119-747: Henry Grattan (3 July 1746 – 4 June 1820) was an Irish politician and lawyer who campaigned for legislative freedom for the Irish Parliament in the late 18th century from Britain . He was a Member of the Irish Parliament (MP) from 1775 to 1801 and a Member of Parliament (MP) in Westminster from 1805 to 1820. He has been described as a superb orator and a romantic. With generous enthusiasm he demanded that Ireland should be granted its rightful status, that of an independent nation, though he always insisted that Ireland would remain linked to Great Britain by
238-515: A base for attacks on Britain, resurrecting the idea of political union between Ireland and Great Britain. The British Prime Minister, William Pitt the Younger had the strong support of King George III for a union, with the king advising him on 13 July 1798 that the rebellion should be used "for frightening the supporters of the Castle into a Union". The Protestant Ascendancy was also seen as being unequal in
357-413: A committee to decide upon the "ways and means" of raising supply and draw up the "heads of bills" of any related legislation. Government support of penal legislation against Catholics also helped placate the claims of the 'sole right' advocates. The compromise solution was put into effect in the 1695 parliament and all fourteen government bills presented in the first session were passed by both houses. Now
476-736: A common crown and by sharing a common political tradition. Grattan opposed the Act of Union 1800 that merged the Kingdoms of Ireland and Great Britain , but later sat as a member of the united Parliament in London . Henry Grattan was born in Fishamble Street , Dublin , and baptised in the nearby church of St. John the Evangelist in 1746. A member of the Anglo-Irish elite of Protestant background, Grattan
595-520: A declaration of the independence of the Irish parliament. A posthumous publication of Grattan's speeches which were revised by Grattan himself contains his speech from this day which became famous in Irish political history: "I found Ireland on her knees," Grattan exclaimed, "I watched over her with a paternal solicitude; I have traced her progress from injuries to arms, and from arms to liberty. Spirit of Swift, spirit of Molyneux, your genius has prevailed! Ireland
714-575: A favoured position in Irish society while substantial numbers of Catholic nobles and leaders could no longer sit in parliament unless they took a loyalty oath as agreed under the Treaty of Limerick . Having proven their support for Catholic absolutism by their loyal support for James during the war, and because the Papacy supported the Jacobites after 1693, Irish Catholics increasingly faced discriminatory legislation in
833-653: A generation later, Thomas MacNevin proposed that Grattan's judgement marked "the transition point", when "composed of a different class of men, and ruled by politicians with very different views", the rump of the Volunteer movement entered upon "a career which terminated only in the establishment of the United Irishmen "). Grattan also opposed the policy of protective duties in favour of Pitt 's commercial propositions in 1785 for establishing Free Trade between Great Britain and Ireland. This, however, had to be abandoned owing to
952-556: A group of Catholic barristers, most notably Daniel O'Connell , opposed the idea of union. For Protestants, the Presbyterians, who were largely involved in the rebellion of 1798 would shed no tears over the end of the Irish parliament. The Orange Order tried to be neutral on the issue of union, however thirty-six lodges from counties Armagh and Louth alone petitioned against the Union. The fear for some Protestants, especially those part of
1071-545: A lifelong study of classical literature, and was especially interested in the great orators of antiquity . Like his friend Henry Flood , Grattan worked on his natural eloquence and oratory skills by studying models such as Bolingbroke and Junius . In the late 1760s and early 1770s, he spent some years in London, and he visited France in 1771. He attended debates in the British House of Commons regularly, and also enjoyed visiting
1190-476: A measure for increasing the powers of the executive to deal with Irish disorder. Roman Catholic emancipation, which he continued to advocate with unflagging energy, though now advanced in age, became complicated after 1808 by the question whether a veto on the appointment of Roman Catholic bishops should rest with the crown. Grattan supported the veto, but a more radical Catholic party was now arising in Ireland under
