95-534: Robert Mangaliso Sobukwe OMSG (5 December 1924 – 27 February 1978) was a South African anti-apartheid revolutionary and founding member of the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC), serving as the first president of the organization. Sobukwe was regarded as a strong proponent of an Africanist future for South Africa and opposed political collaboration with anyone other than Africans, defining "African" as anyone who lives in and pays allegiance to Africa and who
190-412: A 2 millimetres wide white band, a 7½ millimetres wide green band and a 5 millimetres wide yellow band, repeated in reverse order and separated by a 2 millimetres wide black band, but with the red band at left replaced by a 2 millimetres wide blue band at right. Conferment of the decoration was discontinued in 2003 when a new set of national orders was instituted. The known recipients are listed in
285-475: A clause allowing for political dissidents to be indefinitely detained. This allowed Sobukwe's sentence to be renewed for an additional six years, which he spent on Robben Island . The clause became known as the "Sobukwe Clause" as no other individual was sentenced under this provision. At Robben Island, Sobukwe was in company of other revolutionaries in liberation struggle such as Nelson Mandela , Johnson Mlambo , and John Nyathi Pokela , among many others. Sobukwe
380-483: A collaboration between political activists & religious leaders for the improvement of communities through a multitude of projects. The Trust Fund was officially established in 1975 by Steve Biko on order to fund these projects. The capital for many of these projects came from fundraising done by Father Aelred Stubbs through churches in Europe.The first funding opportunity was to assist newly released political prisoners and
475-666: A degree in economics from the University of London. It is speculated that Sobukwe was subjected to this special treatment because the South African government had profiled him as a greater troublemaker than the regular ANC prisoners. Sobukwe's son disputes terming this treatment as "special". Throughout his imprisonment, Sobukwe maintained communication with his friend Benjamin Pogrund who later became his biographer. As authorities recognized Sobukwe's deteriorating physical and mental health, he
570-685: A distinct black identity. In black townships during the 1980s, rivalry between black-consciousness adherents belonging to Azapo and the UDF led to violence. This deadly violence was most pronounced in Soweto. [2] [3] A balanced analysis of the results and legacy of the Black Consciousness Movement would no doubt find a variety of perspectives. A list of research resources is listed at the end of this section including Columbia University's Project on Black Consciousness and Biko's Legacy. Criticisms of
665-460: A key historical figure in the black liberation struggle of South Africa. His vision of a society dedicated to individual rights, irrespective of race or ethnicity, is shared by many of his contemporaries such as in elements of the ANC and Pan-Africanists . In Sobukwe's 1959 PAC inaugural speech, he shared a sentiment that continues to be quoted by anti-racism rhetoric in popular media, as he stated: There
760-458: A man ." An important theme of Black Consciousness literature was the rediscovery of the ordinary , which can be used to describe the work of Njabulo Ndebele . However, it was in poetry that the Black Consciousness Movement first found its voice. In a sense, this was a modern update of an old tradition, since several of South Africa's African languages had long traditions of performed poetry. Sipho Sempala , Mongane Serote , and Mafika Gwala led
855-412: A new sense of pride about being black as the movement helped to expose and critique the inferiority complex felt by many blacks at the time. The group formed Formation Schools to provide leadership seminars, and placed a great importance on decentralisation and autonomy, with no person serving as president for more than one year (although Biko was clearly the primary leader of the movement). Early leaders of
950-408: A non-violent demonstration before police responded violently. The protest devolved into a riot. 176 people died mostly killed by the security forces [needs verification]. The government's efforts to suppress the growing movement led to the imprisonment of Steve Biko, who became a symbol of the struggle. Biko died in police custody on 12 September 1977. Steve Biko was a non-violent activist, even though
1045-568: A poor household and was educated at a local Methodist mission for primary school. At age 15, Sobukwe continued and eventually completed his secondary education at the Healdtown Institute, which provided a Methodist Christian and liberal arts education to all students. In 1947, Sobukwe enrolled at the South African Native College at Fort Hare , the premier undergraduate institution for black students of his time. Although Sobukwe
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#17330995698351140-504: A result, there emerged a greater cohesiveness and solidarity amongst black groups in general, which in turn brought black consciousness to the forefront of the anti-apartheid struggle within South Africa. The BCM's policy of perpetually challenging the dialectic of apartheid South Africa as a means of transforming Black thought into rejecting prevailing opinion or mythology to attain a larger comprehension brought it into direct conflict with
