially regionally uneven circumstances resulting from Axis partitioning of Yugoslavia, especially from creation of Axis-satellite of
6678-440: The Partisans relied on those among its ranks who had completed the mandatory national service in the Royal Yugoslav Army or fought in the Spanish Civil War . Many KPJ members were veterans of that conflict, and would go on to assume commanding positions in the Partisan ranks. In addition to military training, political training was given increasing importance as the war progressed. It was provided by political commissars based on
6804-436: The Soviet foreign policy gradually brought the USSR in conflict with the KPJ. Their relationship was complicated as the KPJ led armed resistance against the Axis while the Soviet foreign relations were initially constrained by provisions of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact, and then with alliance with the Western Allies who supported the Yugoslav government-in exile until shortly after the initial Tito–Šubašić Agreement. As Yugoslavia
6930-448: The Soviet model. The commissaries were a part of the detachment staff, units originally ranging in size from 50 to 500 or even 1,000. A commissar's cap badge was made distinct from other Partisans. Namely, the red star on their cap was defaced with the hammer and sickle . The move drew criticism from the Liberation Front of the Slovene Nation ( Osvobodilna fronta slovenskega naroda , OF) civil resistance organisation – which accused
7056-614: The US House of Representatives). Votes and seats often cannot be mathematically perfectly allocated, so some amount of rounding has to be done. The various methods deal with this in different ways, although the difference is reduced if there are many seats – for example, if the whole country is one district. Party-list PR is also more complicated in reality than in the example, as countries often use more than one district, multiple tiers (e.g. local, regional and national), open lists or an electoral threshold . This can mean that final seat allocations are frequently not proportional to
7182-407: The USSR, Đilas feared Yugoslavia would switch to full control of the society by the central government. He thought that was possible due to influence of Ranković–the Đilas's primary competitor as a potential successor to Tito. Đilas wrote a series of articles for Borba criticising bureaucratism and Communist exclusive claim to power. He took the criticism further in a compilation of essays, accusing
7308-433: The absence or insufficient number of leveling seats (in list PR, MMP or AMS) may produce disproportionality. Other sources are electoral tactics that may be used in certain systems, such as party splitting in some MMP systems. Nonetheless, PR systems approximate proportionality much better than other systems and are more resistant to gerrymandering and other forms of manipulation. Proportional representation refers to
7434-406: The armed clash between the KPJ and the far-right Yugoslav National Movement in October leaving five dead and 120 wounded. The structural changes of the KPJ, strategic use of the national question and social emancipation to mobilise supporters made the party ideologically and operationally ready for armed resistance in the approaching war. During brief resistance of the Royal Yugoslav Army against
7560-443: The bulk of contact with them was limited to contact with fellow prison inmates trying to engage them over the shared goal of breakup of Yugoslavia. The "ultra-leftist" line pursued since 1928 was abandoned in 1933 when Adolf Hitler came to power in Germany . Instead, the KPJ turned the idea of forming a popular front together with other anti-fascist organisations . The strategy aimed to attract broad coalition of allies since it
7686-412: The candidates determine the winner. This is done using a preferential ballot . The ranking is used to instruct election officials of how the vote should be transferred in case the first preference is marked for an un-electable candidate or for an already elected candidate. Each voter casts one vote and the district used elects multiple members (more than one, usually 3 to 7). Because parties play no role in
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#17328551123887812-411: The congress. Following the reports and suggestions made by the CVEO, the congress opened a hearing. Should any congress delegate have commented on the verification and election process, said delegate could submit a written comment to the CVEO. The LCY Central Committee, the Commission on Statutory Questions and the Supervisory Commission were elected by public voting , with delegates casting their votes on
