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48-718: The Kornilov affair , or the Kornilov putsch , was an attempted military coup d'état by the commander-in-chief of the Russian Army , General Lavr Kornilov , from 10 to 13 September 1917 ( O.S. , 28–31 August), against the Russian Provisional Government headed by Aleksander Kerensky and the Petrograd Soviet of Soldiers' and Workers' Deputies. The exact details and motivations of the Kornilov affair are unconfirmed due to

96-580: A " military diplomat ", is an official responsible for military matters within a diplomatic mission , typically an embassy . They are usually high-ranking members of the armed forces who retain their commission while being accorded full diplomatic status and immunity . Generally, a military attaché serves as a representative of their country's defense establishment , with responsibility over all aspects of bilateral military and defense relations. Their main roles include advising diplomatic officials on security matters and gathering intelligence on

144-577: A central role in the conspiracy. According to the British historian John Keegan , Kornilov was maneuvered by others into attempting the coup, but he does not say who those others were. An earlier historian, AJP Taylor , believed that Kerensky encouraged the coup until he realized that Kornilov intended to destroy both the Bolsheviks and any trace of democracy including Kerensky himself. The American historian Richard Pipes put forward another interpretation of

192-529: A concrete plan to avert the oncoming attack, the Petrograd Soviet had taken measures to defend against Kornilov's advancing troops. One of these measures was the creation of the Committee for Struggle Against Counterrevolution on 11 September 1917 (28 August Old Style). Those participating in the committee were representatives of the two national Soviet executive committees of workers and soldiers and of peasants,

240-600: A few months earlier, when Vladimir Lenin was accused of being in the pay of the Germans and subsequently fled to Finland. Kerensky's plea to the Petrograd Soviet for support had resulted in the rearmament of the Bolshevik Military Organization and the release of Bolshevik political prisoners, including Leon Trotsky. Though these weapons were not needed to fight off Kornilov's advancing troops in August, they were kept by

288-602: A means of imposing a military dictatorship after his success, or was simply acting under Kerensky's orders, is not clear, but what is definite was that Kerensky had no intention of allowing Kornilov to enter Petrograd with an army, fearing the former possibility. In an effort to avoid this, on 10 September 1917 ( O.S. 27 August), Kerensky had sent Kornilov a telegram informing him of his dismissal and ordering him to return to Petrograd. The telegram did not impede Kornilov's progress towards Petrograd as intended, but instead most likely hastened his troops' advance as Kornilov, after reading

336-439: Is that the right believed that Kerensky had turned against Kornilov. Thus, the opinions regarding this affair further perpetuated separation between the right and left political parties. When discussing the events that led up to the affair, Steinberg analyzes the involvement of former Provisional Government minister Vladimir Nikolaevich Lvov . Prior to the affair taking place, Lvov identified himself to Kornilov as an "emissary for

384-961: The Boxer Rebellion of 1899–1901 in China. The military attaché advised the United States Ambassador to Japan on military matters, acted as a liaison between United States Army and the Imperial General Headquarters , and gathered and disseminated intelligence . The military attaché's office in Tokyo usually had two assistants and a number of "language officers" who were assigned specifically to learn Japanese while attached to Imperial Japanese Army regiments as observers. These "language officers" translated training and technical manuals and reported on conditions in Japanese military units. During

432-527: The Bykhov Fortress alongside 30 other army officers accused of involvement in the conspiracy. General Aleksandr Krymov commanded the forces that moved towards Petrograd before being stopped. Krymov surrendered and, after meeting with Kerensky, killed himself by shooting himself in the heart. On 14 September 1917 (1 September old style), the Provisional Government proclaimed the establishment of

480-665: The Duma , and others in the Petrograd Soviet . However, the initial wave of support for the Provisional Government amongst the Russian people soon subsided and unrest grew, a result mainly of Russia's continued participation in the First World War and the economic effects of the fighting on Russian society. The unrest felt by the Russian people reached a peak with the Kerensky Offensive on 15 July 1917 ( O.S. 1 July). Kerensky's offensive

528-710: The Eastern Front to the west until the Bolsheviks agreed to an armistice in late 1917. The Bolsheviks still wanted to maintain the Russian Army at the front while talks with Germany were ongoing, and the army was formally demobilized when the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk was signed in March 1918. The revolutionary wave influenced the Army, and it was swept with the processes of democratization and

