Kadoorie Agricultural High School , sometimes spelled "Kadouri" or "Kaduri", is an agricultural school and youth village in Israel situated next to Mount Tabor in the Lower Galilee , two kilometers north of Kfar Tavor . Founded in 1933, it had a population of 209 in 2022.
136-632: Kadoorie is one of two agricultural schools founded during the British Mandate of Palestine . In his will, the British Jewish philanthropist , Sir Ellis Kadoorie donated one million British pounds to be invested in the development of Palestine. Herbert Samuel established a committee to determine how to use the money. Two agricultural schools named after Kadoorie were built with these funds, one for Arabs and one for Jews. The Khodori Institute in Tulkarm
272-744: A 1922 delegation to Ankara and then to the Lausanne Conference , where (after Mustafa Kemal Atatürk 's victories against the Greek army in Turkey ) the Treaty of Sèvres was about to be re-negotiated. The Palestinian delegation hoped that with Atatürk's support, they would be able to get the Balfour Declaration and mandate policy omitted from the new treaty. The delegation met with Turkey's lead negotiator, İsmet Pasha , who promised that "Turkey would insist upon
408-505: A Jewish state in part of Palestine, Ben–Gurion told the twentieth Zionist Congress: The Jewish state now being offered to us is not the Zionist objective. ... But it can serve as a decisive stage along the path to greater Zionist implementation. It will consolidate in Palestine, within the shortest possible time, the real Jewish force, which will lead us to our historic goal. In a discussion in
544-539: A Jewish state'. The Biltmore Program, adopted at that conference by various Zionist and non-Zionist Jewish organizations, called for "Palestine [to] be established as a Jewish Commonwealth". During the pre-statehood period in Palestine, Ben-Gurion represented the mainstream Jewish establishment and was known as a moderate. He was strongly opposed to the Revisionist Zionist movement led by Ze'ev Jabotinsky and his successor Menachem Begin . Ben-Gurion rarely invoked
680-699: A Mandatory until such time as they are able to stand alone". The border between Palestine and Transjordan was agreed in the final mandate document, and the approximate northern border with the French Mandate for Syria and the Lebanon was agreed in the Paulet–Newcombe Agreement of 23 December 1920. In Palestine, the Mandate required Britain to put into effect the Balfour Declaration 's "national home for
816-572: A Palestine Mandate incorporating the Balfour Declaration by 60 votes to 25 after the June 1922 issuance of the Churchill White Paper, following a motion proposed by Lord Islington . The vote was only symbolic, since it was subsequently overruled by a vote in the House of Commons after a tactical pivot and a number of promises by Churchill. In February 1923, after a change in government, Cavendish laid
952-554: A country a policy to which the great majority of its inhabitants are opposed; and (3) the financial burden upon the British taxpayer ... His cover note asked for a statement of policy to be made as soon as possible, and for the cabinet to focus on three questions: (1) whether or not pledges to the Arabs conflict with the Balfour declaration; (2) if not, whether the new government should continue
1088-457: A healthy class structure among Jews. Cultural Zionism wanted to counter the danger of assimilation and loss of Jewish culture. To them, a Jewish majority would ensure a spiritual centre for the 'unbridled spiritual renaissance of the Jewish people'. According to Finkelstein, "the mainstream Zionist movement never doubted its 'historical right' to impose a Jewish state through the 'Right of Return' on
1224-561: A meeting with 600 leaders in Salt , he announced the independence of the area from Damascus and its absorption into the mandate (proposing to quadruple the area under his control by tacit capitulation). Samuel assured his audience that Transjordan would not be merged with Palestine. Curzon was in the process of reducing British military expenditures, and was unwilling to commit significant resources to an area considered of marginal strategic value. He immediately repudiated Samuel's action, and sent (via
1360-585: A no man's land after the French defeated Faisal's army in July 1920 and the British initially chose to avoid a definite connection with Palestine. The addition of Transjordan was given legal form on 21 March 1921, when the British incorporated Article 25 into the Palestine Mandate. Article 25 was implemented via the 16 September 1922 Transjordan memorandum , which established a separate "Administration of Trans-Jordan" for
1496-470: A public statement announcing support for the establishment of a "national home for the Jewish people" in Palestine, on 2 November 1917. The opening words of the declaration represented the first public expression of support for Zionism by a major political power. The term "national home" had no precedent in international law, and was intentionally vague about whether a Jewish state was contemplated. The intended boundaries of Palestine were not specified, and
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#17328554856761632-556: A range of attitudes held by Zionists towards the Palestinian Arabs, a phenomenon which implies recognition, even if only by way of opposition, of a Palestinian national entity. This argument supported the Zionist claim of the "historical right": the Jews could claim Palestine as the homeland of their nation, while the Palestinian Arabs could not. The land longed for by the Zionist movement was " Eretz Israel ". Anita Shapira says this term
1768-707: A separate Jewish entity in Palestine. Since these issues were discussed in the Jewish press, they also became known to Palestinian Arabs, especially after a Palestinian Arab press had appeared. The two most anti-Zionist newspapers Al-Karmil , founded in 1908 in Haifa, and Filastin , founded in 1911 in Jaffa, were run by Orthodox Christians. In the Ottoman parliament in Istanbul, Palestinian representatives called for greater Ottoman vigilance against Zionism. Anti-Semitic sentiments were also on
1904-535: A temporary political committee, of which the Right Hon. Sir Herbert (then Mr.) Samuel , Dr. Jacobson , Dr. Feiwel , Mr. Sacher (of the Manchester Guardian ), Mr. Landman, and Mr. Ben Cohen were the first members. The later stage of the drafting negotiations were carried on by a sub-comimittee consisting of Messrs. Sacher, Stein and Ben Cohen, formed specially for the Mandate and frontier questions. Drafts for
2040-468: A third power; (2) the principal powers officially notify the council of the League of Nations that a certain power has been appointed mandatory for such a certain defined territory; and (3) the council of the League of Nations takes official cognisance of the appointment of the mandatory power and informs the latter that it [the council] considers it as invested with the mandate, and at the same time notifies it of
2176-653: A while, the Muslim–Christian Association, founded in November 1918 and made up of leading notables, became the leading Palestinian nationalist forum. Younger Palestinian Arabs saw the inclusion of Palestine in a pan-Arab state as the best means to foil Zionist goals. Among them was the future mufti of Jerusalem, Haj Amin al-Husseini . They wanted to join Palestine with Syria, ruled by King Faisal . They were suspicious of Faisal, though, because of his apparent collaboration with Chaim Weizmann , and identified more with