7938-510: The context of voting systems, PR means that each representative in an assembly is elected by a roughly equal number of voters. In the common case of electoral systems that only allow a choice of parties, the seats are allocated in proportion to the vote tally or vote share each party receives. The term proportional representation may be used to mean fair representation by population as applied to states, regions, etc. However, representation being proportional with respect solely to population size
8064-452: The country, the KPJ proceeded to organise the Yugoslav Partisans , as resistance fighters led by Tito. The KPJ assessed that the German invasion of the Soviet Union had created favourable conditions for an uprising and its politburo founded the Supreme Headquarters of the National Liberation Army of Yugoslavia ( Narodonooslobodilačka vojska Jugoslavije ) with Tito as commander in chief on 27 June 1941. In terms of military training,
8190-529: The disproportional results produced in single-member districts using FPTP or to increase the fairness produced in multi-member districts using list PR. PR systems that achieve the highest levels of proportionality tend to use as general pooling as possible (typically country-wide) or districts with large numbers of seats. Due to various factors, perfect proportionality is rarely achieved under PR systems. The use of electoral thresholds (in list PR or MMP), small districts with few seats in each (in STV or list PR), or
8316-486: The economic power of each constituent republic, while ensuring equal representation of each federal unit in the assembly to counterbalance this. The KPJ proclaimed shift from party monopolising power to the ideological leader of the society, decentralised its structure, and rebranded itself (and correspondingly its republican organisations) as the League of Communists of Yugoslavia ( Savez komunista Jugoslavije , SKJ) at its sixth congress held in Zagreb in 1952 . The name
8442-504: The elected body. The concept applies mainly to political divisions ( political parties ) among voters. The essence of such systems is that all votes cast – or almost all votes cast – contribute to the result and are effectively used to help elect someone. Under other election systems, a bare plurality or a scant majority are all that are used to elect candidates. PR systems provide balanced representation to different factions, reflecting how votes are cast. In
8568-410: The election are as follows (popular vote). Under party-list PR, every party gets a number of seats proportional to their share of the popular vote. This is done by a proportional formula or method; for example, the Sainte-Laguë method – these are the same methods that may be used to allocate seats for geographic proportional representation (for example, how many seats each states gets in
8694-411: The election of said bodies, the CVEO would analyse the reports submitted by the nominated and elected commissions of the LCY branches. In the event of any grievances regarding specific elections, the CVEO would start an investigation to assess the legitimacy of the election and report its findings to congress. Later, the CVEO would submit a proposal outlining the composition of the organs to be elected by
8820-432: The electorate support a particular political party or set of candidates as their favourite, then roughly n % of seats are allotted to that party or those candidates. All PR systems aim to provide some form of equal representation for votes but may differ in their approaches on how they achieve this. Party-list PR is the most commonly used version of proportional representation. Voters cast votes for parties and each party
8946-414: The eligibility of and elected candidates put forward by the LCY branches to the Central Committee , the Commission on Statutory Questions , and the Supervisory Commission . The incumbent LCY president presided over the congress proceedings until the delegates elected the Working Presidency of the Congress and the Commission for the Verification of the Election of the Organs of the LCY (CVEO). Upon
9072-446: The example below, the Droop quota is used and so any candidate who earns more than 25 percent of the vote is declared elected. Note that it is only possible for 3 candidates to each achieve that quota. In the first count, the first preference (favourite candidate) marked on each of the ballots is counted. Candidates whose vote tally equals or passes the quota are declared elected as shown in
9198-497: The example below. (first preferences) Next, surplus votes belonging to those already elected, votes the candidates received above the quota (votes that they did not need to be elected), are transferred to the next preference marked by the voters who voted for them. Continuing the example, suppose that all voters who marked first preference for Jane Doe marked John Citizen as their second choice. Based on this, Jane Doe's surplus votes are transferred to John Citizen, John Citizen passes