1309-598: A new Anglican establishment in Church and State. By 1728, the remaining nobility was either firmly Protestant or loyally Catholic. The upper classes had dropped most of its Gaelic traditions and adopted the Anglo-French aristocratic values then dominant throughout most of Europe. Much of the old feudal domains of the earlier Hiberno-Norman and Gaelic-Irish magnates had been broken up and given to Irish loyalists soldiers, and English and Scottish Protestant colonial settlers. Long under
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#17328524281091428-443: A regular boost to the city economy. The Parliament's records were published from the 1750s and provide a huge wealth of commentary and statistics on the reality of running Ireland at the time. In particular, minute details on Ireland's increasing overseas trade and reports from various specialist committees are recorded. By the 1780s they were published by two rival businesses, King & Bradley and Grierson. From 31 December 1800,
1547-573: A section of the Roman Catholics to form the United Irishmen organisation, promoting revolutionary ideas imported from France ; and a party prepared to welcome a French invasion soon came into existence. Thus stimulated, the increasing disaffection culminated in the 1798 rebellion . The Presbyterian-Catholic rebellion in Ulster was accompanied by outbreaks elsewhere, notably in County Wexford . Grattan
1666-436: A vote was held which resulted in a defeat of the amendment by one vote (106 to 105), however the following day another motion against any union passed 111 to 106. Following these votes, Lord Castlereagh and Lord Cornwallis set about trying to win over as many Irish MPs as possible through bribery consisting of jobs, pensions, peerages, promotions, along with other enticements. These methods were all legal and not unusual for
1785-415: Is a result of the certification process which requires the submission to be made by the Irish council "under the great seal of that land [Ireland]". The original intention of the certification process was to remove the capacity of initiating legislation from the parliament, and place it with the Irish council and governor. But as a result of the way it was framed in the act, it also removed that capacity from
1904-409: Is now a nation!" However, the parliamentary register for that sitting contains no record of these lines meaning Grattan most likely altered the speech in later years. After a month of negotiation, the claims of Ireland were conceded. The gratitude of his countrymen to Grattan was shown by a parliamentary grant of £100,000, which had to be reduced by half before he would accept it. Grattan then asked for
2023-504: Is passed, this was not possible for the Parliament of Ireland, as only the bill originally introduced would be in compliance with the requirement under Poynings' Law to have been pre-approved by the privy councils. As a consequence, a legal fiction developed after the Revolution of 1688 whereby the Irish parliament introduced and debated the 'heads' of a bill before transmitting the heads to
2142-580: The Acts of Union 1800 , and repealed by the Statute Law Revision (Ireland) Act 1878 ( 41 & 42 Vict. c. 57). Poynings' Parliament was called by Sir Edward Poynings in his capacity as Lord Deputy of Ireland , appointed by King Henry VII of England in his capacity as Lord of Ireland . Coming in the aftermath of the divisive Wars of the Roses , Poynings' intention was to make Ireland once again obedient to
2261-554: The Blue Coat School (1729–31), and finally a purpose-built Parliament House on College Green . The main purpose of parliament was to approve taxes that were then levied by and for the Dublin Castle administration . Those who would pay the bulk of taxation, namely the clergy, merchants, and landowners, also comprised the members. Only the " English of Ireland " were represented until the first Gaelic lords were summoned during
2380-638: The Cromwellian Settlement , and his son Thomas felt it necessary to conform to the Church of Ireland in 1717. The Grattans had two sons and two daughters. The sons were James Grattan of Tinnehinch, MP for County Wicklow , and Henry Grattan (junior) of Moyrath, MP for Dublin City and then for County Meath . His daughter Mary Anne married first John Blachford (1771‐1832), and secondly Thomas Dalzell, 7th Earl of Carnwath , dying in 1853. Harriet (d.1865) married
2499-668: The Irish peerage (' lords temporal ') and bishops (' lords spiritual '; after the Reformation, Church of Ireland bishops). The Commons was directly elected, albeit on a very restricted franchise . Parliaments met at various places in Leinster and Munster , but latterly always in Dublin: in Christ Church Cathedral (15th century), Dublin Castle (to 1649), Chichester House (1661–1727),