1235-665: A teacher at various locations in the United States. Sobukwe completed his law degree with the help of a local lawyer, in Galeshewe, and he then started his own practice in 1975 in Kimberley. In early 1977, Sobukwe fell ill and applied for permission to receive medical treatment; his request was denied indefinitely until the intervention of his friend Benjamin Pogrund . Subsequently, in September 1977, Sobukwe travelled to Johannesburg where he
1330-492: A white government. What could not be achieved by men with guns was accomplished by teenagers throwing stones. While much of this later phase of the struggle was not undertaken under the formal direction of Black Consciousness groups per se, it was certainly fuelled by the spirit of Black Consciousness. Even after the end of apartheid, Black Consciousness politics live on in community development projects and " acts of dissent " staged both to bring about change and to further develop
1425-646: Is only one race to which we all belong, and that is the human race. In our vocabulary therefore, the word 'race' as applied to man, has no plural form. Following Sobukwe's imprisonment and the official South African banning of the anti-apartheid parties in 1960, the influence of the Pan-Africanist Congress steadily waned and was eventually overshadowed again by the African National Congress . The PAC, along with many other anti-apartheid organizations, were forced to move to underground operations. Under
1520-448: Is prepared to subject himself to African majority rule. He grew discontented with the progress of the liberation struggle during the 1950s, in which the apartheid government continually introduced new means to suppress the liberation struggle. Resonating with many members of the ANC, Sobukwe had become impatient with the ANC's inability to achieve results. Sobukwe, an anticommunist , also rejected
1615-422: Is prepared to subject themselves to African majority rule. In March 1960, Sobukwe organized and launched a non-violent protest campaign against pass laws, for which he was sentenced to three years in prison on grounds of incitement. In 1963, the enactment of the "Sobukwe Clause," allowed an indefinite renewal of his prison sentence, and Sobukwe was subsequently relocated to Robben Island for solitary confinement. At
1710-461: The ANC had committed to an armed struggle through its military wing Umkhonto we Sizwe , but this small guerrilla army was neither able to seize and hold territory in South Africa nor to win significant concessions through its efforts. The ANC had been banned by apartheid leaders, and although the famed Freedom Charter remained in circulation in spite of attempts to censor it, for many students,
1805-507: The Azanian People's Liberation Army and Umkhonto we Sizwe , and again with the institution of new sets of awards in 2002 and 2003. The position of the Order for Meritorious Service, Gold in the South African order of precedence remained unchanged, as it was on 27 April 1994, when new awards were instituted in 1996, 2002 and 2003. The position of the Order for Meritorious Service, Silver in
1900-659: The Black Review , Black Voice , Black Perspective , and Creativity in Development . On top of building schools and day cares and taking part in other social projects, the BCM through the BCP was involved in the staging of the large-scale protests and workers' strikes that gripped the nation in 1972 and 1973, especially in Durban . Indeed, in 1973 the government of South Africa began to clamp down on
1995-651: The Ginsberg Education Fund. The trust fund assisted people regardless of political affiliation. In comparison with the Black Power movement in the United States, the Black Consciousness movement felt little need to reconstruct any sort of golden cultural heritage. African linguistic and cultural traditions were alive and well in the country. Short stories published predominantly in Drum magazine had led to
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#17330995698352090-535: The Progressive Party , which he termed "liberal-left-multi-racialists". He stood for an Africanist Socialist Democracy. was an ardent supporter of Africanist views about liberation in South Africa and rejected the idea of working with Whites. Sobukwe was a strong believer in an Africanist future for South Africa and rejected any model suggesting working with anyone other than Africans, defining African as anyone who lives in and pays his allegiance to Africa and who
2185-736: The Sharpeville Massacre in 1960. The BCM represented a social movement for political consciousness . [Black Consciousness'] origins were deeply rooted in Christianity. In 1966, the Anglican Church under the incumbent, Archbishop Robert Selby Taylor , convened a meeting which later on led to the foundation of the University Christian Movement (UCM). This was to become the vehicle for Black Consciousness. The BCM attacked what they saw as traditional white values, especially
2280-616: The black consciousness movement , aimed at assisting people towards becoming self-sufficient. They presented this to the authorities as a project run by Thenjiwe Mtintso and the Border Council of Churches. The director of the fund was South African Students Organisation (SASO) leader Mapetla Mohapi. The fund succeeded with a brick making scheme in Dimbaza close to King William's Town . Other self-reliance projects included Zanempilo Community Health Care Centre , Njwaxa Leather-Works Project and