9324-482: The existing situation into resolution of the conflict, persuaded the delegates to conference of the Zagreb KPJ organisation to adopt a resolution seeking the Comintern to intervene and end the factional struggle in the KPJ entirely. The KPJ also led some of street protests in Croatia over assassination of Radić later that year. The Comintern Sixth World Congress held that year sought to increase revolutionary struggle and
9450-552: The final days of the war in May 1945, the KPJ founded the Communist Party of Serbia ( Komunistička partija Srbije , Комунистичка партија Србије ). By the end of the war, the KPJ's membership reached just over 141,000. In 1945, the KPJ worked to broaden its support, and discredit its political opponents. Since the politicians included in the government-in-exile only returned to Yugoslavia in March 1945, and Vladko Maček remained abroad, there
9576-404: The first time), except those charged with Axis collaboration. Former Partisans could vote even if under 18. The KPJ received 404 representatives of 524 (77%) in the bicameral Constituent Assembly. According to Đilas and Vladimir Velebit , the KPJ expected to win a majority of 60–65% even if the election were to guarantee fair competition. They based the opinion on the belief that the KPJ offered
9702-530: The general principle found in any electoral system in which the popularly chosen subgroups (parties) of an electorate are reflected proportionately in the elected body. To achieve that intended effect, proportional electoral systems need to either have more than one seat in each district (e.g. single transferable vote ), or have some form of compensatory seats (e.g. mixed-member proportional representation apportionment methods ). A legislative body (e.g. assembly, parliament) may be elected proportionally, whereas there
9828-642: The government-in-exile in the second half of 1944 and early 1945. On the basis of those agreements, the government-in-exile was replaced with the Provisional Government of the Democratic Federal Yugoslavia with Tito as the Prime Minister on 7 March 1945. During the war, the KPJ added new organisations based on foreseen federal units. In 1943, it established the Communist Party of Macedonia ( Комунистичка партија на Македонија ) and, in
9954-454: The largest social-democratic party in the new state, to unify like-minded political groups in the country. The SDPBH formally proposed a merger of such parties, but the SDPCS, the JSDS, and Serbian– Bunjevac social-democrats from Vojvodina declined. In turn, only the SSDP and the SDPBH formally agreed to a merger by January 1919. A minority group on the left wing of the SDPCS split from the party as
10080-643: The latter favouring pursuit of reforms through a parliamentary system. The leftist faction prevailed at the second congress held in Vukovar on 20–24 June 1920 and adopted a new statute. That aligned the party entirely with the Communist International (Comintern), implementing all instructions received from the Comintern. Furthermore, the party was renamed the Communist Party of Yugoslavia ( Komunistička partija Jugoslavije , KPJ) to allow its membership in
10206-547: The latter. In 1963, Serbia and Montenegro concluded several agreements on strengthening economic and cultural ties, including construction of the Belgrade–Bar railway . The campaign was publicly criticised through an exchange of letters published in Borba . The proponents of the campaign, largely ethnic Serbs, were accused of scheming to abolish republics and resurrect Greater Serbian chauvinism . Particular opposition came from
10332-473: The leading positions in the KPH and replaced them by Rade Končar . In October 1940, the Fifth Land Conference of the KPJ was held covertly in Zagreb, as the final act of Tito's campaign to assume full control of the party. The conference represented a full takeover of now organisationally stronger, centralized, disciplined, and bolshevized , but politically isolated KPJ by Tito in full alignment with
10458-483: The left of the political spectrum. The new party was joined by the SSDP en masse, and by independent leftists who splintered away from various nationalist youth organisations and social democratic parties. The Labour Socialist Party of Slovenia ( Delavska socialistična stranka za Slovenijo ) split from the JSDS and joined the SRPJ(k) on 13 April 1920. Clashes continued within the party between leftists and centrists –
10584-474: The leftist line pursued by the Comintern at the time. The national question was placed at the centre of the KPJ policy at the conference where Tito criticised long gone Marković and Gorkić for lack of understanding of the issue. As Tito consolidated his control, the KPJ membership grew to 6,000 in 1939 and to 8,000 by 1941, with many more other supporters. The final months of 1940 were marked by militarisation of politics in Yugoslavia leading to incidents such as