2312-410: Is based on the concept that in a State] one people, among the people residing there, should be granted the majority right.", and Ernst Simon held that the historical right "is binding on us rather than on the Arabs" and therefore an agreement with the Arabs is necessary. According to Anita Shapira , in the early 1940s young Jews came to believe that "[t]he land was theirs, theirs alone. This feeling
2448-410: Is growing movement of hostility, against Zionist policy in Palestine, which will be stimulated by recent Northcliffe articles. I do not attach undue importance to this movement, but it is increasingly difficult to meet the argument that it is unfair to ask the British taxpayer, already overwhelmed with taxation, to bear the cost of imposing on Palestine an unpopular policy. The House of Lords rejected
2584-692: Is made in the text of the mandate". Despite opposition from the State Department , this was followed on 21 September 1922 by the Lodge–Fish Resolution , a congressional endorsement of the Balfour Declaration. On 3 December 1924 the U.S. signed the Palestine Mandate Convention, a bilateral treaty with Britain in which the United States "consents to the administration" (Article 1) and which dealt with eight issues of concern to
2720-408: Is with the Mandate. —Speech by World Zionist Organization president Chaim Weizmann The Congress notes with satisfaction that Transjordania, which the Jewish people has always regarded as an integral part of Erez Israel, is to be again incorporated into the mandated territory of Palestine. The Congress deplores that the question of the northern boundary of Erez Israel, despite all the efforts of
2856-567: The Gaza Strip . Transjordan was added to the mandate following the Cairo Conference of March 1921, at which it was agreed that Abdullah bin Hussein would administer the territory under the auspices of the Palestine Mandate. Since the end of the war it had been administered from Damascus by a joint Arab-British military administration headed by Abdullah's younger brother Faisal, and then became
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#17328554856762992-576: The Ottoman Empire in November 1914, the British War Cabinet began to consider the future of Palestine (at the time, an Ottoman region with a small minority Jewish population ). By late 1917, in the lead-up to the Balfour Declaration , the wider war had reached a stalemate. Two of Britain's allies were not fully engaged, the United States had yet to suffer a casualty, and the Russians were in
3128-467: The Palmach brigades and were an honorable part of its chain of the command. Many of the graduates of Kadoorie school took active part in agricultural settlement throughout the country. In 1975, the school became a regional school, although the boarding school is still active. Today over 1,500 students are enrolled in the school: 200 students from all over Israel in the boarding school, and the rest students of
3264-729: The Russian Empire and Italy) to define their mutually-agreed spheres of influence and control in an eventual partition of the Ottoman Empire . The primary negotiations leading to the agreement occurred between 23 November 1915 and 3 January 1916; on 3 January the British and French diplomats Mark Sykes and François Georges-Picot initialled an agreed memorandum. The agreement was ratified by their respective governments on 9 and 16 May 1916. The agreement allocated to Britain control of present-day southern Israel and Palestine , Jordan and southern Iraq , and an additional small area including
3400-817: The Syrian National Congress . The Franco-Syrian War erupted in March 1920, as an attempt to establish an Arab Hashemite Kingdom in all of the Levant. In a number of notable incidents the war spilled into neighbouring Mandatory Palestine , including the Battle of Tel Hai in March 1920. Further, in April 1920, Amin al-Husseini and other Arab leaders initiated the 1920 Jerusalem riots where 10 people were killed and 250 others wounded. Several women were raped and two synagogues burned. Jews were particularly shocked by these events and viewed
3536-456: The Times on 3 February 1921. The inclusion of Article 25 was approved by Curzon on 31 March 1921, and the revised final draft of the mandate was forwarded to the League of Nations on 22 July 1922. Article 25 permitted the mandatory to "postpone or withhold application of such provisions of the mandate as he may consider inapplicable to the existing local conditions" in that region. The final text of
3672-464: The Young Turk Revolution in 1908, Arab nationalism grew rapidly in the area and most Arab nationalists regarded Zionism as a threat, although a minority perceived Zionism as providing a path to modernity. According to C. D. Smith, this was due to the emergence of Labour Zionism , which openly opposed Jewish employment of Arabs, condemned leaving Arab peasants on land held by Jews, and aimed at
3808-431: The "historical right" of the Jewish people to Eretz Israel , but preferred to emphasize the right derived from the Jewish need for a homeland and the universal right to settle and develop uncultivated land. According to Teveth, during many years Ben-Gurion's principal claim was the Jewish right to work the land, especially the eighty percent of Palestine which was uncultivated, and to win it through Jewish labour. "We have
3944-526: The Allied and Associated Powers would not be definitive until they had been considered and approved by the League ... the legal title held by the mandatory Power must be a double one: one conferred by the Principal Powers and the other conferred by the League of Nations." Three steps were required to establish a mandate: "(1) The Principal Allied and Associated Powers confer a mandate on one of their number or on
4080-762: The Allies, and to maintain the support of the 70 million Muslims in British India (particularly those in the Indian Army that had been deployed in all major theatres of the wider war ). The area of Arab independence was defined as "in the limits and boundaries proposed by the Sherif of Mecca ", with the exclusion of a coastal area lying to the west of "the districts of Damascus , Homs , Hama and Aleppo "; conflicting interpretations of this description caused great controversy in subsequent years. A particular dispute, which continues to
4216-447: The Arabs produce in all the years they lived in the country? Such creations, or even the creation of the Bible alone, give us a perpetual right over the land in which we were so creative, especially since the people that came after us did not create such works in this country, or did not create anything at all. According to Zeev Sternhell , "The founders accepted this point of view. This was
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4352-506: The Arabs. Epstein advocated settlement only in areas unworked by the Arabs. Rabi Binyamin held that modern education, full equality and modernisation would bring the Arabs to accept massive Jewish immigration. On the other pole there were those who assumed that in order to reach their goal the Zionists would have to defeat violent Arab resistance. Brenner wrote "There is now, there is bound to be, hatred between [Jews and Arabs], and it will exist in
4488-456: The Arabs. Gorny distinguishes the "desire for territorial concentration of the Jewish people in Palestine", the "desire to create a Jewish majority in Palestine", the "belief that exclusive employment of Jewish labour was the precondition for an independent Jewish society", and the "renaissance of Hebrew culture [as] a pre-condition for the rebirth of the nation". Gorny also distinguishes several important developments that had their bearing on
