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70-568: The success of the Land Acts in reducing the concentration of land ownership is indicated by the fact that in 1870, only 3% of Irish farmers owned their own land while 97% were tenants. By 1929, this ratio had been reversed with 97.4% of farmers holding their farms in freehold. However, as Michael Davitt and other Georgists had foreseen, peasant proprietorship did not end hardship in the Irish countryside. Emigration and economic disadvantage continued while

140-535: A free market should allocate land in the most productive way, but in practice landowning groups have disproportionate power in many countries. Landlords seek to control land so they can extract rent , in the form of payments from tenant farmers, or more recently agricultural subsidies and other subsidies from the state. State policies which favor large landowners, such as differential taxation that hits free peasants harder than large landlords and serfs, are an important cause of land concentration. One way that land

210-595: A correlation between land concentration and deforestation . Another study found an inverse correlation between inequality of land ownership and economic growth. According to a Scottish landlord group, however, land use is more important than land ownership, and there is not enough evidence for a negative effect. Scholars have linked land inequality with unstable democracies and dictatorships , whereas greater land equality tends to be linked to stable democratic forms of government. According to some economists, concentrated land ownership in non-Western countries explains

280-603: A country overwhelmingly Catholic. However, the "war" applied to landlords of all religions and none. The pace for land law reforms quickened after the Representation of the People Act 1884 , which gave a much greater number of votes to the Irish rural electorate. Continued land agitations throughout the 1880s and 1890s culminated firstly with the passing of the Purchase of Land (Ireland) Act 1885 ( 48 & 49 Vict. c. 73), named

350-506: A higher take-up of land purchase than in any other province. Historian R. K. Webb gives most of the credit for the Wyndham Act to Conservative leader Arthur Balfour. He says the Act was: Having largely settled the Irish land question, William O'Brien, convinced by the success of combining the "doctrine of conciliation" with "conference plus business", turned his attention in a Second Phase to

420-728: A majority of four-to-one ( Arthur MacMorrough Kavanagh dissenting) the commissioners declared in favour of the "Three Fs" as demanded by the Land League: fair rent, free sale, and fixity of tenure. From 1873 to 1896, farmers in Britain and Ireland suffered the " Long Depression " with its lower prices. Grain from America was cheaper and better, and was exported to Europe in ever-increasing amounts. Meat could be sent in refrigerated ships from as far as New Zealand and Argentina . For many tenant farmers in Ireland this meant lower net incomes with which to pay

490-510: A new scheme for tenant land purchase, in which sale was to be made not compulsory, but attractive to both parties, based on the government paying the difference between the price offered by tenants and that demanded by landlords. This was the basis of the "Wyndham Act" – the Land Purchase (Ireland) Act 1903 ( 3 Edw. 7 . c. 37) – which O'Brien orchestrated through Parliament. It differed from earlier legislation which initially advanced to tenants

560-554: A quarter of a million rural labourers and their families, previously living in hovels, which thereby transformed the Irish countryside. Following the Great War , a further 5,000 houses were built in both parts of Ireland for returning soldiers , under the Irish Land (Provision for Sailors and Soldiers) Act 1919 ( 9 & 10 Geo. 5 . c. 82) which was defined as "An Act to facilitate the provision of land in Ireland for men who have served in

630-624: A rate of one per year. The figure was repeated by John Redmond , whereas a writer in a Union Defence League pamphlet put the figure at 76 between 1801 and 1908, plus 22 during Grattan's Parliament (1782–1800). Some of the more notable Irish Coercion Acts were the Local Disturbances, etc. (Ireland) Act 1833 ( 3 & 4 Will. 4 . c. 4), the Protection of Life and Property in Certain Parts of Ireland Act 1871 ( 34 & 35 Vict. c. 25), and

700-403: A small number of people or organizations. It is sometimes defined as additional concentration beyond that which produces optimally efficient land use . Land concentration exists in many countries. In Brazil , one of the countries with the highest amount of land concentration, the situation has resulted in large tracts lying idle while 95% of farmers work just 11% of the arable land . In 2010,