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#17328524281092618-830: The Irish question once more, he became seriously ill. On his deathbed he spoke generously of Castlereagh , and with a warm eulogy of his former rival, Flood. He died at his home in Portman Square on 4 June 1820, and was buried in Westminster Abbey close to the tombs of Pitt and Fox. His statue is in St Stephen's Hall in the Palace of Westminster . Sydney Smith said of Grattan soon after his death: "No government ever dismayed him. The world could not bribe him. He thought only of Ireland; lived for no other object; dedicated to her his beautiful fancy, his elegant wit, his manly courage, and all
2737-761: The Patriot movement , the Irish parliament's authority was greatly increased. Under what became known as the Constitution of 1782 the restrictions imposed by Poyning's Law were removed by the Repeal of Act for Securing Dependence of Ireland Act 1782 . Grattan also wanted Catholic involvement in Irish politics; the Roman Catholic Relief Act 1793 passed by the Irish parliament copied the British Roman Catholic Relief Act 1791 , and Catholics were given back
2856-559: The Penal Laws that were passed by the predominantly loyalist and Protestant Parliament from 1695. Nonetheless, the franchise was still available to wealthier Catholics. Until 1728, Catholics voted in House of Commons elections and held seats in the Lords. For no particular reason, beyond a general pressure for Catholics to conform, they were barred from voting in the election for the first parliament in
2975-585: The Penal Laws , in force in Ireland from 1691 until the early 1780s. The Presbyterians of Ulster had a lot more power as they were primarily of British ancestry, although most of the penal laws also affected them. Power was held by the King's Viceroy and by a small element, the Anglo-Irish families loyal to the Anglican Church of Ireland who owned most of the land. The politicians of the national party now fought for
3094-659: The Roman Catholic Relief Act 1793 . The Acts of Union 1800 merged the Kingdom of Ireland and Kingdom of Great Britain into the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland . The parliament was merged with that of Great Britain ; the united Parliament was in effect the British parliament at Westminster enlarged with a subset of the Irish Lords and Commons. After the 12th-century Anglo-Norman invasion of Ireland , administration of
3213-472: The landed gentry . The Irish Parliament was thus at a time of English commercial expansion left incapable of protecting Irish economic and trade interests from being subordinated to English ones. This in turn severely weakened the economic potential of the whole of Ireland and placed the new and largely Protestant middle-class at a disadvantage. The result was a slow but continual exodus of Anglo-Irish, Scots-Irish, and Protestant Irish families and communities to
3332-692: The social season , (January to 17 March) when the Lord Lieutenant presided in state over state balls and drawing rooms in the Viceregal Apartments in Dublin Castle. Leading peers in particular flocked to Dublin, where they lived in enormous and richly decorated mansions initially on the northside of Dublin, later in new Georgian residences around Merrion Square and Fitzwilliam Square . Their presence in Dublin, along with large numbers of servants, provided
3451-465: The 15th century. The clerical proctors elected by the lower clergy of each diocese formed a separate house or estate in until 1537, when they were expelled for their opposition to the Irish Reformation . The 14th and 15th centuries saw shrinking numbers of those loyal to the crown, the growing power of landed families, and the increasing inability to carry out judicial rulings, that all reduced
3570-493: The 16th-century Tudor reconquest . Under Poynings' Law of 1495, all Acts of Parliament had to be pre-approved by the Irish Privy Council and English Privy Council . Parliament supported the Irish Reformation and Catholics were excluded from membership and voting in penal times . The Constitution of 1782 amended Poynings' Law to allow the Irish Parliament to initiate legislation. Catholics were re-enfranchised under
3689-566: The Acts be certified into England") was a 1494 Act of the Parliament of Ireland which provided that the parliament could not meet until its proposed legislation had been approved both by Ireland's Lord Deputy and Privy Council and by England's monarch (the Lord of Ireland ) and Privy Council . It was a major grievance in 18th-century Ireland , was amended by the Constitution of 1782 , rendered moot by