4624-531: The Arabs: (1) gradual build-up of an economic and military potential as the basis for achievement of political aims, (2) alliance with a great power external to the Middle East; (3) non-recognition of the existence of a Palestine national entity; (4) Zionism's civilising mission in an undeveloped area; (5) economic, social and cultural segregation as prerequisites for the renaissance of Jewish national life; (6)
4760-552: The Arabs’ right of self-determination and ... the Palestinian delegation should be permitted to address the conference"; however, he avoided further meetings and other members of the Turkish delegation made clear their intention to "accept the post–World War I status quo". During the negotiations, Ismet Pasha refused to recognise or accept the mandates; although they were not referenced in
4896-621: The British Foreign Office and the Zionists, after the production of a full draft mandate by the British. The British draft contained 29 articles, compared to the Zionist proposal's five articles. However, the Zionist Organisation Report stated that a draft was presented by the Zionist Organization to the British on 15 July 1919. Balfour authorised diplomatic secretary Eric Forbes Adam to begin negotiations with
5032-775: The British Mandate would end on 15 May 1948. On the last day of the Mandate, the Jewish community there issued the Israeli Declaration of Independence . After the failure of the United Nations Partition Plan for Palestine , the 1947–1949 Palestine war ended with Mandatory Palestine divided among Israel , the Jordanian annexation of the West Bank and the Egyptian All-Palestine Protectorate in
5168-399: The British government later confirmed that the words "in Palestine" meant that the Jewish national home was not intended to cover all of Palestine. The second half of the declaration was added to satisfy opponents of the policy, who said that it would otherwise prejudice the position of the local population of Palestine and encourage antisemitism worldwide by (according to the presidents of
5304-401: The British in mid-1940s and finally open war in November 1947 between Arabs and Jews. Zionist leaders and advocates followed conditions in the land of Israel closely and travelled there regularly. Their concern, however, was entirely with the future of Jewish settlement. The future of the land's Arab inhabitants concerned them as little as the welfare of the Jews concerned Arab leaders. During
5440-609: The British rule in Mandatory Palestine, there was civil, political and armed struggle between Palestinian Arabs and the Jewish Yishuv , beginning from the violent spillover of the Franco-Syrian War in 1920 and until the onset of the 1948 Arab–Israeli War . The conflict shifted from sectarian clashes in the 1920s and early 1930s to an armed Arab Revolt against British rule in 1936, armed Jewish Revolt primarily against
5576-550: The Conjoint Committee, David L. Alexander and Claude Montefiore in a letter to the Times ) "stamping the Jews as strangers in their native lands". The declaration called for safeguarding the civil and religious rights for the Palestinian Arabs , who composed the vast majority of the local population, and the rights of Jewish communities in any other country. The Balfour Declaration was subsequently incorporated into
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5712-463: The December draft and commented, "... the Arabs are rather forgotten ...". When Curzon received the draft of 15 March 1920, he was "far more critical" and objected to "... formulations that would imply recognition of any legal rights ..." (for example, that the British government would be "responsible for placing Palestine under such political, administrative and economic conditions as will secure
5848-516: The Executive, has not yet received a satisfactory solution. —Congress Declaration, III. Boundaries. Excerpts relating to Transjordan's inclusion in the Mandate from the 1–14 September 1921 12th Zionist Congress , the first following the Balfour Declaration. Article 25 was presented as a Zionist victory, despite its intention to exclude Transjordan from the Jewish National Home, which
5984-559: The Foreign Office) a reiteration of his instructions to minimize the scope of British involvement in the area: "There must be no question of setting up any British administration in that area". At the end of September 1920, Curzon instructed an Assistant Secretary at the Foreign Office, Robert Vansittart , to leave the eastern boundary of Palestine undefined and avoid "any definite connection" between Transjordan and Palestine to leave
6120-444: The French removed Hashim al-Atassi 's newly proclaimed nationalist government and expelled King Faisal from Syria after the 23 July 1920 Battle of Maysalun . The French formed a new Damascus state after the battle, and refrained from extending their rule into the southern part of Faisal's domain; Transjordan became for a time a no-man's land or, as Samuel put it, "politically derelict". There have been several complaints here that
6256-647: The High Commissioner, and with the condition that the Jewish National Home provisions of the Palestine mandate would not apply there. On the first day of the conference, the Middle East Department of the Colonial Office set out the situation of Transjordan in a memorandum. On 21 March 1921, the Foreign and Colonial Office legal advisers decided to introduce Article 25 into the Palestine Mandate to allow for
6392-480: The Jewish Agency he said that he wanted a Jewish–Arab agreement "on the assumption that after we become a strong force, as a result of the creation of the state, we shall abolish partition and expand to the whole of Palestine." In a letter to his son Amos he wrote in 1937 that a Jewish state in part of Palestine was "not the end, but only the beginning." It would give a "powerful boost to our historic efforts to redeem
6528-456: The Jewish people" alongside the Palestinian Arabs , who composed the vast majority of the local population ; this requirement and others, however, would not apply to the separate Arab emirate to be established in Transjordan. The British controlled Palestine for almost three decades, overseeing a succession of protests, riots and revolts between the Jewish and Palestinian Arab communities. During
6664-557: The Jewish-Arab confrontation in his book Zionism and the Arabs, 1882–1948 . He says two ideological questions were important. The first was whether the Palestinian Arabs were part of a greater Arab nation or constituted a separate Palestinian national entity. The second was to what extent Zionism could base its demands on historical rights. Zionism's aim "to construct in Palestine a distinct Jewish national society" meant that it also honoured certain principles that affected its attitude towards
6800-519: The Jews had a preemptive right to Palestine. For example, Aaron David Gordon , whose teachings formed the main intellectual inspiration of the labour leaders, wrote in 1921: For Eretz Israel, we have a charter that has been valid until now and that will always be valid, and that is the Bible [... including the Gospels and the New Testament ...] It all came from us; it was created among us. ... And what did
6936-653: The Jordan river as laid out in the Sykes–Picot Agreement. That year, two principles emerged from the British government. The first was that the Palestine government would not extend east of the Jordan; the second was the government's chosen – albeit disputed – interpretation of the McMahon-Hussein Correspondence, which proposed that Transjordan be included in the area of "Arab independence" (excluding Palestine). Regarding Faisal's Arab Kingdom of Syria ,