10710-401: The many candidates, although 21 are elected through STV in some elections with no great difficulty. (In many STV systems, voters are not required to mark more choices than desired. Even if all voters marked only one preference, the resulting representation would be more balanced than under single-winner FPTP.) Under STV, an amount that guarantees election is set, which is called the quota . In
10836-504: The member in question had to be elected by secret ballot . Ex officio members of the LCY Central Committee were not elected by congress and were verified by a session of the LCY Central Committee. In its last years, from 1974 until its dissolution (and from 1948 to 1952), the LCY convened the congress every fourth year. Earlier, from 1964 to 1974, the statute stipulated it was to be called every fifth year. From 1952 to 1964, it
10962-406: The multi-party system of government, justifying suppression of political opposition parties in the post-war context–calling the multi-party system incompatible with the socialist order and unnecessary. In October 1948, the four existing republican communist parties were complemented by two more: the Communist Party of Bosnia and Herzegovina , and the Communist Party of Montenegro . Objectives of
11088-480: The new KPJ leadership put the Comintern's call to violence into practice, but instead of all-out revolt, the efforts were consisted of leaflets and several shoot-outs with the police. KPJ losses were heavy and included death of several significant leaders including Đaković and imprisonment of its most active members by specially convened antisubversive tribunals. In turn, the Sremska Mitrovica Prison became
11214-488: The number of seats of each party be proportional. Another way to say this is that MMP focuses on making the outcome proportional. Compare the MMP example to a mixed-member majoritarian system, where the party-list PR seat allocation is independent of the district results (this is also called parallel voting ). There is no compensation (no regard to how the district seats were filled) when allocating party-list seats so as to produce
11340-480: The opportunity to live in peace, an agrarian reform, and on post-war euphoria. In 1946, the parliament adopted a new Constitution implementing the ethnic federalism as the KPJ's solution for the national question, modelled on the Soviet Union. By 1947, the KPJ declared that its programme was the NFJ's programme and that the KPJ is in the forefront of the NFJ. Tito linked the collapse of the pre-war Yugoslavia with
11466-582: The organisation was suffering from its internal weaknesses and suppressed by 1934. There were also overtures towards Italian -based Ustaše as a Croatian secessionist organisation. KPJ leaders praised the Ustaše-initiated Lika uprising in 1932, hoping to steer Ustaše to the political left. Even though support for Ustaše efforts in Lika and Dalmatia was declared through Proleter newspapers in December 1932,
11592-419: The parties' vote share. The single transferable vote is an older method than party-list PR, and it does not need to formally involve parties in the election process. Instead of parties putting forward ordered lists of candidates from which winners are drawn in some order, candidates run by name, each voter marks preferences for candidates, with only one marked preference used to place the vote, and votes cast for
11718-408: The parties/lists is how these systems achieve proportionality. Once this is done, the candidates who take the seats are based on the order in which they appear on the list. This is the basic, closed list version of list PR. An example election where the assembly has 200 seats to be filled is presented below. Every voter casts their vote for the list created by their favourite party and the results of
11844-508: The party's seats. 81 percent of the voters saw their first choice elected. At least 15 percent of them (the Doe first, Citizen second voters) saw both their first and second choices elected – there were likely more than 15 percent if some "Citizen first" votes gave their second preference to Doe. Every voter had satisfaction of seeing someone of the party they support elected in the district. for candidates of party Under STV, to make up
11970-459: The policy thus undermined the overall struggle – in turn causing the KPJ to criticise the perpetrators ignoring the role of its Central Committee in formulation of the policy. Similarly, the KPJ penalised Petar Drapšin and Miro Popara as proponents of the policy, but ignored similar roles played by Đilas, Ivan Milutinović , and Boris Kidrič . In spring of 1942, the policy known as the Leftist errors