770-623: Is accumulated is through unitary inheritance , in contrast to life estates or partible inheritance which tend to redistribute land over time. Conquest can lead to land concentration if the conquerors confiscate land from the original owners. High interest rates or lack of access to credit can block poorer farmers from buying land, while debt can force them to sell to larger landholders. Historically, when land owning becomes less profitable, landowners sell and rural peasants have an opportunity to acquire land. Along with land reform, inheritance taxes and capital gains taxes have also led to

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840-597: Is made towards lower rents but this is at the cost of lower rates of productivity growth in Irish farming. The Arrears of Rent (Ireland) Act 1882 ( 45 & 46 Vict. c. 47) was the result of the No Rent Manifesto and the subsequent Kilmainham Treaty made between Parnell and Gladstone by which the Land Commission was empowered to cancel arrears of less than thirty pounds due by tenants. Two million pounds in arrears were estimated to have been written off. The act

910-620: The 1900 general election , laying the foundation for a lasting solution in the land question. Under pressure from both government, UIL and IPP, the Chief Secretary for Ireland , George Wyndham , gave his backing to a Land Conference in December 1902, comprising four moderate landlord representatives led by Lord Dunraven and four tenant representatives led by William O'Brien , the others John Redmond , T. W. Russell (who spoke for Ulster tenant-farmers) and Timothy Harrington . They worked out

980-708: The Czech Republic had the highest concentration, according to World Bank figures. In Scotland, just 400 people own more than 50% of privately owned land. Other countries with high land concentration include the United States , Venezuela , Paraguay , South Africa , and Namibia . Land concentration is currently increasing in the European Union and the United States, but decreasing in North Africa . In theory,

1050-510: The Great Divergence in outcomes between wealthy, Western countries and the rest of the world. Israeli economist Oded Galor writes the mediating factor for this effect was that large landholdings gave the landowning elites political power to stop reforms aimed at improving education rates and therefore human capital , which in turn facilitated the divergence. According to Gary Libecap , differences in land ownership patterns explain much of

1120-528: The Local Government (Allotments and Land Cultivation) (Ireland) Act 1917 . Finally the Labourers (Ireland) Act 1919 ( 9 & 10 Geo. 5 . c. 55), which all together made provisions for a programme of large scale state-funded rural social housing, in which over 40,000 labourer-owned cottages were erected on 1 acre (4,000 m) of land by local County Councils. The Acts housed, at low annual annuities, over

1190-615: The Northern Ireland Land Act 1929 ( 19 & 20 Geo. 5 . c. 14) and the Northern Ireland Land Purchase (Winding Up) Act 1935 ( 25 & 26 Geo. 5 . c. 21). The Parliament of Northern Ireland passed the Land Registration Act (Northern Ireland) 1970 (c. 18 (N.I.)). Concentration of land ownership Concentration of land ownership refers to the ownership of land in a particular area by

1260-422: The Protection of Person and Property Act 1881 ( 44 & 45 Vict. c. 4). An Irish Coercion Bill was proposed by Sir Robert Peel on 15 May 1846 in order to calm the increasingly difficult situation in Ireland as a result of the ongoing famine there . The bill was blocked, and this led, in part, to Peel's resignation as Prime Minister. From 1874, attempts to introduce other Irish coercion acts were blocked by

1330-524: The "Ashbourne Act" for Lord Ashbourne , putting limited tenant land purchase in motion. The Act allowed a tenant to borrow the full amount of the purchase price, to be repaid at 4% over 49 years. Five million pounds sterling were made available, and about 25,400 tenants purchased their holdings during the period up to 1888, many in Ulster. In all 942,600 acres (3,815 km) were purchased, which made an average holding of 37 acres (150,000 m). The purchase price