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#17328554856767072-446: The League, the U.S. requested permission to comment before the mandate's consideration by the Council of the League of Nations; the Council agreed to the request a week later. The discussions continued until 14 May 1922, when the U.S. government announced the terms of an agreement with the United Kingdom about the Palestine mandate. The terms included a stipulation that "consent of the United States shall be obtained before any alteration
7208-402: The Lower Galilee area. In addition, the school operates a training farm and a technological college. Mandate for Palestine The Mandate for Palestine was a League of Nations mandate for British administration of the territories of Palestine and Transjordan – which had been part of the Ottoman Empire for four centuries – following the defeat of
7344-448: The Mandate for Palestine to put the declaration into effect. Unlike the declaration itself, the Mandate was legally binding on the British government. Between July 1915 and March 1916, a series of ten letters were exchanged between Sharif Hussein bin Ali , the head of the Hashemite family that had ruled the Hejaz as vassals for almost a millennium, and Lieutenant Colonel Sir Henry McMahon , British High Commissioner to Egypt . In
7480-426: The Mandate includes an Article 25, which states: In the territories lying between the Jordan [river] and the eastern boundary of Palestine as ultimately determined, the Mandatory shall be entitled, with the consent of the Council of the League of Nations, to postpone or withhold application of such provisions of this mandate as he may consider inapplicable to the existing local conditions, and to make such provision for
7616-439: The Mandate were prepared for the Zionist leaders by Professor Frankfurter and Mr. Gans. After consultation with various members of the Actions Committee and Palestinian [Jewish] delegates then in Paris, these proposals were handed to the British Delegation and were largely embodied in the first tentative draft, dated July 15th, 1919. —Political Report, 2. The Palestine Mandate Negotiations, 1919–1921. Excerpts relating to
7752-535: The Mandate, the area saw the rise of two nationalist movements: the Jews and the Palestinian Arabs. Intercommunal conflict in Mandatory Palestine ultimately produced the 1936–1939 Arab revolt and the 1944–1948 Jewish insurgency . The United Nations Partition Plan for Palestine was passed on 29 November 1947; this envisaged the creation of separate Jewish and Arab states operating under economic union, and with Jerusalem transferred to UN trusteeship. Two weeks later, Colonial Secretary Arthur Creech Jones announced that
7888-525: The Ottoman Empire in World War I . The mandate was assigned to Britain by the San Remo conference in April 1920, after France's concession in the 1918 Clemenceau–Lloyd George Agreement of the previously agreed "international administration" of Palestine under the Sykes–Picot Agreement . Transjordan was added to the mandate after the Arab Kingdom in Damascus was toppled by the French in the Franco-Syrian War . Civil administration began in Palestine and Transjordan in July 1920 and April 1921, respectively, and
8024-442: The Ottoman Empire until its collapse in World War I. This changed when, due to Jewish immigration and land purchase in the late 19th century, they realised that Zionism wanted to make a Jewish state in Palestine. Both Palestinian Christians and Muslims were worried. According to historian Benny Morris , traditional contemptuous Muslim attitudes towards Jews affected the Zionist colonists in Palestine in last-19th century. They drove
8160-405: The Ottoman authorities, the climate, difficulties of adjustment, ... [T]he Zionist organization did not discuss this issue during that period and did not formulate a political line on it. Yet at that particular juncture in the movement such deliberations ... had about the same importance as the learned disputations customarily held in the courtyards of Hassidic rebbes regarding what would happen after
8296-449: The Palestine conflict should be resolved within the framework of a regional alliance subordinate to the interests of the Great Power(s)". In line with earlier promises by Ben-Gurion, Israel's Declaration of Independence states that "[Israel] will ensure complete equality of social and political rights to all its inhabitants irrespective of religion, race or sex." Various factors increased Arab fears after World War I. Among these were
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#17328554856768432-401: The Palestinian Arabs would be assimilated by the Jews. Since the Jews were further developed they would take the lead in the development of the country and the Arabs would subject themselves to Jewish cultural influence and assimilate. Borochov also said that the Arabs were a "people akin to us in blood and spirit", and embraced the concept of the brotherhood between all the descendants of Shem as
8568-426: The Principal Allied Powers" at a later stage. Under the terms of the 1915 McMahon-Hussein Correspondence and the 1916 Sykes–Picot Agreement, Transjordan was intended to become part of an Arab state or a confederation of Arab states. British forces retreated in spring 1918 from Transjordan after their first and second attacks on the territory, indicating their political ideas about its future; they had intended
8704-527: The Turks, the Zionists in Palestine established Hashomer (the Guardian), a self-defence organisation. Under the Ottomans, Palestine's Arab population mostly saw themselves as Ottoman subjects, or religiously (either Muslim or Christian) throughout most of the 19th century. In 1856, the Ottomans issued the Hatt-i Humayun , guaranteeing equal rights for all Ottoman subjects. Despite this, Muslims still viewed Jews as dhimmis : people protected by, but subordinate to Muslims. Jews remained second-class citizens of
8840-521: The United States (including property rights and business interests). The State Department prepared a report documenting its position on the mandate. Intercommunal conflict in Mandatory Palestine Jewish National Council victory [REDACTED] Jewish National Council ( Yishuv ) [REDACTED] Arab Higher Committee ( Palestinian Arabs ) : Central Committee of National Jihad in Palestine (1937-39) Jihadist groups: [REDACTED] United Kingdom During
8976-429: The Zionist Organisation on the draft of a Mandate for Palestine. In the drafting and discussion in Paris Dr. Weizmann and Mr. Sokolow received valuable aid from the American Zionist Delegation. Towards the end of 1919 the British Delegation returned to London and as during the protracted negotiations Dr. Weizmann was often unavoidably absent in Palestine, and Mr. Sokolow in Paris, the work was carried on for some time by
9112-404: The Zionist Organization. On the Zionist side, the drafting was led by Ben Cohen on behalf of Weizmann, Felix Frankfurter and other Zionist leaders. By December 1919, they had negotiated a "compromise" draft. Although Curzon took over from Balfour in October, he did not play an active role in the drafting until mid-March. Israeli historian Dvorah Barzilay-Yegar notes that he was sent a copy of
9248-459: The Zionist idea was, in principle, "completely natural, fine and just." However, he also recognized that the implementation of Zionism would require "brute force" and implored that "Palestine be left in peace." Rashid Rida stated in 1902 that Zionism did not simply seek a safe haven for the Jews, but aimed at national sovereignty. Naguib Azoury , a Maronite Christian from Beirut, predicted violent clashes between Arabs and Jews in Palestine. After