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3808-679: The Anglo-Norman Lordship of Ireland was modelled on that of the Kingdom of England . Magna Carta was extended in 1217 in the Charter of Ireland. As in England, parliament evolved out of the Magnum Concilium "great council" summoned by the king's viceroy , attended by the council ( curia regis ), magnates ( feudal lords ), and prelates (bishops and abbots ). Membership was based on fealty to
3927-740: The British and Irish parliaments, with the British Act of Union becoming law on 2 July 1800, and royal assent given to the Irish Act of Union on 1 August 1800. The Irish Parliament met for the last time the following day. On 1 January 1801, the provisions of the Acts of Union came into force. Poynings%27 Law (on certification of acts) Poynings' Law or the Statute of Drogheda ( 10 Hen. 7 . c. 4 (I) [ The Irish Statutes numbering] or 10 Hen. 7. c. 9 (I) [ Analecta Hibernica numbering]; later titled "An Act that no Parliament be holden in this Land until
4046-549: The British House of Commons to reconfirm the British Government 's decision, and on 22 January 1783, the final Act was passed by parliament in London, including the text: Be it enacted that the right claimed by the people of Ireland to be bound only by laws enacted by his Majesty and the Parliament of that kingdom, in all cases whatever shall be, and is hereby declared to be established and ascertained for ever, and shall at no time be questioned or questionable. In September of
4165-597: The British Parliament's right to legislate for Ireland and the British House of Lords appellate jurisdiction over its courts. The effects of this subordination of Irish Parliamentary power soon became evident, as Ireland slowly stagnated economically and the Protestant population shrank in relative size. Additionally, the growing relative wealth of the American colonies , whose local authorities were relatively independent of
4284-526: The British Parliament, provided additional ammunition for those who wished to increase Irish Parliamentary power. When the British governments started centralising trade, taxation and judicial review throughout the Empire, the Irish Parliament saw an ally in the American colonies, who were growing increasingly resistant to the British government's objectives. When open rebellion broke out in the American colonies in 1775,
4403-525: The British Parliament. Additionally, later ministries moved to change the Navigation Acts that had limited Irish merchants' terms of trade with Britain and its empire. After 1707, Ireland was, to varying degrees, subordinate to the Kingdom of Great Britain . The Parliament of Ireland had control over only legislation, while the executive branch of government, under the Lord Lieutenant , answered to
4522-595: The British government in London. Furthermore, the Penal Laws meant that Catholics , who constituted the majority of Irish people, were not permitted to sit in, or participate in elections to, the parliament. Meanwhile, building upon the precedent of Poynings' Law which required approval from the British Privy Council for bills to be put to the Irish Parliament, the Dependency of Ireland on Great Britain Act 1719 declared
4641-679: The Catholic majority continued until the 1689 " Patriot Parliament ", with the exception of the Commonwealth period (1649–60). Following the general uprising of the Catholic Irish in the Irish Rebellion of 1641 and the self-established Catholic assembly in 1642–49, Roman Catholics were barred from voting or attending the Parliament altogether in the Cromwellian Act of Settlement 1652 , which
4760-547: The Catholic question and all agreed with the description of his speech by the Annual Register as one of the most brilliant and eloquent ever made within the walls of parliament. When Fox and William Grenville came into power in 1806 Grattan, who sat at this time for Dublin City , was offered, but refused to accept, an office in the government. In the following year, he showed the strength of his judgment and character by supporting, in spite of consequent unpopularity in Ireland,
4879-581: The Commons, was the dominant political figure in the parliament. Speaker Conolly remains today one of the most widely known figures produced by the Irish parliament. Much of the public ceremonial in the Irish parliament mirrored that of the British Parliament. Sessions were formally opened by the Speech from the Throne by the Lord Lieutenant, who, it was written "used to sit surrounded by more splendour than His Majesty on
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4998-473: The Dublin and Westminster parliaments. There was strong support for it in Westminster, however Dublin was not as keen. An amendment was moved on 22 January 1799, seeking the House to maintain "the undoubted birthright of the people of Ireland to have a free and independent legislature". The debate which followed consisted of eighty speeches, made over the course of twenty-one uninterrupted hours. The next day