12096-519: The political life as a form of a "mass movement", including in the work of the State Anti-fascist Council for the National Liberation of Croatia as the top tier political body intended to grow into the future People's Parliament of Croatia . Furthermore, Hebrang declared support for more moderate social policies, and advocated Croatia's autonomy within the Yugoslav federation. He argued that Serbs of Croatia should be primarily loyal to
12222-456: The politics of workers' self-management and an independent path to achieving socialism, known as Titoism . The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (later renamed Yugoslavia) was established in late 1918 at the end of the World War I . Socialist movement in the territory of the new state reflected political divisions existing before the war. For example, in what was then Austria-Hungary ,
12348-405: The popular front strategy advocated by Hebrang and supported by Moša Pijade , Josip Kraš , and Đuro Pucar and denounced by Petko Miletić backed by Milovan Đilas and Aleksandar Ranković – the latter labelled Wahhabites by Pijade because of their radicalism. The conflict escalated to an attempt to kill Hebrang. Tito worked with Pijade to arrange a compromise by including Đilas and Ranković in
12474-457: The proposal had been made. Part of congress preparatory work was electing congress delegates. A special decision of the LCY Central Committee determined the criteria for the election of congress delegates. They were to be elected in proportion to the number of members the LCY branch in question had. In addition to these delegates, a certain number of delegates from each LCY republican branch, the same number for each of them, were elected, as well as
12600-409: The quota and so is declared elected to the third and last seat that had to be filled. Even if all of Fred Rubble's surplus had gone to Mary Hill, the vote transfer plus Hill's original votes would not add up to quota. Party B did not have two quotas of votes so was not due two seats, while Party A was. It is possible, in realistic STV elections, for a candidate to win without quota if they are still in
12726-474: The regime. In 1948–1951 period, more than 50,000 KPJ members (nearly 20% of its membership) were registered as political opponents and ejected, but the party expanded its ranks by more than half a million members in the same time frame. Virtually all parties within the NFJ or otherwise were dismantled following the Stalin letters in which the Soviet leader accused the KPJ of being diluted by the NFJ. The only exception
12852-949: The republics. The 8th Congress thus abandoned Yugoslavism in favour of decentralisation. The SKJ promoted the notion of "Yugoslav socialist patriotism". The concept was described by its advocates as the feeling or awareness and love of the socialist self-management community. According to the SKJ, the concept was unrelated to nationalism and ethnicity. The notion was also claimed to support values and traditions of ethnic groups living in Yugoslavia. Proportional representation Positional voting Cardinal voting Quota-remainder methods Approval-based committees Fractional social choice Semi-proportional representation By ballot type Pathological response Strategic voting Paradoxes of majority rule Positive results Proportional representation ( PR ) refers to any type of electoral system under which subgroups of an electorate are reflected proportionately in
12978-405: The request of the congress or conference of one of the LCY branches. If an extraordinary congress was to be convened, the LCY Central Committee had to make public the agenda and mode of preparation of relevant material as well as the justification for convening an extraordinary congress. The LCY Central Committee had to publicly decide on convening an extraordinary congress at least three months after
13104-528: The results of the district level voting. First-past-the-post is a single winner system and cannot be proportional (winner-takes-all), so these disproportionalities are compensated by the party-list component. A simple, yet common version of MMP has as many list-PR seats as there are single-member districts. In the example it can be seen, as is often the case in reality, that the results of the district elections are highly disproportional: large parties typically win more seats than they should proportionally, but there
13230-421: The running when the field of candidates has thinned to the number of remaining open seats. In this example, the district result is balanced party-wise. No one party took all the seats, as frequently happens under FPTP or other non-proportional voting systems. The result is fair – the most popular party took two seats; the less popular party took just one. The most popular candidates in each party won