2375-472: The pre-1994 South African Coat of Arms . The suspender is in the form of the crest of the pre-1994 South African Coat of Arms, a lion holding four staves to represent the four provinces of the Union of South Africa , above an outline of an inverted gable. The breast star consists of the badge of the order superimposed on a four-pointed multi-rayed diagonal star. The original ribbon was 35 millimetres wide and in
2470-643: The townships . In response, 176 of the child protesters were fatally shot by South African security forces and both outrage and unrest spread like wildfire throughout the country. Although it successfully implemented a system of comprehensive local committees to facilitate organised resistance, the BCM itself was decimated by security action taken against its leaders and social programs. By 19 June 1976, 123 key members had been banned and assigned to internal exile in remote rural districts. In 1977, all BCM related organisations were banned, many of its leaders arrested, and their social programs dismantled under provisions of
2565-404: The "condescending" values of white liberals. They refused to engage white liberal opinion on the pros and cons of black consciousness, and emphasised the rejection of white monopoly on truth as a central tenet of their movement While this philosophy at first generated disagreement amongst black anti-apartheid activists within South Africa, it was soon adopted by most as a positive development. As
2660-481: The 1950s being called the Drum decade , and future Nobel Prize winner Nadine Gordimer was beginning to become active. The fallout from the Sharpeville massacre led to many of those artists entering exile, but the political oppression of the resistance itself led to a new growth of black South African Literature. In the 1970s, Staffrider magazine became the dominant forum for the publication of BC literature, mostly in
2755-467: The ANC as it was impossible to have a relationship between blacks and whites until further progress had been made. He argued that a reliance on whites would disempower the realization that many of these Africans had, that they had the power to overtake a society that had been taken from them. Sobukwe rejected collaboration with sympathetic whites as he considered such multi-racial cooperation between slave owner and slave as an "ungodly alliance" before equality
2850-522: The ANC did, but also from psychological transformation in the minds of black people themselves. This analysis suggested that to take power, black people had to believe in the value of their blackness. That is, if black people believed in democracy, but did not believe in their own value, they would not truly be committed to gaining power. Along these lines, Biko saw the struggle to build African consciousness as having two stages: "Psychological liberation" and "Physical liberation". While at times Biko embraced
2945-525: The ANC had disappeared. The term Black Consciousness stems from American academic W. E. B. DuBois 's evaluation of the double consciousness of black Americans, analyzing the internal conflict that black, or subordinated, people experience living in an oppressive society. Du Bois echoed Civil War era black nationalist Martin Delany 's insistence that black people take pride in their blackness as an important step in their personal liberation. This line of thought
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3040-580: The ANC viewed white participation in its struggle as part of enacting the non-racial future for which it was fighting, the Black Consciousness view was that even well-intentioned white people often re-enacted the paternalism of the society in which they lived. This view held that in a profoundly racialised society, black people had to first liberate themselves and gain psychological, physical and political power for themselves before "non-racial" organisations could truly be non-racial. Biko's BCM had much in common with other left-wing African nationalist movements of
3135-548: The ANC's alliance with the South African Communist Party. He later left the ANC to form the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC), and was elected its first President in 1959. Sobukwe became known as the Professor or simply "Prof" to his close comrades and followers, a testament to his educational achievements and powers of speech and persuasion. He spoke of the need for black South Africans to "liberate themselves" without
3230-513: The ANC's formal armed wing Umkhonto We Sizwe struggled to make gains, this new fearlessness became the basis of a new battle in the streets, in which larger and larger groups of ordinary and often unarmed people confronted the police and the army more and more aggressively. If the ANC could not defeat the white government's massive army with small bands of professional guerrilla fighters, it was able to eventually win power through ordinary black peoples' determination to make South Africa ungovernable by
3325-738: The Black Consciousness Media Workers Association joined the United Democratic Front (UDF). Many groups published important newsletters and journals, such as the Kwasala of the Black Consciousness Media Workers and the London-based BCMA journal Solidarity . And beyond these groups and media outlets, the Black Consciousness Movement had an extremely broad legacy, even as the movement itself