5117-475: The Dungarvan Town Commissioners in 1855 was the catalyst for the renaming of many of Dungarvan Streets. Irish Nationalists and Catholics were finally getting a say in how they were governed and they set about renaming streets to reflect their nationalist sensibilities. Despite having no connection to Dungarvan that we know of, as one of the leading constitutional nationalists of his era Henry Grattan
5236-437: The English monarchy. Assembling the Parliament of Ireland on 1 December 1494, he declared that it was thereafter to be placed under the authority of the Parliament of England . This marked the beginning of Tudor direct rule in Ireland , although Henry VII was still forced to rely on Old English nobles (such as Gerald FitzGerald, 8th Earl of Kildare , despite his support for Lambert Simnel ) as his deputies in Ireland through
5355-500: The English parliament and administration as well: legislation could only be submitted for approval by the Irish executive. Furthermore, the two processes made it impossible for the Irish to add more bills or amendments to a request after the initial licence request had been granted. This meant that any additional bills or amendments that they wished to pass in parliament would have to be re-sent along with an entirely new request for parliament. Clearly, this created severe inefficiencies in
5474-458: The House of Commons of the Irish parliament at 7 a.m., after which he gave a two-hour speech against the union. Regardless, a motion against the union failed by 138 votes to 96, and resolutions in favour of the union were passed with large majorities in both chambers of parliament. The terms of the union were agreed on 28 March 1800 by both houses of the Irish Parliament. Two Acts with identical aims (but with different wording) were passed in both
5593-400: The Irish House of Commons had major input into the substance, or 'heads', of supply bills that would then be transmitted to the English Privy Council for approval, amendment or rejection under the Poynings' Law procedure. This set the precedent for the parliaments of the eighteenth century. Whereas an independent legislature can amend a bill between the time of its introduction and the time it
5712-422: The Irish Parliament for Charlemont in 1775, sponsored by Lord Charlemont , just as Flood had damaged his credibility by accepting office. Grattan quickly superseded Flood in the leadership of the national party, not least because his oratorical powers were unsurpassed among his contemporaries. Catholics, who made up the majority of the Irish population, were completely excluded from public life at this time under
5831-430: The Irish Parliament passed several initiatives which showed support for the American grievances. Fearing another split by Ireland, as rebellion spread through the American colonies and various European powers joined in a global assault on British interests, the British Parliament became more acquiescent to Irish demands. In 1782, following agitation by major parliamentary figures, most notably Henry Grattan , supported by
5950-533: The Irish Parliament, not with the intention of liberating the Catholic majority, but to set the Irish parliament free from constitutional bondage to the British Privy Council . By virtue of Poynings' Law , a statute of King Henry VII of England , all proposed Irish legislation had to be submitted to the Privy Council for its approval under the Great Seal of England before being passed by the Irish Parliament. A bill so approved might be accepted or rejected, but not amended. More recent British Acts had further emphasised
6069-420: The Irish Privy Council. In theory, the 'heads' of a bill are simply its broad outline or general scheme; in practice, they were identical in form to a final bill, and processed identically, except that the enacting clause "be it enacted" was replaced with "we pray that it may be enacted". On occasion, if either privy council amended a bill, the Irish parliament would symbolically assert its authority by rejecting
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#17328524281096188-400: The Irish executive. The Lord Lieutenant of Ireland and his chief secretary continued to be appointed by the British ministers; their tenure of office depended on the vicissitudes of English, not Irish, party politics; the royal prerogative was exercised in Ireland on the advice of British ministers. The Irish House of Commons was unrepresentative of the Irish people at a time when democracy