1400-432: The 1903 Act and the later Irish Land Act 1909 of Augustine Birrell , which extended the 1903 Act by allowing for the compulsory purchase of tenanted farmland by the Land Commission, but fell far short in its financial provisions. In all, under these pre-1921 Land Acts over 316,000 tenants purchased their holdings amounting to 11.5 million acres (47,000 km) out of a total of 20 million acres (81,000 km) in

1470-616: The 1990s. The commission was dissolved on 31 March 1999, by the Irish Land Commission (Dissolution) Act 1992 , and most of the remaining liabilities and assets were transferred to the Minister for Agriculture and Food . Many relevant historical records are held by the National Archives of Ireland . A "ground rent" is a nominal annual rent paid where a property is held under a long lease. Legislation has reformed ground rents alongside

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1540-517: The 4,000 largest landlords in 1872 revealed that already 43% were Roman Catholics, 48% were Church of Ireland, 7% were Presbyterians, and 2% unknown. The term "Protestant Ascendancy" was used from 1879–90 in the Land War and the Plan of Campaign as an emotional term in what was an economic dispute. Religious affiliation was used as a factor as 55% of the largest estates were held by Protestants or Presbyterians in

1610-511: The Act, 731 tenants became proprietors. More important was the fact that tenants had the right to take their rents to the Land Court for reduction under the fair rent clause, where in most cases a reduction of between 15% and 20% was awarded. Despite a short-term reduction of rents (by about 20% by 1882) this act can generally be seen as economically ineffective. Instead of cutting costs or increasing productivity, Irish farmers increasingly turned to

1680-420: The Act. The Land Commission had bought up 13 million acres (53,000 km) of farmland between 1885 and 1920 where the freehold was assigned under mortgage to tenant farmers and farm workers. The focus had been on the compulsory purchase of untenanted estates so that they could be divided into smaller units for local families, some of which proved to be "uneconomic"; this policy was applied unevenly across

1750-531: The Bill said that rents must not be "excessive", leaving this for the courts to define. But the House of Lords in a wrecking amendment substituted "exorbitant" in its place. This enabled landlords to raise rents above what tenants could pay, and then to evict them for non-payment without giving any compensation. However well-intentioned, the Act was at best irrelevant, at worst counter-productive. Fewer than 1,000 tenants took up

1820-465: The Bright Clauses, since the terms were beyond most tenants and many landlords did not wish to sell. Many substantial leasehold farmers, who had led the campaign for land reform, were excluded from the Act because their leases were longer than 31 years. Legal disputes over customary rights and "exorbitant" rents actually worsened landlord-tenant relations. Figures do not indicate any impact of the Act on

1890-494: The Custom of Ulster throughout the country, provided for compensation for improvements and created the Irish Land Commission and a Land Court . In Gladstone's words, the intention of the act was to make landlordism impossible. However, it was a complicated piece of legislation though it did provide for land purchase, three-quarters of the money to be advanced by the Land Commission, and to be repaid over 35 years at 5% interest. Under

1960-534: The Irish Land and Labour Association's demands for the need to settle Irish labourers in the soil. His parliamentary engagement achieved the successful enactment of the unprecedented Labourers (Ireland) Act 1906 ( 6 Edw. 7 . c. 37) (initiated by James Bryce ), followed by the Labourers (Ireland) Act 1911 ( 1 & 2 Geo. 5 . c. 19) (initiated by Augustine Birrell ). To provide small parcels of land for people to grow their own vegetables and fruits, Parliament passed

2030-533: The Irish land courts to cut their rents and jack up their dwindling incomes. The land purchase element can be described as counterproductive because the conditions tenants now enjoyed under this Act gave them no incentive to buy, furthermore, some economic historians dispute the effectiveness of land purchase as a solution to the Irish land problem. Land purchase significantly reduced the amount of capital in Ireland that could have been invested to improve efficiency and competitiveness of Irish farms. Therefore, some headway

2100-402: The Irish lawyers". He thought it "very amusing if the brave Gladstone thinks he has settled the Irish question by means of this new prospect of endless lawsuits". The legislation, however, "had a symbolic significance far beyond its immediate effects." The Land Act turned the tide of laissez faire legislation favouring capitalist landlordism, and in principle, if not in practice, was a defeat for