3420-475: The Black Consciousness Movement is as an intellectual movement. The weakness of theory in and of itself to mobilise constituencies can be seen in AZAPO 's inability to win significant electoral support in modern-day South Africa. But the strength of the ideas can be seen in the diffusion of Black Consciousness language and strategy into nearly every corner of black South African politics. In fact, these ideas helped make
3515-416: The Black Consciousness Movement itself was the development of black culture, and thus black literature. The cleavages in South African society were real, and the poets and writers of the BCM saw themselves as spokespersons for blacks in the country. They refused to be beholden to proper grammar and style, searching for black aesthetics and black literary values. The attempt to awaken a black cultural identity
3610-464: The Black Consciousness Movement provided a space for the "unity of South Africa's oppressed" in a way that the students defined for themselves. The movement stirred many blacks to confront not only the legal but also the cultural and psychological realities of Apartheid, seeking "not black visibility but real black participation" in society and in political struggles. The gains this movement made were widespread across South Africa. Many black people felt
3705-432: The Black Consciousness Movement to be illegal. Following this, many members joined more concretely political and tightly structured parties such as the ANC, which used underground cells to maintain their organisational integrity despite banning by the government. And it seemed to some that the key goals of Black Consciousness had been attained, in that black identity and psychological liberation were growing. Nonetheless, in
3800-572: The Black Consciousness Movement. And as the influence of the Black Consciousness Movement itself waned, the ANC was returning to its role as the clearly leading force in the resistance to white rule. Still more former members of the Black Consciousness Movement continued to join the ANC, including Thozamile Botha from PEBCO. Others formed new groups. For instance, in 1980, Pityana formed the Black Consciousness Movement of Azania (BCMA), an avowedly Marxist group which used AZAPO as its political voice. Curtis Nkondo from AZAPO and many members of AZASO and
3895-505: The Movement sometimes mirror similar observations of the Black Consciousness Movement in the United States. On one side, it was argued that the Movement would stagnate into black racialism, aggravate racial tensions and attract repression by the apartheid regime. Further, the objective of the Movement was to perpetuate a racial divide – apartheid for the Blacks, equivalent to that which existed under
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3990-573: The National Party rule. Other detractors thought the Movement-based heavily on student idealism, but with little grassroots support among the masses, and few consistent links to the mass trade-union movement. Assessments of the movement note that it failed to achieve several of its key objectives. It did not bring down the apartheid regime, nor did its appeal to other non-white groups as "people of color" gain much traction. Its focus on blackness as
4085-474: The National Union of South African Students organization which, although it was multiracial, was still "dominated" by white students. Even as the nation's leading opposition groups like the ANC proclaimed a commitment to armed struggle, their leaders had failed to organise a credible military effort. If their commitment to revolution had inspired many, the success of the white regime in squashing it had dampened
4180-400: The South African order of precedence remained unchanged, as it was on 27 April 1994, when new awards were instituted in 1996, 2002 and 2003. Both classes share the same ribbon and are worn around the neck. The badge of the Order is a white-enamelled gold or silver gable cross that displays the national arms on a shield in the centre of a smaller gold or silver cross paty. The reverse has
4275-572: The abuses that had been inflicted upon them. Far from crushing the movement, this led to its wider support among black and white South Africans. The Black Consciousness Movement heavily supported the protests against the policies of the apartheid regime which led to the Soweto uprising in June 1976. The protests began when it was decreed that black students be forced to learn Afrikaans , and that many secondary school classes were to be taught in that language. This
4370-615: The actions of Sobukwe. Following Sobukwe's arrest after the Sharpeville massacre, he was charged with and convicted of incitement, and sentenced to three years in prison. He served one year of his sentence in Witbank Prison (1960—1961) followed by two years in Pretoria Gaol (1961—1963). As the end of Sobukwe's three-year sentence approached, the National Party parliament passed the General Law Amendment Act, which introduced
4465-463: The arts and sciences. The positions of the two classes of the Order for Meritorious Service in the official order of precedence were revised three times after 1986 to accommodate the inclusion or institution of new decorations and medals, first with the integration process of 1994, again when decorations and medals were belatedly instituted in April 1996 for the two former non-statutory para-military forces,