6307-504: The King, to whom Emancipation was anathema, was now determined to firmly resist the Catholic demands, with the result that Ireland rapidly drifted towards rebellion. Grattan warned the government in a series of masterly speeches of the lawless condition to which Ireland had been driven. He could now count on no more than 40 followers in the Irish House of Commons, and his words were unheeded. In protest, he retired from parliament in May 1797, and departed from his customary moderation by attacking
6426-481: The Parliament of Ireland was abolished entirely, when the Acts of Union 1800 created the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and merged the British and Irish legislatures into a single Parliament of the United Kingdom after 1 January 1801. The idea of a political union between Ireland and Great Britain had been proposed several times throughout the 18th century, but was vehemently opposed in Ireland. The granting of legislative independence to Ireland in 1782
6545-410: The Poynings' Law procedure took place in the 1692 parliament as some members of the Irish House of Commons sought to establish for themselves a more central role in the process of drafting legislature. On 27 October 1692, the House of Commons passed two notable resolutions. The first, "that it was, and is, the undoubted right of the commons… to prepare and resolve the ways and means of raising money" and
6664-416: The Protestant Ascendancy, was that Catholic emancipation would immediately follow any union. The artisans and merchants of Dublin also feared any union as it might have resulted in a loss of business. When William Pitt's idea of union and emancipation was revealed to the cabinet of the Irish parliament, the Speaker and Chancellor of the Exchequer both vehemently opposed it. The rest of the cabinet supported
6783-412: The Revd Wake of Courteenhall. Parliament of Ireland The Parliament of Ireland ( Irish : Parlaimint na hÉireann ) was the legislature of the Lordship of Ireland , and later the Kingdom of Ireland , from 1297 until the end of 1800. It was modelled on the Parliament of England and from 1537 comprised two chambers: the House of Commons and the House of Lords . The Lords were members of
6902-408: The Roman Catholic clergy and especially the bishops, while in no part of Ireland was it received with more favour than in the city of Cork . This attitude of the Catholics was caused by Pitt's encouragement of the expectation that Catholic emancipation , the commutation of tithes, and the endowment of the Catholic priesthood, would accompany or quickly follow the passing of the measure. When in 1799,
7021-404: The Viceroy had either misunderstood or exceeded his instructions; on 19 February 1795, Fitzwilliam was recalled. In the outburst of indignation, followed by increasing disaffection which this produced in Ireland, Grattan acted with conspicuous moderation and loyalty. This won him warm acknowledgements from a member of the British cabinet. That cabinet, however, doubtless influenced by the wishes of
7140-407: The Whigs on the regency question in 1788. In 1790, Grattan was elected for Dublin City , a seat he held until 1798. In 1792–93, he succeeded in carrying the Roman Catholic Relief Act 1793 , conferring the franchise on Catholics; in 1794, in conjunction with William Ponsonby , he introduced a reform bill which was even milder than Flood's bill of 1783. He was as anxious as Flood had been to retain
7259-483: The actual decisions in proposing policy. The two important aspects of the procedure presented by Poynings' Law are transmission and certification. Both of these requirements placed limits on various parties within the law-making process in Ireland. The combination of these processes created a situation where bills could be sent, along with the request for parliament, and the king could amend and remove such bills as he wished, however, he could not add new bills himself. This
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#17328524281097378-409: The amended bill and resubmitting heads of a new bill identical to the rejected one. The Declaratory Act 1719 declared the right of the Parliament of Great Britain to make laws for Ireland and overrule judgments of the Irish House of Lords . The Declaratory Act and Poynings' Law were two major grievances of the Irish Patriot Party that were addressed by the Constitution of 1782 . One element of
7497-427: The celebrated Grecian Coffee House in Devereux Court , where he met Oliver Goldsmith . It was in London where he formed his lifelong friendship with Robert Day , later a judge of the Court of King's Bench . After studying at the Middle Temple , London and then King's Inns , Dublin, he was called to the Irish Bar in 1772. He never seriously practised law but was drawn to politics, influenced by Flood. He entered