2170-482: The Land League by granting fair-rent control, fixity of tenure on leases, and freedom of sale: all to be overseen by the new government-sponsored Irish Land Commission. The 1881 act involved state participation in the redistribution of land-ownership. Because of attacks on landlords, the police and witnesses, the Protection of Persons and Property (Ireland) Act 1881 was passed, which added to the atmosphere of distrust of

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2240-633: The Naval, Military, or Air Forces of the Crown in the present War, and for other purposes incidental thereto", and, "so far as it relates to the provision of holdings under the Land Purchase Acts, shall be construed as one with those Acts, and, so far as it relates to the provision of cottages, plots, or gardens under the Labourers (Ireland) Acts, 1883 to 1919, shall be construed as one with the last-mentioned Acts." It

2310-463: The agricultural land laws (see above). While most tenancy reform legislation was enacted for agricultural land, urban and suburban occupiers / tenants have been allowed to "buy out" their ground rents from landlords, and so effectively can change a long lease into a freehold interest, most recently under Acts of 1978 and 2005. Notably, ground rents in Castlebar , County Mayo have been withheld following

2380-488: The amount available for purchase and removing the clauses which had made the Act unattractive. The Land Courts were empowered to sell 1,500 bankrupt estates to tenants. A total of 47,000 holdings were bought out between 1891 and 1896. Local government was introduced two years later under the revolutionary Local Government (Ireland) Act 1898 , which in turn contributed to the success of the United Irish League (UIL) in

2450-520: The authorities. An overview of the land war, the reforms and the effect of the Coercion Act was published in 1888 by the journalist WH Hurlbert, an Irish-American Catholic. A symbolic significance of these land acts are how far Gladstone had come from his starting point. Judicial control of rent levels and the establishment of many land courts was a change from Gladstone's policy of 'retrenchment' and his commitment to free markets. An added consequence of

2520-855: The breakup of some estates. Land reform in some countries, including Ireland , South Korea, Japan, and Mexico , have significantly reduced land concentration. Critics argue that concentrated land ownership gives the landowner too much power over local communities, reduces opportunities, and impedes economic growth . One study of nineteenth-century Prussia found an inverse correlation between large estates and educational enrollment. In Central America, an economic boom in coffee production led to vastly different results in different countries: Costa Rica and Colombia were dominated by smallholdings and experienced democratization and surging literacy rates, while in El Salvador and Guatemala, rural laborers earned bare subsistence. Studies in 48 developing countries found

2590-483: The concept of the absolute right of property. For the first time in Ireland tenants now had a legal interest in their holdings. The "Report of her Majesty's Commissioners of Enquiry into the working of the Landlord and Tenant (Ireland) Act 1870 ( 33 & 34 Vict. c. 46) and the acts amending the same", under the chairmanship of the 6th Earl of Bessborough and hence commonly known as the " Bessborough Commission Report,"

2660-571: The country, with some large estates surviving if the owners could show that their land was being actively farmed. Provision was made for compulsory purchase of land owned by a non-Irish person until repealed in 1966. From 1923, the amounts outstanding under earlier acts were paid to the British government as "land annuities", accruing in a Land Purchase Fund. This was fixed at £250,000 annually in 1925. In December 1925, W. T. Cosgrave lamented that there were already: "250,000 occupiers of uneconomic holdings,

2730-466: The country. The Acts provided Irish tenant farmers with more rights than tenant farmers in the rest of the United Kingdom. Munster tenants availed of land purchase in exceptionally high numbers, encouraged by their Irish Land and Labour Association 's leader D. D. Sheehan after he and O'Brien established an Advisory Committee to mediate between landlords and tenants on purchase terms which produced

2800-476: The different development trajectories between the United States and Latin America. He attributes the greater success and entrepreneurial spirit of the United States to its Homestead Acts giving land to prospective smallholders. Although there has been some debate as to the optimal size of landholdings for agricultural productivity , research has indicated that unlike industry, which benefits from economy of scale ,