4560-477: The back door.... This poem by an unknown author has a rather confrontational look: Kaffer man, Kaffer nation Arise, arise from the kaffer Prepare yourself for war! We are about to start Steve Biko the hero of Mandlenkosi Langa 's poem: "Banned for Blackness" also calls for black resistance: Look up, black man, quit stuttering and shuffling Look up, black man, quit whining and stooping ...raise up your black fist in anger and vengeance. A main tenet of
4655-451: The black majority. Therefore, Biko's non-violence may be seen more as a tactic than a personal conviction. However, along with political action, a major component of the Black Consciousness Movement was its Black Community Programs, which included the organisation of community medical clinics, aiding entrepreneurs, and holding "consciousness" classes and adult education literacy classes. Another important component of psychological liberation
4750-491: The black person as a human being, dignified and proud of his blackness, in spite of the oppression of colonialism. The aim of this global movement of black thinkers was to build black consciousness and African consciousness, which they felt had been suppressed under colonialism . Part of the insight of the Black Consciousness Movement was in understanding that, black liberation would not only come from imagining and fighting for structural political changes, as older movements like
4845-571: The brutality of the Sharpeville massacre of 21 March 1960 caused many black people to embrace the idea of violent resistance to apartheid. However, although the ANC's armed wing started its campaign in 1962, no victory was in sight by the time that Steve Biko was a medical student in the late 1960s. This is because the organization was banned in 1960, preventing it from having a strong influence in South African politics for approximately two decades. During this same time, students of colour "marched out" of
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#17330995698354940-417: The colours of the 1928 South African flag, with a 6 millimetres wide dark blue band, a 4 millimetres wide white band and a 5½ millimetres wide orange band, repeated in reverse order and separated by a 4 millimetres wide white band. A new ribbon was introduced in 1996, in the colours of the new post-1994 South African flag. It is also 35 millimetres wide with (approximate widths) a 2 millimetres wide red band,
5035-426: The complexity of the South African black political world, which can be so daunting to the newcomer or the casual observer, into a strength. As the government tried to act against this organisation or that one, people in many organisations shared the general ideas of the Black Consciousness Movement, and these ideas helped to organise action beyond any specific organisational agenda. If the leader of this group or that one
5130-550: The end of his sixth year at Robben Island, he was released and placed under house arrest until his death in 1978. Sobukwe was born in Graaff-Reinet in the Eastern Cape Province on 5 December 1924, as the youngest child of Hubert and Angelina Sobukwe. While his father who was from Lesotho worked as a general store clerk and part-time woodcutter, Sobukwe's Xhosa mother served as a domestic worker in white homes. He grew up in
5225-434: The form of poetry and short stories. Book clubs, youth associations, and clandestine street-to-street exchange became popular. Various authors explored the Soweto riots in novels, including Miriam Tlali , Mothobi Mutloatse and Mbulelo Mzamane . But the most compelling force in Black Consciousness prose was the short story, now adapted to teach political morals. Mtutuzeli Matshoba famously wrote, " Do not say to me that I am
5320-675: The formation of AZAPO in 1978, its chairman, Ishmael Mkhabela , and secretary, Lybon Mabasa were detained under the Terrorism Act. In the following years, other groups sharing Black Consciousness principles formed, including the Congress of South African Students (COSAS), Azanian Student Organisation (AZASO) and the Port Elizabeth Black Civic Organisation (PEBCO). While many of these organisations still exist in some form, some evolved and could no longer be called parts of
5415-474: The full force of the security apparatus of the apartheid regime. "Black man, you are on your own" became the rallying cry as mushrooming activity committees implemented what was to become a relentless campaign of challenge to what was then referred to by the BCM as "the system". It eventually sparked a confrontation on 16 June 1976 in the Soweto uprising , when Black children marched to protest both linguistic imperialism and coercive Afrikaans medium education in
5510-569: The help of non-Africans; Sobukwe defined non-Africans as anyone who lives in Africa or abroad Africa and who does not pay his allegiance to Africa and who is not prepared to subject himself to African majority rule. His strong convictions and active resistance inspired many other individuals and organisations involved in the anti-apartheid movement, notably the Black Consciousness Movement ). Sobukwe argued that whites should be excluded from
5605-659: The leadership of Potlako Leballo , the PAC came to sponsor and create a paramilitary wing Poqo . Leballo's revolutionary rhetoric inspired the planning of violent operations, ultimately leading to the public arrest of 3,246 PAC and Poqo members. In 2012, Robert Sobukwe Street in Pretoria (formerly known as Esselen Street) was renamed after him in commemoration of his contributions to the black liberation struggle. Similarly, in 2013, Robert Sobukwe Road in Cape Town (formerly known as Modderdam Road)