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576-609: The Russian Republic , formally abolishing what was left of the old monarchical system and creating a Provisional Council as temporary parliament, in preparation to the elections of a Constituent Assembly . However, the Provisional Government had lost all credibility and soon crumbled. Shortly after Lenin seized power with the Bolshevik October Revolution of 7 November 1917 (25 October old style) Kornilov managed to escape from Bykhov Fortress and went on to establish

624-519: The Russo-Japanese War (1904–1905), military attachés from many Western military organizations served as observers with the land and naval forces of Russia and of Japan. The United States Army detailed eight officers to serve as military attachés with opposing forces in the field; and all served from the start of hostilities in 1904 through the signing of the peace protocols in September 1905. After

672-675: The Volunteer Army , which fought the Bolsheviks during the Russian Civil War . He was killed in battle against Bolshevik forces in the town of Ekaterinodar in April 1918. The biggest beneficiary of the Kornilov affair was the Bolshevik Party, who enjoyed a revival in support and strength in the wake of the attempted coup. Kerensky released Bolsheviks who had been arrested during the July Days

720-408: The 18th century, DAs were increasingly assigned to embassies, and by the 19th century the practice had become widespread commensurate with the emergence of national defence departments/ministries and the building of colonial empires. The 20th century brought dramatic changes in the number and background of DAs, owing to the growing number of states, the increasingly complex nature of weapons systems, and

768-460: The Bolsheviks and used in their own successful armed October Revolution. Bolshevik support amongst the Russian public also increased following the Kornilov affair, a consequence of dissatisfaction with the Provisional Government's handling of Kornilov's attempted seizure of power. Following the October Revolution, Lenin and the Bolsheviks seized power and the Provisional Government that Kornilov

816-419: The Bolsheviks." Russian Army (1917) The Provisional Government shared power with the Petrograd Soviet , which issued Order No. 1 to the military garrison of Petrograd. When it reached the front lines it was misinterpreted to mean that soldiers no longer had to follow orders from officers and could elect their own commanders. The Soviet later clarified that military discipline had to be maintained, but

864-474: The Declaration of Soldiers' Rights within the military and appointed commissars. Kerensky's Declaration was modified to prevent soldiers' committees from electing officers and attempted to maintain the authority of officers by giving them control over military operations, training, and supply. Every field army and front in the army had one commissar each from the Provisional Government, the Petrograd Soviet, and

912-470: The July Days did not alleviate the frustrations of the Russian people and continued unrest throughout that summer sparked calls for more discipline and a stronger, more unified government. Unease also escalated amongst Russia's businessmen and industrialists in the Provisional Government. Support for the restoration of order was strong even amongst the members of the Provisional Government. Immediately following

960-417: The July Days, Aleksander Kerensky became prime minister of the Provisional Government and swiftly appointed Kornilov the commander-in-chief of the Russian Army . With the help of officers of the Russian Army, Kornilov amongst them, he hoped to deliver a more unified form of government. The officers feared that ill-discipline amongst their troops accounted for the continued poor performance of the Russian Army in

1008-541: The Petrograd Soviet, the General Central Council of Trade Unions, and the Social Revolutionary (S. R.) and Menshevik parties. The most notable members of this committee were the Bolsheviks, who had a large support base among the lower class, and included organizers such as Leon Trotsky , who had been previously imprisoned but released at the behest of the Petrograd Soviet to assist in the organization of

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1056-577: The United States and the Soviet Union. Soviet liaison-teams were conducting similar missions in West Germany. These tours had evolved into a legalized form of intelligence-gathering, usually accepted by both sides. The killing became a diplomatic incident. In retaliation, the United States expelled Soviet military attaché Stanislav Gromov, who was selected for his effectiveness in collecting intelligence on

1104-515: The armed forces, although some governments designate an attaché to represent a specific service branch, such as an air force or naval attaché. As a formal diplomatic practice, the defence attaché system is traced to the Thirty Years' War (1618–1648), when French Foreign Secretary Armand Jean du Plessis , First Duke of Richelieu dispatched military officers abroad to liaise with allied powers, monitor military developments and gather intelligence. In

1152-485: The army discipline, John Boyd argued that in fact, the order's intention was to restore the discipline and it clearly stated that it was to be applied only to the troops off the front lines. While the order did not call for the democratic election of the officers, it has been a widespread misinterpretation. After Alexander Kerensky became the Minister of War and Navy in the Provisional Government in April 1917, he instituted