2870-695: The disappearance of Lord Lucan in 1974. Paying ground rents is still considered by some to be an unresolved part of Ireland's history as a part of the United Kingdom; the Irish Government itself pays ground rents for iconic public buildings, including Government Buildings , the Four Courts , Dublin Castle and the Botanic Gardens . While the individual cost of each is relatively small, given inflation, an estimated 250,000 ground rents still exist in Ireland, with

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2940-509: The filibustering of Joseph Biggar . The Protection of Persons and Property (Ireland) Act 1881 allowed for internment without trial of those suspected of involvement in the Land War in Ireland. A total of 953 people were detained under the act. Many of them were active in the Irish National Land League ; this was sufficient for the "reasonable suspicion" required by the act. On 13 October 1881, IPP leader Charles Stewart Parnell

3010-634: The formation of the Irish Free State in 1922, the commission was reconstituted by the Land Law (Commission) Act 1923 , which also dissolved the Congested Districts Board . The Land Act 1923 adopted many proposals for a final land settlement from decisions reached during the Irish Convention in 1918 under the chairmanship of Horace Plunkett . The convention's proposals formed the basis of

3080-548: The greatest beneficiaries of land reform were the middle class of medium farmers. The British Prime Minister, William Ewart Gladstone , had taken up the " Irish question " in an effort to win the general election of 1868 by uniting the Liberal Party behind this single issue. The shock of Fenian violence, especially in England, as well as the growing awareness of the potency of strong nationalist feelings in pan-European politics,

3150-528: The holdings of such a valuation as did not permit of a decent livelihood for the owners". Despite this, his government continued to subdivide larger landholdings, primarily to gain electoral support. The Land Act 1933 , passed on a vote of 70–39, allowed the Minister for Finance to divert the annuities for local government projects. This was a factor in the Anglo-Irish Trade War between 1932 and 1938, and

3220-524: The implications of property rights in England, many of whom were Whigs that Gladstone relied on for support in Parliament. Partly for this reason, Gladstone's approach was cautious, even conservative, for he was dedicated to maintaining the landlord class whose "social and moral influence", he said in 1863, was "absolutely essential to the welfare of the country." Furthermore, Gladstone met resistance from Whigs in his Cabinet itself, especially Robert Lowe , and

3290-516: The increase in violence in Ireland; it lost support to the Home Rule Movement , which won nine out of 14 Irish by-elections between 1870 and 1874, mainly formerly Liberal-held seats. Friedrich Engels , a contemporary observer, professed not to know "what the Tories could have against this Bill, which is so indulgent with the Irish landlords and finally places their interests in the tested hands of

3360-732: The land acts was the gradual displacement of the Protestant Ascendancy during the latter 19th and early 20th centuries accompanied by the disestablishment of the Church of Ireland by the Irish Church Act 1869 . Some "Ascendancy" land-owning families like the Marquess of Headfort and the Earl of Granard had by then converted to Catholicism, and a considerable number of Protestant Nationalists had already taken their part in Irish history. A survey of

3430-635: The land decreasing since the Great Irish Famine . The Encumbered Estates' Court (1849) and agitation by the Tenant Right League had led to the sale of estates by debt-ridden mainly absentee landlords . Gladstone's Liberal government had no explicit mandate for the Act, unlike the Irish Church Act 1869 , and so could expect some opposition from the English landlord class in the House of Lords , fearful for

3500-564: The law of conveyancing, mortgages, registration of and claims to title, rights of way and easements in the Republic of Ireland . Some little-used interests relating to feudal tenure , life interests , leases for lives and fee tails were formally abolished. The UK Parliament at Westminster passed further Land Acts for Northern Ireland after the Partition of Ireland , such as the Northern Ireland Land Act 1925 ( 15 & 16 Geo. 5 . c. 34),