5700-408: The major organising principle was very much downplayed by Nelson Mandela and his successors who to the contrary emphasised the multi-racial balance needed for the post-apartheid nation. The community programs fostered by the movement were very small in scope and were subordinated to the demands of protest and indoctrination. Its leadership and structure was essentially liquidated, and it failed to bridge
5795-462: The months following Biko's death, activists continued to hold meetings to discuss resistance. Along with members of the BCM, a new generation of activists who had been inspired by the Soweto riots and Biko's death were present, including Bishop Desmond Tutu . Among the organisations that formed in these meetings to carry the torch of Black Consciousness was the Azanian People's Organisation (AZAPO), which persists to this day. Almost immediately after
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#17330995698355890-431: The movement he helped start eventually took up violent resistance. White newspaper editor Donald Woods supported the movement and Biko, whom he had befriended, by leaving South Africa and exposing the truth behind Biko's death at the hands of police by publishing the book Biko . One month after Biko's death, on 19 October 1977, now known as "Black Wednesday" the South African government declared 19 groups associated with
5985-615: The movement such as Bennie Khoapa , Barney Pityana , Mapetla Mohapi , and Mamphela Ramphele joined Biko in establishing the Black Community Programmes (BCP) in 1970 as self-help groups for black communities, forming out of the South African Council of Churches and the Christian Institute . Their approach to development was strongly influenced by Paulo Freire . They also published various journals, including
6080-577: The movement, claiming that their ideas of black development were treasonous, and virtually the entire leadership of SASO and BCP were banned. In late August and September 1974, after holding rallies in support of the FRELIMO government which had taken power in Mozambique , many leaders of the BCM were arrested under the Terrorism Act and the Riotous Assemblies Act, 1956 . Arrests under these laws allowed
6175-505: The new multi-racial South Africa. According to Pallo Jordan "The great tragedy of the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM) was that it was never able to gather and retain much support beyond a narrow band of African intellectuals." Donald Woods , a white South African liberal, was close friends with Biko and a number of other senior figures in the BCM, but nevertheless expressed concern about what he regarded as "the unavoidably racist aspects of Black Consciousness". The Zimele Trust Fund
6270-494: The newly implemented Internal Security Amendment Act. On 12 September 1977, its banned National Leader, Steve Bantu Biko died from injuries that resulted from brutal assault while in the custody of the South African Police . The Black Consciousness Movement started to develop during the late 1960s, and was led by Steve Biko , Mamphela Ramphele , and Barney Pityana . During this period, which overlapped with apartheid,
6365-470: The non-violent tactics of Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr. , this was not because Biko fully embraced their spiritually-based philosophies of non-violence. Rather, Biko knew that for his struggle to give rise to physical liberation, it was necessary that it exist within the political and military realities of the apartheid regime, in which the armed power of the white government outmatched that of
6460-422: The pass law of being present in a region/area other than that allowed as per his papers. In a similar protest on the same day in Sharpeville , police opened fire on a crowd of PAC supporters, killing 69 in the Sharpeville Massacre . In the aftermath, Sobukwe was taken without a fair trial and both the ANC and PAC were banned. Other organizations such as Steve Bikos's Black Consciousness Movement were inspired by
6555-464: The policy of apartheid, freedom of speech , and more rights for South African blacks who were oppressed by the white apartheid regime, but also black pride and a readiness to make blackness, rather than simple liberal democracy, the rallying point of unapologetically black organisations. Importantly, the group defined black to include other "people of color" in South Africa, most notably the large number of South Africans of Indian descent. In this way,
6650-490: The reality of black peoples lives in order to portray the broad spectrum of problems black people faced. Black Viewpoint was a literature addition to the Black Community Programmes. The editorial wrote reviews and gave feedback on the different black Community Programmes that were taking place such as the Zanempilo Community Health Care Centre . Black Review was banned prior to Biko's banning. This
6745-432: The spirits of many. It was in this context that black students, Biko most notable among them, began critiquing the liberal whites with whom they worked in anti-apartheid student groups, as well as the official non-racialism of the ANC. They saw progress towards power as requiring the development of black power distinct from supposedly "non-racial groups". This new Black Consciousness Movement not only called for resistance to