13356-470: The régime-sponsored 1954 Novi Sad Agreement on the single Serbo-Croatian language. Thus launched Yugoslavism campaign sought to replace federalism with unitarism. Ranković became the most prominent advocate of the campaign. He sought support from the League of Communists of Bosnia and Herzegovina ( Savez komunista Bosne i Hercegovine , SKBiH) and from the League of Communists of Montenegro ( Savez komunista Crne Gore , SKCG) – with some success in
13482-554: The strategy was accepted by the KPJ at its Fourth Congress held in Dresden in October 1928. The appeal made at the initiative of Tito and Hebrang was accepted: Marković was expelled and his allies demoted, while new leadership was installed. Tito and Hebrang were bypassed because they were just imprisoned in Yugoslavia, and Đuro Salaj , Žika Pecarski, and Đuro Đaković were appointed instead as entirely Comintern-trained leadership. In 1929,
13608-483: The summer of 1945 when new legislation on crimes against the people and the state, curtailing the rights of assembly and freedom of the press. Middle and lower levels of bureaucracy were filled with the ranks of former Partisans. Following a boycott proclamation by the Grol's Democrats, the elections were carried out like a referendum–voting for the NFJ and against it. The NFJ slate received the highest approval in Croatia where
13734-441: The temporary KPJ leadership along with Croatian moderate popular front supporters Kraš and Andrija Žaja as well as Soviet-educated Slovene Edvard Kardelj . In 1937, the Comintern compelled the KPJ to formally establish the Communist Party of Croatia ( Komunistička partija Hrvatske , KPH) and the Communist Party of Slovenia ( Komunistična partija Slovenije ). The two parties were nominally independent, but actually within
13860-412: The underdeveloped nations, the clash between strict centralisation and decentralisation appeared as a conflict between political principle and economic priorities. In 1950, Yugoslav authorities sought to combat unsustainable labour practices and improve production efficiency through introduction of workers' councils and the system which later became known as " socialist self-management ". However,
13986-402: The vote count, STV may be used for nonpartisan elections, such as the city council of Cambridge, Massachusetts . A large proportion of the votes cast are used to actually elect someone so the result is mixed and balanced with no one voting block taking much more than its due share of the seats. Where party labels are indicated, proportionality party-wise is noticeable. Counting votes under STV
14112-481: The vote in the state is enough to take a seat, and seven or eight parties take at least that many votes, demonstrating a different voting pattern than Malta exhibits. Mixed-member proportional representation combines election of district members with election of additional members as compensatory top-up. Often MMP systems use single-member districts (SMDs) to elect district members. (Denmark, Iceland and Sweden use multi-member districts in their MMP systems.) MMP with SMDs
14238-503: The wartime struggle and instead, just two weeks before the Red Army and the Partisans took the capital from Germans , reassigned Hebrang to Belgrade to become the minister of industry and filled the leading role in the KPH with Vladimir Bakarić . In November 1942, the Partisans captured the town of Bihać and secured control over a large part of western Bosnia, Dalmatia and Lika they named
14364-671: The “appropriate” number of delegates from the autonomous provinces and the party organisation in the Yugoslav People’s Army . Members of the LCY Central Committee, the Commission on Statutory Questions and the Supervisory Commissions had the same rights as congress delegates except the right to vote on the report and on the dissolution of the organ to which they belonged. League of Communists of Yugoslavia The League of Communists of Yugoslavia , known until 1952 as
14490-670: Was abandoned. Policies employed by the NDH, enforced by the Ustaše against Serbs and ceding of Dalmatia to Italy through the Treaties of Rome created a natural base for Partisan recruitment among the Serbs, and Croats (particularly in Dalmatia) respectively. Furthermore, establishment of the NDH fractured the HSS into three groups – one supporting the armed resistance, another supporting the NDH, and an indecisive group around HSS leader Vladko Maček employing
14616-450: Was achieved by largely revoking decision-making powers previously given to republican branches of the SKJ. The party programme published at the Congress praised emerging Yugoslav consciousness and a series of articles was published advocating creation of unified Yugoslav culture. This decision built on introduction of the option of declaring one's ethnicity as Yugoslav in the 1953 census, and