3570-463: The most productive farms are small- to medium- sized family farms cultivated with a minimum of hired labor. This may be because family labor is cheaper and more productive than hired labor, or because crops benefit from close attention. (The phenomenon of small farms being more efficient is known as the inverse relationship ). On the other hand, land fragmentation is known to reduce productivity of land. Irish Coercion Bill A Coercion Act

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3640-513: The organisation of conspiracies against the payment of agreed rents. The Act resulted in the imprisonment of hundreds of people including over twenty MPs. The act was condemned by the Catholic hierarchy since it was to become a permanent part of the law and did not have to be renewed annually by parliament, but Pope Leo XIII issued the bull Saepe Nos in 1888 which was uncritical of the Acts. Trial by jury

3710-523: The rate of eviction, which was anyway at a low level. In the late 1870s when depression struck, evictions for non-payment of rent mounted, tenants had no protection, and in reply 'outrages' and the campaign by the Land League , led by Michael Davitt , became known as the Land War . The government had to pass a Coercion Act as early as 1881 (the Protection of Persons and Property (Ireland) Act 1881 ) because of

3780-455: The rents they had agreed. This impacted most on the poorer, wetter western parts of the island that also suffered from the 1879 famine . This provided the context and arguments for further legal reforms. The Land Law (Ireland) Act 1881 ( 44 & 45 Vict. c. 49) gave tenants real security, though by this time the Irish were demanding proprietorship. The Act established the principle of dual ownership by landlord and tenant, gave legal status to

3850-734: The resulting compromise measure was so weak that it had little difficulty in passing both Houses of Parliament, with one significant amendment. As well as the Land Act, the Liberal government also passed the Irish Church Act 1869 and put forward the Irish University Bill that failed to pass both Houses of Parliament . Policymakers made much use of the statistical data recently collated in Griffith's Valuation (1853–68). To prevent eviction by rack-renting, and so avoiding paying compensation to tenants,

3920-686: The state annually paying for example to the Duke of Leinster for some buildings. Brian Hayes, Minister of State for the Office of Public Works in 2011, stated that a referendum would be required to put the practice to an end. Residents of Hayes' own constituency continue to be issued demands for payment, with many ignoring them, though given that outstanding liabilities of ground rent hinder residents' ability to sell their homes, about 1,600 applications per annum are made to buy out ground rents every year. The Land and Conveyancing Law Reform Act 2009 comprehensively reformed

3990-403: The sum necessary to purchase their holdings, repayable over a period of years on terms determined by an independent commission, while the Wyndham Act finished off absentee landlords ' control over tenants and made it easier for tenants to purchase land, facilitating the transfer of about 9 million acres (36,000 km) up to 1914. By then 75% of occupiers were buying out their landlords under

4060-477: Was a second reason to tackle the Irish question. Gladstone desired to bring peace with fairness to Ireland, and by extension, the rest of the UK, which was then at the zenith of worldwide Imperial power. The Landlord and Tenant (Ireland) Act 1870 ( 33 & 34 Vict. c. 46) was partly the work of Chichester Fortescue , John Bright and Gladstone. The Irish situation was favourable, with agriculture improving and pressure on

4130-626: Was abolished. An influential analysis of the pros and cons of the Act was published in 1888 by William Henry Hurlbert , a Catholic Irish-American author. Many hundreds were imprisoned at times under the Acts, including many prominent politicians and agrarian agitators, Joseph Biggar , Alexander Blane , Michael Davitt , John Dillon , James Gilhooly , Patrick Guiney , Matthew Harris , John Hayden , John Hooper , J. E. Kenny , Andrew Kettle , Denis Kilbride , Pat O'Brien , William O'Brien , James O'Kelly , Charles Stewart Parnell , Douglas Pyne , Willie Redmond , and Timothy Sullivan . The act

4200-627: Was an Act of Parliament that gave a legal basis for increased state powers to suppress popular discontent and disorder. The label was applied, especially in Ireland , to acts passed from the 18th to the early 20th century by the Irish , British , and Northern Irish parliaments. In December 1816, A mass meeting took place at Spa Fields near London . The Coercion Act of 1817 was an act of Parliament that suspended habeas corpus and extended existing laws against seditious gatherings in Britain. The Coercion Act