6840-480: The start up costs income gathering families. This assisted in economically restabilising the families of those with "political" criminal records as many communities branded these activists as trouble makers, making it difficult for them to secure employment. The Trust fund also supported families through bursaries and scholarships for activists children as activists struggled to secure bursaries and scholarships for their children due to stigmatisation. The trust, much like
6935-407: The suspension of the doctrine of habeas corpus , and many of those arrested were not formally charged until the next year, resulting in the arrest of the "Pretoria Twelve" and conviction of the " SASO nine ", which included Aubrey Mokoape and Patrick Lekota . These were the most prominent among various public trials that gave a forum for members of the BCM to explain their philosophy and to describe
7030-403: The table. Note: † denotes a posthumous award. Black Consciousness Movement The Black Consciousness Movement ( BCM ) was a grassroots anti- apartheid activist movement that emerged in South Africa in the mid-1960s out of the political vacuum created by the jailing and banning of the African National Congress and Pan Africanist Congress leadership after
7125-527: The time, such as Amílcar Cabral 's PAIGC and Huey Newton 's Black Panther Party . In 1959, just leading up to this period, the National Party (NP) established universities that were exclusively for black students. This action aligned with the Party's goal of ensuring racial segregation in all educational systems. Although the ANC and others opposed to apartheid had initially focused on non-violent campaigns,
7220-448: The tribal gap in any *large-scale* way, although certainly small groups and individuals collaborated across tribes. After much blood shed and property destroyed, critics charged that the Movement did nothing more than raise "awareness" of some issues, while accomplishing little in the way of sustained mass organisation, or of practical benefit for the masses. Some detractors also assert that Black consciousness ideas are out-dated, hindering
7315-417: The way, although Sempala turned to prose after Soweto. Serote wrote from exile of his internalisation of the struggles, while Gwala's work was informed and inspired by the difficulty of life in his home township of Mpumalanga near Durban . These forerunners inspired a myriad of followers, most notably poet-performance artist Ingoapele Madingoane . Adam Small is noted as a Coloured South African writer who
7410-547: Was a compilation of essays that were written by black people for black people. The author was Njabulo Ndebele and was published in 1972 by the Spros-Cas Black Community Programmes. Steve Biko wrote the introduction. It includes "Black Development Day" written by Njabulo Ndebele , "New Day" written by C. M. C Ndamse, "Kwa-Zulu Development" written by Chief M. G Buthelezi and "The New Black" written by Bennie A. Khoapa . Another similar magazine publication
7505-686: Was a trust fund created by the black consciousness movement to fund black community programmes (BCP's). Many of the community programmes that were funded were located in rural areas in the Eastern Cape and some in Kwa-Zulu Natal . In May 1972, the Black Consciousness movement sponsored a church conference which aimed at creating a more "black orientated" perspective of the Christian gospel. Church organizations assisted BCPs and many BCPs assisted religious organisations to run church programmes. This resulted in
7600-567: Was also reflected in the Pan-Africanist , Marcus Garvey , as well as Harlem Renaissance philosopher Alain Locke and in the salons of the sisters, Paulette and Jane Nardal in Paris. Biko's understanding of these thinkers was further shaped through the lens of postcolonial thinkers such as Frantz Fanon , Léopold Senghor , and Aimé Césaire . Biko reflects the concern for the existential struggle of
7695-413: Was another encroachment against the black population, which generally spoke indigenous languages like Zulu and Xhosa at home, and saw English as offering more prospects for mobility and economic self-sufficiency than did Afrikaans . And the notion that Afrikaans was to define the national identity stood directly against the BCM principle of the development of a unique black identity. The protest began as
7790-403: Was attained. On 21 March 1960, the PAC led a nationwide protest against the pass laws which required black people to carry a pass book at all times. Sobukwe led a march to the local police station at Orlando, Soweto , in order to openly defy the laws. He was joined en route by a few followers and, after presenting his pass to a police officer, he purposely made himself guilty under the terms of
7885-495: Was diagnosed with lung cancer and then transferred to a hospital in Cape Town . Although the South African government granted Sobukwe access to treatment, they imposed strict conditions on his travel; Sobukwe was required to report to a police station every time he left Kimberley or arrived at the hospital. He died from complications of lung cancer on 27 February 1978 and was buried in Graaff-Reinet on 11 March 1978. Sobukwe has become
7980-658: Was elected as the first president of the Fort Hare Students' Representative Council, where he proved himself to be a distinguished orator. In 1950, Sobukwe was appointed as a teacher at a high school in Standerton , a position he lost when he spoke out in favour of the Defiance Campaign in 1952 ; he was, however, later reinstated. In 1952, Sobukwe achieved notoriety backing the Defiance Campaign. During this period he