7616-463: The colonies, principally in North America. Ironically, it was the very efforts to establish Anglicans as the primacy in Ireland which slowly subverted the general cause of the Protestant Irish which had been the objective of successive Irish and British Parliaments. The Irish Parliament did assert its independence from London several times however. In the early 18th century it successfully lobbied for itself to be summoned every two years, as opposed to at
7735-424: The committal of the bill, ending with an impassioned peroration in which he declared, "I will remain anchored here with fidelity to the fortunes of my country, faithful to her freedom, faithful to her fall." These were the last words spoken by Grattan in the Irish Parliament. The bill establishing the union was carried through its final stages by substantial majorities. One of Grattan's main grounds of opposition to
7854-414: The complete dependence of the Irish parliament, and the appellate jurisdiction of the Irish House of Lords had also been annulled. Moreover, the British Houses claimed and exercised the power to legislate directly for Ireland without even the nominal concurrence of the parliament in Dublin. This was the constitution which William Molyneux and Swift had denounced, which Flood had attacked, and which Grattan
7973-423: The control of de jure power of magnates, the far larger peasant population had nonetheless under the relatively anarchic and sectarian conditions established a relative independence. Now, the nobility and newly established loyalist gentry could exercise their rights and privileges with more vigour. Much as in England, Wales, and Scotland, the franchise was always limited to the property owning classes, which favoured
8092-412: The country, and did not affect the operation of parliament until after the papal bull Regnans in Excelsis of 1570. Initially in 1537, the Irish Parliament approved both the Act of Supremacy , acknowledging Henry VIII as head of the Church and the dissolution of the monasteries. In the parliaments of 1569 and 1585, the Old English Catholic representatives in the Irish Commons had several disputes with
8211-511: The country, in 1494, the Parliament encouraged the passing of Poynings' Law which subordinated Irish Parliament to the English one. The role of the Parliament changed after 1541, when Henry VIII declared the Kingdom of Ireland and embarked on the Tudor conquest of Ireland . Despite an era which featured royal concentration of power and decreasing feudal power throughout the rest of Europe, King Henry VIII over-ruled earlier court rulings putting families and lands under attainder and recognised
8330-497: The crown's authorities over the introduction of penal legislation against Catholics and over-paying of " Cess " tax for the putting down of various Gaelic and Catholic rebellions. For this reason, and the political fallout after the 1605 Gunpowder plot and the Plantation of Ulster in 1613–15, the constituencies for the Irish House of Commons were changed to give Protestants a majority. The Plantation of Ulster allowed English and Scottish Protestant candidates in as representatives of
8449-446: The crown's presence in Ireland. Alongside this reduced control grew a "Gaelic resurgence" that was political as well as cultural. In turn this resulted in considerable numbers of the Hiberno-Norman Old English nobility joining the independent Gaelic nobles in asserting their feudal independence. Eventually the crown's power shrank to a small fortified enclave around Dublin known as the Pale . The Parliament thereafter became essentially
8568-511: The daughter of Nicholas Fitzgerald of County Mayo (d. 1761), a son of Thomas FitzGerald of Turlough, County Mayo and Elizabeth Browne. Henrietta's mother Margaret was the daughter of James Stephenson and Ann Price. Grattan's in-laws' history gave him a sensitivity to former Irish political difficulties, as Henrietta's Cavalier great-grandfather John Fitzgerald was transplanted from Gorteens Castle in County Kilkenny to Mayo in 1653 under
8687-516: The evil of absenteeism would be intensified. For the next five years, Grattan took no active part in public affairs; it was not again until 1805, that he became a Member of the Parliament of the United Kingdom for Malton . He modestly took his seat on one of the back benches, until Fox brought him forward, exclaiming, "This is no place for the Irish Demosthenes !" His first speech was on
8806-549: The fact that the independent constitution of 1782 offered no safeguard against armed revolt. Sectarian violence during the rebellion put an end to the growing reconciliation between Roman Catholics and Presbyterians, and the island divided anew into two hostile factions. It was from the Anglican established church , and particularly from the Orangemen , that the bitterest opposition to the union proceeded. The proposal found support among