9384-417: The Zionists to "occasional overassertiveness" in an effort to wipe out their traditional image. On the other hand, the view of the Jews as "unassertive and subservient" initially placated the Arabs towards the Zionism movement, but later added to the humiliation of being "humbled." In 1897, an Arab commission was formed in Jerusalem, headed by the mufti , to investigate land sales to Jews. Its protests led to
9520-412: The addition of Transjordan. The intended mandatory powers were required to submit written statements to the League of Nations during the Paris Peace Conference proposing the rules of administration in the mandated areas. Drafting of the Palestine mandate began well before it was formally awarded at San Remo in April 1920, since it was evident after the end of the war that Britain was the favored power in
9656-458: The administration of the territories as he may consider suitable to those conditions. The new article was intended to enable Britain "to set up an Arab administration and to withhold indefinitely the application of those clauses of the mandate which relate to the establishment of the National Home for the Jews", as explained in a Colonial Office letter three days later. This created two administrative areas – Palestine, under direct British rule, and
9792-432: The application of the Mandate under the general supervision of Great Britain. In April 1923, five months before the mandate came into force, Britain announced its intention to recognise an "independent Government" in Transjordan; this autonomy increased further under a 20 February 1928 treaty, and the state became fully independent with the Treaty of London of 22 March 1946. Immediately following their declaration of war on
9928-703: The area of Arab independence. The French privately ceded Palestine and Mosul to the British in a December 1918 amendment to the Sykes–Picot Agreement; the amendment was finalised at a meeting in Deauville in September 1919. Matters were confirmed at the San Remo conference, which formally assigned the mandate for Palestine to the United Kingdom under Article 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations. Although France required
10064-603: The area south of the Sykes–Picot line, we will not admit French authority and that our policy for this area to be independent but in closest relations with Palestine." Samuel replied to Curzon, "After the fall of Damascus a fortnight ago ... Sheiks and tribes east of Jordan utterly dissatisfied with Shareefian Government most unlikely would accept revival", and asked to put parts of Transjordan directly under his administrative control. Two weeks later, on 21 August, Samuel visited Transjordan without authorisation from London; at
10200-405: The area to become part of an Arab Syrian state. The British subsequently defeated the Ottoman forces in Transjordan in late September 1918, just a few weeks before the Ottoman Empire's overall surrender . Transjordan was not mentioned during the 1920 discussions at San Remo, at which the Mandate for Palestine was awarded. Britain and France agreed that the eastern border of Palestine would be
10336-649: The autonomous Emirate of Transjordan under the rule of the Hashemite family – in accordance with the British Government's amended interpretation of the 1915 McMahon–Hussein Correspondence. At discussions in Jerusalem on 28 March, Churchill proposed his plan to Abdullah that Transjordan would be accepted into the mandatory area as an Arab country apart from Palestine and that it would be (initially for six months) under
10472-510: The basis of his outlook. According to Shapira, this approach was part of a campaign of self-persuasion that the Arabs would not threaten the realisation of Zionist aims. According to Jonah Frankel , the immigrants of the Second Aliyah had a strong secular and nationalist ethos. The attitude towards the Arabs took many forms, however. On one pole there were those like Yitshak Epstein and Rabi Binyamin, who held that Zionism should not antagonise
10608-463: The cessation of these sales for a number of years. Arab peasants usually protested if Jewish landowners ousted them from their homes, and violence and armed resistance did occur. However Jewish landownership was accepted if the peasants were permitted to stay. Yusuf al-Khalidi , the Mayor of Jerusalem, wrote to the chief rabbi of France in 1899 that "historically, this is really [a Jewish] country" and that
10744-517: The coming of the messiah. What thought Zionists did give to Arab national rights was perhaps typified by this passage by Israel Zangwill , written just after the First World War : 'The Arabs should recognize that the road of renewed national glory lies through Baghdad, Damascus and Mecca, and all the vast territories freed for them from the Turks and be content. ... The powers that freed them have surely
10880-469: The concept of 'peace from strength'. Norman Finkelstein says the "strategic consensus [in the Zionist movement] on the Arab Question was remarkable". This consensus was informed by three premises: (1) "the Zionist movement should neither expect, nor seek the acquiescence of the Palestinian Arabs"; (2) "the success of the Zionist enterprise was dependent on the support of one (or more) Great Power(s)"; (3)
11016-648: The confidential appendix to the August 1919 King-Crane Commission report, "the French resent the payment by the English to the Emir Faisal of a large monthly subsidy, which they claim covers a multitude of bribes, and enables the British to stand off and show clean hands while Arab agents do dirty work in their interest." The World Zionist Organization delegation to the Peace Conference – led by Chaim Weizmann , who had been
11152-464: The confrontation and the Zionists' attitude. Up to 1917, Zionism was tolerated as a national movement in the Ottoman Empire. After 1917, Palestine became a Mandate administrated by the British, and the right of the Jewish people to a national homeland in Palestine was recognised by the British and the League of Nations. In 1948, the state of Israel was established. Simultaneously, the Palestine problem became an ever more important subject for Jews, Arabs and
11288-584: The continuation of its religious protectorate in Palestine, Italy and Great Britain opposed it. France lost the religious protectorate but, thanks to the Holy See, continued to enjoy liturgical honors in Mandatory Palestine until 1924 (when the honours were abolished). As Weizmann reported to his WZO colleagues in London in May 1920, the boundaries of the mandated territories were unspecified at San Remo and would "be determined by
11424-497: The country in its entirety". He wrote that he had "no doubt that our army will be among the world's outstanding—and so I am certain that we won't be constrained from settling in the rest of the country, either by nutual agreement and understanding with our Arab neighbours, or by some other way." At the Biltmore Conference in 1942 Ben-Gurion formulated the Zionists' demand 'not as a Jewish state in Palestine but as Palestine as
11560-506: The creation of Palestine in 1918 and the Balfour Declaration . The British also granted Zionist requests that Hebrew become a language with an equal status to Arab in official proclamations, that Jewish government employees earn more than Arab and that the Zionists were permitted to fly their flag, whereas Arabs were not. Many Jews in Palestine acted as if the achievement of a Jewish state was imminent. Furthermore, in 1919 some Jewish papers called for forced emigration of Palestinian Arabs. For