8075-515: Was initially not interested in politics, his study of Native Administration (relating to the administration of South Africa's Bantustans ), combined with his exposure to politics at Fort Hare, made Sobukwe keener to the topic. *He joined the African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL) in 1948. The organisation had been established on the university campus by Godfrey Pitje, who later became its president. In 1949, Sobukwe
8170-750: Was instituted by the Republic of South Africa in 1986, by Warrant published in Government Gazette no. 10493 dated 24 October 1986. It superseded the earlier Decoration for Meritorious Services . The order could be awarded in two classes: The Order was awarded by the State President and, from 1994, the President, to South Africans who had rendered exceptional public service. Recipients included cabinet ministers, judges, captains of commerce and industry, church leaders, academics, sports stars and prominent figures in
8265-541: Was involved in the Black Consciousness Movement and wrote works in Afrikaans and English dealing with racial discrimination. James Mathews was a part of the Drum decade who was especially influential to the Black Consciousness Movement. This poem gives an idea of the frustrations that blacks felt under apartheid: Freedom's child You have been denied too long Fill your lungs and cry rage Step forward and take your rightful place You are not going to grow up knocking at
8360-439: Was kept in solitary confinement but enjoyed a unique prisoner-plus status; he was permitted certain privileges including books, magazines, newspapers, civilian clothing, etc. He lived in a separate area on the island and was strictly prohibited from contact with other prisoners, though Sobukwe was able to communicate sporadically through visual signals while outside for exercise. He studied during this time and received (among others)
8455-490: Was no longer represented by a single organisation. While the Black Consciousness Movement itself spawned an array of smaller groups, many people who came of age as activists in the Black Consciousness Movement did not join them. Instead, they joined other organisations, including the ANC, the Unity Movement , the Pan Africanist Congress , the United Democratic Front and trade and civic unions. The most lasting legacy of
8550-658: Was not directly involved with mainstream ANC activities, but still held the position of secretary of the organisation's branch in Standerton. In 1954, after moving to Johannesburg , Sobukwe became a lecturer of African Studies at the University of the Witwatersrand . During his time in Johannesburg he became editor of The Africanist newspaper and soon began to criticise the ANC for allowing itself to be dominated by sympathizers of
8645-578: Was released from Robben Island in 1969. Sobukwe was allowed to live in Kimberley with his family but remained under house arrest. Kimberley was suggested as an area where he could not easily foster subversive activities and also a place where he could live and work while being easily monitored by the state. He was also restricted through a banning order, which disallowed political activities. Various restrictions barred Sobukwe from travelling overseas, thus curtailing his attempts to further his education. For this same reason, he had to turn down several positions as
8740-472: Was renamed after him. Central Block at the University of the Witwatersrand was renamed to Robert Sobukwe Block in 2016 following major support among students and alumni. Order for Meritorious Service The Order for Meritorious Service is a South African National Order that consisted of two classes, in gold and silver, and was awarded to deserving South African citizens. The order was discontinued on 2 December 2002. The Order for Meritorious Service
8835-556: Was thrown into prison, nonetheless, more and more black South Africans agreed on the importance of black leadership and active resistance. Partly as a result, the difficult goal of unity in struggle became more and more realised through the late 1970s and 1980s. Biko and the legacy of the Black Consciousness Movement helped give the resistance a culture of fearlessness. And its emphasis on individual psychological pride helped ordinary people realise they could not wait for distant leaders (who were often exiled or in prison) to liberate them. As
8930-445: Was thus inextricably tied up with the development of black literature. This paper was consisted of an analysis of political trends. It was edited by Steve Biko and published in 1972. The editorial was created for the purposes of protecting the interests of black people. Members of the BCM found that there were very few publications in South Africa that were written, directed and produced by black writers. The articles were juxtaposed to
9025-500: Was to embrace blackness by insisting that black people lead movements of black liberation. This meant rejecting the fervent " non-racialism " of the ANC in favour of asking whites to understand and support, but not to take leadership in, the Black Consciousness Movement. A parallel can be seen in the United States, where student leaders of later phases of SNCC , and black nationalists such as Malcolm X , rejected white participation in organisations that intended to build black power . While
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