1200-407: The capital against Kornilov's advancing troops and aspirations of gaining power. It can be considered that, through communicating with the help of Lvov, the different intentions of both Kornilov and Kerensky were miscommunicated or misrepresented in conversation, which perpetuated the attempted government seizure of power. One take on the Kornilov affair was put forward by Aleksander Kerensky himself,

1248-511: The defense of Petrograd. The Soviet had performed several acts such as working with rail worker unions to impede Kornilov's army's progress towards Petrograd as well as infiltrating the army for the purpose of sabotage and convincing soldiers within the force to desert, all in an effort to halt and weaken the forces of Kornilov. In Petrograd the Soviet, most notably the Bolsheviks for reasons that were important later on, were given ammunition and arms in

1296-698: The embassy, he was attached to the French army command during the Crimean War of 1853–1856 and later campaigns. The functions of a military attaché are illustrated by actions of U.S. military attachés in Japan around the time of the Russo-Japanese war of 1904–1905. A series of military officers had been assigned to the American diplomatic mission in Tokyo since 1901, when the U.S. and Japan were co-operating closely in response to

1344-571: The enhanced importance of intelligence gathering, particularly during the Cold War. The DA system was formally recognized in the Vienna Convention of 1961, which codified the rights and responsibilities of diplomats. General Edward Stopford Claremont , served as the first British military attaché (at first described as "military commissioner") based in Paris for 25 years from 1856 to 1881. Though based in

1392-475: The event in his work The Russian Revolution: 1899–1919 . Pipes argued that, far from there being a Kornilov plot, there was in fact a "'Kerensky plot' engineered to discredit the general as the ringleader of an imaginary but widely anticipated counter-revolution, the suppression of which would elevate the Prime Minister to a position of unrivalled popularity and power, enabling him to meet the growing threat from

1440-414: The event that Kornilov's troops should arrive at Petrograd and combat be necessary. However this proved unnecessary because by 13 September 1917 (30 August Old Style) Kornilov's army had lost a large number of soldiers and with no more support for Kornilov's movement the affair had come to a bloodless end. After the failed coup, Kornilov was removed from his position as Commander-in-Chief and incarcerated in

1488-519: The general confusion of all parties involved. Many historians have had to piece together varied historical accounts as a result. Following the February Revolution of 8–16 March 1917 ( O.S. 23 February – 3 March), the Russian monarchy fell from power, and was replaced by a Provisional Government whose members came from various liberal and left-wing political parties, some previously represented in

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1536-456: The host country's armed forces; they may also be tasked with other security issues, such as migration or law enforcement matters. The duties, qualifications, and management of a military attaché varies between governments. The term " attaché " is French and denotes an individual who is assigned ("attached") to a diplomatic mission to fulfill a particular specialized function. Generically, a military or defense attaché may come from any branch of

1584-525: The main target of the coup. In the years after the event, Kerensky described the affair as a right-wing conspiracy that "...developed slowly, systematically, with cool calculation of all the factors involved affecting its possible success or failure." Kerensky posited that Kornilov himself was drawn into this conspiracy long after the preparatory work had been completed. In a 1966 interview with Soviet journalist Genrikh Borovik , Kerensky further elaborated on his theory by stating that Winston Churchill had played

1632-422: The message, assumed that Petrograd had fallen under the control of the Bolsheviks. Kornilov had the support of the British military attaché , Brigadier-General Alfred Knox , and Kerensky accused Knox of producing pro-Kornilov propaganda. Kerensky also claimed Lord Milner wrote him a letter expressing support for Kornilov. Over the course of the next few days, as the Provisional Government tried to come up with

1680-462: The military did not heed his request to defend the government when the Bolsheviks attacked in the October Revolution in 1917. Several schools of thought surrounding the Kornilov affair offer contrasting interpretations and have provoked debate among historians. Mark D. Steinberg presents the conflicting beliefs and political opinions on the Kornilov Affair. He elaborates by stating that the event

1728-471: The order began a decline in discipline and army effectiveness over the course of 1917. Still, the army remained intact and the majority of troops stayed at the front lines, with rear-echelon units in the Russian interior being more affected by revolutionary sentiment. Order No. 1 changed the relationship between officer corps and the ordinary soldiers, with the cooperation of elected soldiers' committees becoming necessary for army operations. The Russian Army