11696-405: The creation of the first full draft of the Mandate for Palestine, from a September 1921 Zionist Organization report of the 12th Zionist Congress , the first following the Balfour Declaration. The February 1919 Zionist Proposal to the Peace Conference was not discussed at the time, since the Allies' discussions were focused elsewhere. It was not until July 1919 that direct negotiations began between
11832-497: The driving force behind the Balfour Declaration – also asked for a British mandate, asserting the "historic title of the Jewish people to Palestine". The confidential appendix to the King-Crane Commission report noted that "The Jews are distinctly for Britain as mandatory power, because of the Balfour declaration." The Zionists met with Faisal two weeks before the start of the conference in order to resolve their differences;
11968-411: The end of March 1921, Abdullah's army occupied all of Transjordan with some local support and no British opposition. The Cairo Conference was convened on 12 March 1921 by Winston Churchill , then Britain's Colonial Secretary, and lasted until 30 March. It was intended to endorse an arrangement whereby Transjordan would be added to the Palestine mandate, with Abdullah as the emir under the authority of
12104-407: The establishment of a Jewish national home and the development of a self-governing Commonwealth ..."). Curzon insisted on revisions until the 10 June draft removed his objections; the paragraph recognising the historical connection of the Jewish people with Palestine was removed from the preamble, and "self-governing commonwealth" was replaced by "self-governing institutions". "The recognition of
12240-401: The establishment of the Jewish National Home as the guiding principle in the execution of the Mandate" was omitted. After strenuous objection to the proposed changes, the statement concerning the historical connections of the Jews with Palestine was re-incorporated into the Mandate in December 1920. The draft was submitted to the League of Nations on 7 December 1920, and was published in
12376-558: The events as a pogrom. After the British had left Syria for the French, in July 1920, Faisal's rule in Syria collapsed and pan-Arab hopes in Palestine were dashed. Israel's Declaration of Independence states "In [1897] the First Zionist Congress convened and proclaimed the right of the Jewish people to national rebirth in its own country." and further on, "we, [the signatories] by virtue of our natural and historic right and on
12512-757: The final treaty, it had no impact on the implementation of the mandate policy set in motion three years earlier. Each of the principal Allied powers had a hand in drafting the proposed mandate, although some (including the United States) had not declared war on the Ottoman Empire and did not become members of the League of Nations. British public and government opinion became increasingly opposed to state support for Zionism, and even Sykes had begun to change his views in late 1918. In February 1922 Churchill telegraphed Samuel, who had begun his role as High Commissioner for Palestine 18 months earlier, asking for cuts in expenditure and noting: In both Houses of Parliament there
12648-584: The foundation for a secret review of Palestine policy in a lengthy memorandum to the Cabinet: It would be idle to pretend that the Zionist policy is other than an unpopular one. It has been bitterly attacked in Parliament and is still being fiercely assailed in certain sections of the press. The ostensible grounds of attack are threefold:(1) the alleged violation of the McMahon pledges; (2) the injustice of imposing upon
12784-529: The future too." A mythology connecting descent to land was often a theme for them. For instance K.L. Silman wrote: We shed our blood and we live here. Our life is the continuation of the past and so too is the spilt blood. A nation does not build its life except on the foundations of its past and blood is joined to blood. According to Frankel, this kind of mythology was an important part of the Second Aliyah's political legacy. In response to Arab attacks under
12920-411: The government was admitting to itself that its support for Zionism had been prompted by considerations having nothing to do with the merits of Zionism or its consequences for Palestine. Documents related to the 1923 reappraisal remained secret until the early 1970s. The United States was not a member of the League of Nations. On 23 February 1921, two months after the draft mandates had been submitted to
13056-497: The indigenous Arab population of Palestine", and in fact claimed for the Jewish people a prevalent right to Israel, their historical homeland, and acceded the Arabs only rights as incidental residents. Zionism justified this with two 'facts': the bond of the Jewish nation with Palestine, as derived from its history, was unique, while the Arabs of Palestine were part of the Arab nation and therefore had no special bond with Palestine. Therefore,
13192-536: The international community. During this period the demographic balance changed from one Jew in every 23 inhabitants in 1880 to one Jew in every three inhabitants in 1947 (see table). Finally, Gorny says the uneven pace of Westernization gave the Jewish society a technological and organizational advantage. Jewish society was mainly urban, Arab society mainly rural. In his book Zionism and the Palestinians , Flapan distinguishes six basic concepts of Zionism's policy toward
13328-651: The letters – particularly that of 24 October 1915 – the British government agreed to recognise Arab independence after the war in exchange for the Sharif of Mecca launching the Arab Revolt against the Ottoman Empire. Whilst there was some military value in the Arab manpower and local knowledge alongside the British Army, the primary reason for the arrangement was to counteract the Ottoman declaration of jihad ("holy war") against
13464-598: The mandate was in force from 29 September 1923 to 15 May 1948 and to 25 May 1946 respectively. The mandate document was based on Article 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations of 28 June 1919 and the Supreme Council of the Principal Allied Powers ' San Remo Resolution of 25 April 1920. The objective of the mandates over former territories of Ottoman Empire was to provide "administrative advice and assistance by
13600-499: The mandates for Palestine and Mesopotamia to Britain, and those for Syria and Lebanon to France . In anticipation of the Peace Conference, the British devised a " Sharifian Solution " to "[make] straight all the tangle" of their various wartime commitments. This proposed that three sons of Sharif Hussein – who had since become King of the Hejaz , and his sons emirs (princes) – would be installed as kings of newly created countries across
13736-480: The mandatory power's obligations to the inhabitants of the territory were supervised by a third party: the League of Nations . The mandates were to act as legal instruments containing the internationally agreed-upon terms for administering certain post-World War I territories on behalf of the League of Nations. These were of the nature of a treaty and a constitution, which contained minority-rights clauses that provided for
13872-515: The midst of the October Revolution . A stalemate in southern Palestine was broken by the Battle of Beersheba on 31 October 1917. The release of the Balfour Declaration was authorised by 31 October; the preceding Cabinet discussion had mentioned perceived propaganda benefits amongst the worldwide Jewish community for the Allied war effort. The British government issued the Declaration,