4270-527: Was arrested under the act after his newspaper, the United Ireland , had attacked the Land Law (Ireland) Act 1881 . As a response to the Plan of Campaign of the mid-1880s the new Chief Secretary for Ireland Arthur Balfour secured the Criminal Law and Procedure (Ireland) Act 1887 or "Perpetual Crimes Act", a Coercion Act aimed at the prevention of boycotting , intimidation , unlawful assembly and

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4340-405: Was designed to stop speculative purchases of land by non-Irish persons. The Succession Act 1965 treated real estate owned by a deceased person as personalty for the first time. The commission ceased acquiring land in 1983; this signified the start of the end of the commission's reform of Irish land ownership, though freehold transfers of farmland still had to be signed off by the commission into

4410-522: Was effected by the Irish Soldiers' and Sailors' Land Trust, which co-operated with the new Irish Free State , mostly building small new housing estates for veterans at the edge of towns. The object of the Act was to facilitate the reinstatement in civil-life of ex-servicemen and their dependents with the provision of £800,000 sterling for housing accommodation by the Local Government Board. On

4480-484: Was equal to 17½ years rental. The act was amended by the Land Law (Ireland) Act 1888 ( 51 & 52 Vict. c. 13), providing a further five million to the amount granted for purchase under the Ashbourne Act. The Land Law (Ireland) Act 1887 ( 50 & 51 Vict. c. 33) was Arthur Balfour 's major Land Act, which came at the end of the ' Plan of Campaign ' agitation. It provided £33,000,000 sterling for land purchase, but contained many complicated legal clauses, so that it

4550-468: Was further amended by Arthur Balfour : the Land Law (Ireland) Act 1887 ( 50 & 51 Vict. c. 33) extended the terms of the act to leaseholders. The flawed economics that lay behind these acts exposes a political aim on Gladstone's part, to destroy the raison d'être of the Land League (following the recent Land War ). Although the second Land Act ushered in a period of tentative calm, it became clear further reforms were necessary. The act undermined

4620-407: Was mutually resolved by a one-off payment of £10 million to Britain in 1938. From 1932 the government argued strongly that Irish farmers should no longer be obliged for historic reasons to pay Britain for Irish land, but when Britain had passed out of the payment system it illogically still required farmers to continue to pay their annuities to the Irish government as before. The Land Act 1965

4690-433: Was not put fully into effect until amended five years later. At this point only £13,500,000 had been employed. It substituted peasant proprietorship for dual ownership as the principle of land tenure. At the same time Balfour created the Congested Districts Board to deal with distress in the backward areas of the west of Ireland. The act was amended by the Land Law (Ireland) Act 1896 ( 59 & 60 Vict. c. 47), increasing

4760-456: Was published in 1881 after lengthy hearings in 1880. It reported that the 1870 act gave the tenant no real protection because compensation for improvements could be claimed only on giving up the lease and because tenants saw themselves as forced to accept rent increases to avoid sacrificing what they had put into their holdings. It declared, "Freedom of contract, in the case of the majority of Irish tenants, large and small, does not really exist". By

4830-425: Was the first of over a hundred such Acts applied to Ireland under the Union . It was strongly opposed by the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP), which filibustered the second reading for 41 hours. Eventually, the Speaker of the House of Commons , Henry Brand , resorted to ignoring IPP members of Parliament who requested the right of speech and put the question, a controversial move that allowed Gladstone to pass

4900-404: Was the result of this mass meeting. The total number of "Coercion Acts" relating to Ireland is a matter of definition, including whether to count separately an act which continues an expiring act. Michael Farrell in 1986 put the total from 1801 to 1921 at 105. John Spencer, 5th Earl Spencer said in the House of Lords that 87 such acts had been passed between the Acts of Union 1801 and 1887,

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