14742-580: Was appointed by the Comintern as the organisational secretary of the KPJ in Moscow in September of the same year and he moved to Vienna a month later. In July 1937, Gorkić was summoned from his Paris base to Moscow where he was arrested. In addition to him, there were about 900 communists of Yugoslav origin or their supporters in the Soviet Union who fell victim to the Stalin's Great Purge as did 50 other KPJ officials posted in Moscow including Cvijić, Ćopić, Filipović, Marković, and Novaković. The Soviet subsidy to
14868-444: Was convened every sixth year, and it was convened irregularly prior to the 5th Congress in 1948. Only the LCY Central Committee could adopt a decision to convene the congress and had to do it at least three months before its opening. The decision had to include the proposed draft agenda and information on the preparatory work to convene it. The LCY Central Committee could also convene an extraordinary congress on its initiative or at
14994-579: Was expelled, but Marković remained a part of KPJ leadership. This changed in 1925 when he was denounced by the leader of the Soviet Union Joseph Stalin personally before Yugoslav commission of the Comintern insisting that the KPJ must harness national movements for revolutionary aims. Regardless, the factional struggle continued. In 1927, the seat of the KPJ central committee in Yugoslavia was moved from Belgrade to Zagreb. In February 1928, Josip Broz Tito and Andrija Hebrang , seeking to stir
15120-418: Was inspired by the 1847–1852 Communist League founded by Marx , Engels and Schapper . The constitutional amendments, adopted in January 1953, were only the second step in a series of five constitutional reforms reflecting the social development of Communist-ruled Yugoslavia, but the principles introduced in 1953 were retained in all subsequent Yugoslav constitutions. After the Yugoslav rapprochement with
15246-688: Was no longer thought feasible to achieve quick introduction of communist rule. The popular front strategy coincided with assignment of Milan Gorkić to the KPJ leadership from his posting at the Comintern in 1932. Gorkić set about to introduce discipline to the KPJ top ranks and establish ties with the JSDS, the HSS, the Montenegrin Federalist Party , the Slovene Christian Socialists, and pro-Russian right wing organisations in Serbia with Moscow now advocating Yugoslav unity. This placed
15372-467: Was no well-organised political opposition to the KPJ. The People's Front of Yugoslavia ( Narodni front Jugoslavije , NFJ) was established in autumn of 1945, nominally a coalition of nearly all political parties in the country. A notable exception was Milan Grol 's Democratic Party which was charged with the Serbian nationalism . Besides the KPJ, the NFJ included weak and poorly organised bourgeois parties:
15498-477: Was not contemplated while defending the concept of Yugoslavism. Finally, at the 8th Congress of the SKJ held in 1964, Tito and Kardelj gave speeches criticising those thinking about merging nations of Yugoslavia as proponents of bureaucratic centralisation, unitarism and hegemony. There was no further mention of Yugoslavism at the Congress and the republican branches of the SKJ were given back their decision-making powers to reflect specificities and national character of
15624-470: Was not fully in the Soviet post-war sphere of influence, Tito pursued a foreign policy course seeking to integrate Albania into the Yugoslav federation, support the Greek communist guerrillas , and broaden ties between Yugoslavia and Bulgaria –potentially unifying the countries. Conclusion of the 1947 Bled Agreement seeking closer ties with Bulgaria, and imminent deployment of Yugoslav Army to Albania prompted
15750-471: Was pursued through workers' self-management legislation introduced in 1950, as well as through opposition to Stalinism and inter-war Yugoslav unitarism . The approach led to a period of ideological revisionism in which established doctrines could be questioned. Even though Soviet and Cominform propaganda drew attention to inequalities in the economic development of various parts of Yugoslavia, alleging restoration of capitalism, and national oppression of
15876-443: Was the HRSS, which was temporarily allowed to continue operating. The exact number of those arrested remains uncertain, but in 1983, Radovan Radonjić stated that 16,288 were arrested and convicted, including 2,616 belonging to various levels of the KPJ leadership. According to Ranković, 51,000 people were killed, imprisoned or sentence to forced labour, a majority of them without trial. Prisoners were held at numerous sites, including
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