14008-465: The most important bonds linking individuals. They argued that "Jews constituted an 'alien' presence amidst states 'belonging' to other, numerically preponderant, nationalities." They proposed to remedy this by forming a state with a Jewish majority. According to Finkelstein, labour Zionism added to this that a Jewish state was the only way to amend the deficit of Jewish labourers in the Diaspora and to create
14144-490: The movement's formative stages, Zionist negotiators with stronger political powers (such as the British) corresponded enthusiastically while remaining silent about the inhabitants of Palestine, who numbered just under half a million during the late 19th century. According to Anita Shapira , among 19th and early 20th century Zionists: The Arabs in Palestine were viewed as one more of the many misfortunes present in Palestine, like
14280-717: The nominal rule of the Emir Abdullah. Churchill said that Transjordan would not form part of the Jewish national home to be established west of the River Jordan: Trans-Jordania would not be included in the present administrative system of Palestine, and therefore the Zionist clauses of the mandate would not apply. Hebrew would not be made an official language in Trans-Jordania and the local Government would not be expected to adopt any measures to promote Jewish immigration and colonisation. Abdullah's six-month trial
14416-484: The peace conference . The 1 January 1919 memorandum referred to the goal of "unit[ing] the Arabs eventually into one nation", defining the Arab regions as "from a line Alexandretta – Persia southward to the Indian Ocean". The 29 January memorandum stipulated that "from the line Alexandretta – Diarbekr southward to the Indian Ocean" (with the boundaries of any new states) were "matters for arrangement between us, after
14552-406: The policy set down by the old government in the 1922 White Paper and (3) if not, what alternative policy should be adopted. Stanley Baldwin , who took over as prime minister on 22 May 1923, set up a cabinet subcommittee in June 1923 whose terms of reference were to "examine Palestine policy afresh and to advise the full Cabinet whether Britain should remain in Palestine and whether if she remained,
14688-463: The political situation has not been dealt with with sufficient clarity, that the Mandate and boundaries questions were not mentioned. The Mandate is published and can now not be altered with one exception, which l will now explain. Transjordania, which in the first draft of the Mandate lay outside the scope of the Mandate, is now included. Article 25 of the Mandate which now lies before the League of Nations, contains this provision. Therewith, Mr. de Lieme,
14824-554: The ports of Haifa and Acre to allow access to the Mediterranean. The Palestine region, with smaller boundaries than the later Mandatory Palestine , was to fall under an "international administration". The agreement was initially used as the basis for the 1918 Anglo–French Modus Vivendi , which provided a framework for the Occupied Enemy Territory Administration (OETA) in the Levant. The mandate system
14960-535: The present, was whether Palestine was part of the coastal exclusion. At the Paris Peace Conference in 1919, British Prime Minister David Lloyd George told his French counterpart Georges Clemenceau and the other allies that the McMahon-Hussein correspondence was a treaty obligation. Around the same time, another secret treaty was negotiated between the United Kingdom and France (with assent by
15096-528: The pro-Zionist policy should be continued". The Cabinet approved the report of this subcommittee on 31 July 1923; when presenting the subcommittee's report to the Cabinet, Curzon concluded that "wise or unwise, it is well nigh impossible for any government to extricate itself without a substantial sacrifice of consistency and self-respect, if not honour." Describing it as "nothing short of remarkable", international law specialist Professor John B. Quigley noted that
15232-451: The question of the eastern boundaries is answered. The question will be still better answered when Cisjordania is so full that it overflows to Transjordania. The northern boundary is still unsatisfactory. We have made all representations, we have brought all the arguments to bear and the British Government has done everything in this connection. We have not received what we sought, and I regret to have to tell you this. The only thing we received
15368-478: The region agreed between McMahon and Hussein in 1915. The Hashemite delegation to the Paris Peace Conference, led by Hussein's third son Emir Faisal , had been invited by the British to represent the Arabs at the conference; they had wanted Palestine to be part of the proposed Arab state, and later modified this request to an Arab state under a British mandate. The delegation made two initial statements to
15504-580: The region to form British policy on the ground at the Cairo Conference. The leader of the Palestine congress, Musa al-Husayni , had tried to present the views of the executive committee in Cairo and (later) Jerusalem but was rebuffed both times. In the summer of 1921, the 4th Palestine Arab Congress sent a delegation led by Musa al-Husayni to London to negotiate on behalf of the Muslim and Christian population. On
15640-616: The region. The mandate had a number of drafts: the February 1919 Zionist proposals to the peace conference; a December 1919 compromise draft between the British and the Zionists; a June 1920 draft after Curzon's "watering down", and the December 1920 draft submitted to the League of Nations for comment. In the spring of 1919 the experts of the British Delegation of the Peace Conference in Paris opened informal discussions with representatives of
15776-542: The rest of the treaty. Article 22 was written two months before the signing of the peace treaty, before it was agreed exactly which communities, peoples, or territories would be covered by the three types of mandate set out in sub-paragraphs 4, 5, and 6 – Class A "formerly belonging to the Turkish Empire", Class B "of Central Africa" and Class C "South-West Africa and certain of the South Pacific Islands". The treaty
15912-456: The resulting Faisal–Weizmann Agreement was signed on 3 January 1919. Together with letter written by T. E. Lawrence in Faisal's name to Felix Frankfurter in March 1919, the agreement was used by the Zionist delegation to argue that their plans for Palestine had prior Arab approval; however, the Zionists omitted Faisal's handwritten caveat that the agreement was conditional on Palestine being within
16048-405: The right to ask them not to grudge the petty strip (Israel) necessary for the renaissance of a still more down-trodden people.' Thus from the beginning Zionists saw the Arab residents of Palestine as part of a larger Arab nation. Menachem Ussishkin and Ber Borochov , Zionist leaders in the Diaspora and, according to Anita Shapira, unfamiliar with true Arab attitudes, expressed their belief that
16184-425: The right to build and be built in Palestine". The right to possess a land derived from the continued willingness to work and develop it, and in that respect Jews and Arabs had equal rights. However Ben-Gurion expressed the belief that the Arabs would fare well by the Jews' renewal of the country, because it also meant the renewal of its Arab population. According to Teveth, "the Arabs, themselves incapable of developing