1776-406: The prime minister," which was not his true occupation. Through his interaction with Kornilov, Lvov gained the knowledge that Kornilov wanted to create a stronger, more unified government where he had more of a voice. Then, Lvov went on to express these desires to Kerensky, but Kerensky viewed this information as a threatening proposal to take over the government. From there, Kerensky prepared to defend

1824-458: The revolutionary threat shortly after he was appointed commander-in-chief. While there have been multiple conflicting opinions on the specifics of how this event had come to be, as well as how it was carried out, one common fact was that, to "restore peace in Petrograd", Kornilov had been organizing a force of soldiers to move into Petrograd and eliminate the Soviet. Whether Kornilov had done this as

1872-470: The single line of command was questioned. The Order No. 1 issued by the Petrograd Soviet instructed soldiers and sailors to obey their officers and the Provisional Government only if their orders did not contradict the decrees of the Petrograd Soviet. The interpretation of the Order, both at the time and by the historians has been a matter of controversy. While many scholars agree that the order severely disrupted

1920-540: The soldiers' committee appointed to the command staff. The commissars were able to monitor the army commander and his staff, countersign orders, and to recommend that officers be removed from their post. The Petrograd Soviet did not actively work with its commissars, and the responsibility for overseeing them belonged to Kerensky and a new Political Section at the Ministry of War . Military attach%C3%A9 A military attaché or defence attaché ( DA ), sometimes known as

1968-553: The war, the reports of British officers attached to the Japanese forces in the field were combined and published in four volumes. During this conflict, some attachés served primarily in Manchuria, and others served primarily in Tokyo. Some, like Italian naval officer Ernesto Burzagli , saw service both at sea and in Tokyo. The agreed conditions that allow military attachés to gather information can be misunderstood with fatal results. United States military attaché Maj. Arthur D. Nicholson

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2016-496: The war. They demanded the reintroduction of the death penalty on the front line as well as the abolition of the various soldiers' committees that had sprung up in the months following the Petrograd Soviet's Order Number 1 on 1 March 1917 ( O.S. 14 March). The officers, especially Kornilov, wanted to put an end to any signs of revolution in Russia, particularly in regard to the Bolsheviks. Kornilov mobilized his troops to Petrograd to address

2064-426: Was "a strange mixture of conspiracy and confusion". Once the attempt was halted, many citizens expressed skeptical thoughts regarding what actually happened between Kornilov and Kerensky. On the left side, those who defended Kornilov believed that Kerensky had intentionally planned the seizure of power, but publicly disapproved of it to be the savior figure in the midst of turmoil. Another aspect that Steinberg highlights

2112-498: Was a part of ceased to exist. The fragments of the Provisional Government were a pivotal force in the Russian Civil War that occurred in response to Lenin's seizure of power. Despite the officer corps' refusal to participate in Kornilov's mutiny, they were angry with the punishment Kerensky gave him, as well as Kerensky's accommodation of the left and his arrest of prominent generals. This would later come back to haunt Kerensky as

2160-530: Was killed on March 24, 1985, while photographing a military installation in East Germany 160 kilometres (100 miles) northwest of Berlin. He was reportedly observing from a point not marked off-limits, though near a place that was. According to Sgt. Jessie Schatz, Nicholson's driver, there were no warning shots and the Soviets refused to give Nicholson medical attention for nearly an hour. His role had been agreed to by

2208-450: Was meant to boost the morale of the troops and reignite support for Russia's participation in the war. The offensive ended up having the opposite effect. Troops and workers became frustrated with Russia's continued involvement, which led to the July Days revolt. The July Days took place in the Russian capital of Petrograd from 16 to 20 July ( O.S. 3 to 7 July) and was a rebellion against the Provisional Government. The demonstrations during

2256-521: Was still capable of launching an offensive in July [ O.S. June] 1917, though it was defeated and reversed despite some initial success. The Provisional Government had promised to continue Russia's obligations to its Western allies in the Triple Entente . After the failure of the offensive, and despite the political machinations in Petrograd, the army was still an effective force at the front, though it

2304-579: Was unwilling to go on the attack. The Bolsheviks began taking control of the army in November 1917, after the October Revolution , and abolished the officer corps in December 1917. This began the process of disintegration, but the army did not cease existing at the front until February 1918, when negotiations between Germany and the Bolsheviks broke down. The Germans did not start transferring divisions from

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