16320-562: The rights of petition and adjudication by the World Court . The process of establishing the mandates consisted of two phases: the formal removal of sovereignty of the state previously controlling the territory, followed by the transfer of mandatory powers to individual states among the Allied powers . According to the Council of the League of Nations meeting of August 1920, "draft mandates adopted by
16456-532: The rise during this period. Imported antisemitic literature was translated into Arabic, such as The Protocols of the Elders Zion , parts of which were reprinted in Filastin in 1920, and a full translation published in Cairo in 1927. According to historian Bernard Lewis , Arabic literature pushing antisemitic sentiments exploded in the 1920s. Yosef Gorny investigated the ideological characteristics of Zionism in
16592-640: The strength of the resolution of the United Nations General Assembly, hereby declare the establishment of a Jewish state in Eretz Israel." This illustrates Zionism's claim of a historic right as a people to the Land of Israel. All three tendencies within Zionism's consensus, political, labour and cultural Zionism, demanded a Jewish majority. Adherents of political Zionism argued that national bonds were
16728-421: The subjects of agriculture and security. The second principal was Nathan Fiat, who served as principal from 1937 to 1959 - the legendary principal that became a model to his students. The school's nickname during that period was "the monastery", due to the place being so secluded and attendance restricted to boys. During the period of the 1948 Arab-Israeli War many of the school's students and graduates fought in
16864-407: The terms of the mandate, after ascertaining whether they are in conformance with the provisions of the covenant." Discussions about the assignment of the region's control began immediately after the war ended and continued at the Paris Peace Conference and the February 1920 Conference of London , and the assignment was made at the April 1920 San Remo conference. The Allied Supreme Council granted
17000-464: The ultimate Zionist argument." Y. Gorny says leaders from various branches of Zionism claimed such a prevalent right: The dissident Zionists in Brit Shalom and Ihud thought differently. Hugo Bergmann wrote in 1929: "our opponents [in mainstream Zionism] hold different views. When they speak of Palestine, of our country, they mean 'our country', that is to say 'not their country' [... this belief
17136-415: The way open for an Arab government in Transjordan. Curzon subsequently wrote in February 1921, "I am very concerned about Transjordania ... Sir H.Samuel wants it as an annex of Palestine and an outlet for the Jews. Here I am against him." Abdullah , the brother of recently deposed King Faisal, marched into Ma'an at the head of an army of from 300 to 2,000 men on 21 November 1920. Between then and
17272-625: The way, the delegation held meetings with Pope Benedict XV and diplomats from the League of Nations in Geneva (where they also met Balfour, who was non-committal). In London, they had three meetings with Winston Churchill in which they called for reconsideration of the Balfour Declaration, revocation of the Jewish National Home policy, an end to Jewish immigration and that Palestine should not be severed from its neighbours. All their demands were rejected, although they received encouragement from some Conservative Members of Parliament. Musa al-Husayni led
17408-441: The wishes of their respective inhabitants have been ascertained", in a reference to Woodrow Wilson 's policy of self-determination . In his 6 February 1919 presentation to the Paris Peace Conference, Faisal (speaking on behalf of King Hussein) asked for Arab independence or at least the right to choose the mandatory. The Hashemites had fought with the British during the war, and received an annual subsidy from Britain; according to
17544-524: Was "a holy term, vague as far as the exact boundaries of the territories are concerned but clearly defining ownership". According to Finkelstein the longed for land incorporated Palestine, Transjordan, the Golan height and the southern part of Lebanon. Ben-Gurion said he wanted to "concentrate the masses of our people in this country and its environs." When he proposed accepting the Peel proposals in 1937, which included
17680-511: Was accompanied by a fierce sense of possessiveness, of joyous anticipation of the fight for it". According to Simha Flapan, a basic concept of Zionist political thinking was the non-recognition of the existence of a Palestinian national entity. He says that Golda Meir's widely published pronouncement that " There was no such thing as Palestinians ", was the cornerstone of Zionist policy, initiated by Weizmann and faithfully carried out by Ben-Gurion and his successors. However, Gorny has documented
17816-478: Was created in the wake of World War I as a compromise between Woodrow Wilson 's ideal of self-determination , set out in his Fourteen Points speech of January 1918, and the European powers' desire for gains for their empires . It was established under Article 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations , entered into on 28 June 1919 as Part I of the Treaty of Versailles , and came into force on 10 January 1920 with
17952-562: Was extended, and by the following summer he began to voice his impatience at the lack of formal confirmation. The drafting was carried out with no input from any Arabs, despite the fact that their disagreement with the Balfour Declaration was well known. Palestinian political opposition began to organise in 1919 in the form of the Palestine Arab Congress , which formed from the local Muslim-Christian Associations . In March 1921, new British Colonial Secretary Winston Churchill came to
18088-538: Was founded in 1930, and the Kadoorie agricultural school, near Kfar Tavor , was founded in 1933. The Kadoorie agricultural school was reputed to be one of the best schools during the British Mandate period. The main educational goal was to prepare students for advanced studies in Europe. The first principal was Shalom Tzemach , who led the " honour code examinations" (exams without the attendance of teachers) and concentrated in
18224-523: Was not then public. After the French occupation, the British suddenly wanted to know "what is the 'Syria' for which the French received a mandate at San Remo?" and "does it include Transjordania?". British Foreign Minister Lord Curzon ultimately decided that it did not; Transjordan would remain independent, but in a close relationship with Palestine. On 6 August 1920, Curzon wrote to newly appointed High Commissioner Herbert Samuel about Transjordan: "I suggest that you should let it be known forthwith that in
18360-402: Was signed and the peace conference adjourned before a formal decision was made. Two governing principles formed the core of the mandate system: non-annexation of the territory and its administration as a "sacred trust of civilisation" to develop the territory for the benefit of its native people. The mandate system differed fundamentally from the protectorate system which preceded it, in that
18496-459: Was the concession to be allowed a voice in the discussion on the water rights. And now just a week ago, when the Administration in Palestine, under pressure from a few soldiers, wished to alter our boundaries we protested most strongly and confirmed the boundary along the lines that were agreed upon. That is not satisfactory, but with the forces at our disposal nothing else could be attained. So it
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