8925-531: The fore, and when a powerful section of the Whigs joined Pitt's ministry in 1794, Lord Fitzwilliam , who shared Grattan's views, was appointed Viceroy, expectations for further Catholic relief were raised. That may have been Pitt's intention, but it is not clear how far Lord Fitzwilliam had been authorised to pledge the government. Fitzwilliam privately asked Grattan to propose a Bill for Catholic emancipation, promising British government support. It appeared, however, that
9044-650: The forum for the Pale community until the 16th century. Unable to implement and exercise the authority of the Parliament or the Crown's rule outside of this environ, and increasingly under the attack of raids by the Gaelic Irish and independent Hiberno-Norman nobles, the Palesmen themselves encouraged the Kings of England to take a more direct role in the affairs of Ireland. Geographic distance,
9163-582: The government brought forward its bill it was defeated in the Irish House of Commons. Grattan was still in retirement. His popularity had declined, and the fact that his proposals for parliamentary reform and Catholic emancipation had become the watchwords of the United Irishmen had brought him the bitter hostility of the governing classes. He was dismissed from the Privy Council; his portrait was removed from
9282-542: The government in his 24-page Letter to the Citizens of Dublin , in which he said it was now "absolutely necessary to reform the state" as the people no longer had confidence in parliament. At this time antipathy towards the Anglican elite in Ireland was such that people of different faiths were ready to combine for common political objects. Thus the Presbyterians of the north, who were mainly republican in sentiment, combined with
9401-417: The great seal of that land [Ireland]”, and then forward it to England for approval. Once the request arrived in England, it was reviewed by the King and his council, and a formal licence, approving the request for parliament and the draft bills were returned to Ireland. Once the licence was received in Ireland, the governor would summon parliament, and the bills passed. "Government" was not representative as in
9520-493: The hall of Trinity College ; the Merchant Guild of Dublin struck his name off their rolls. The threatened destruction of the constitution of 1782 quickly restored its author to his former place in the affections of the Irish people. The parliamentary recess had been employed by the government in securing by lavish corruption a majority in favour of their policy. On 15 January 1800, the Irish Parliament met for its last session; on
9639-467: The hostility of the British mercantile classes. Grattan supported the government for a time after 1782, and spoke and voted for the repressive legislation that followed the Whiteboy violence in 1785; but as the years passed and without Pitt's personal favour towards parliamentary reform resulting in legislation, he gravitated towards the opposition, agitated for commutation of tithes in Ireland, and supported
9758-466: The idea from both Protestants and Catholics, and as such Catholic Emancipation would need to be delivered along with the union. Catholic Emancipation alone he knew would be enough to secure the stability of Ireland. The Catholic middle classes and the Catholic hierarchy, led by John Thomas Troy , the Archbishop of Dublin , were willing to support the union if Catholic Emancipation did indeed follow. Only
9877-440: The idea however were split on the issue of Catholic Emancipation, resulting in it being dropped from the proposals. Cornwallis observed: "I certainly wish that England could now make a union with the Irish nation, instead of making it with a party in Ireland". Any union between Ireland and Great Britain would have to be in the form of a treaty in all but name, meaning that any act of union would need to be passed separately in both
9996-535: The intervening years. Poynings' Law was a major rallying point for later groups seeking self-government for Ireland, particularly the Confederate Catholics in the 1640s and Henry Grattan 's Patriot Party in the late 18th century, who consistently sought a repeal of Poynings' Law. The Act remained in place until the Constitution of 1782 gave the Irish parliament legislative independence. The working of Poynings' Law took place in several steps. The first step
10115-432: The king, and the preservation of the king's peace , and so the fluctuating number of autonomous Irish Gaelic kings were outside of the system; they had their own local brehon law taxation arrangements. The earliest known parliament met at Kilkea Castle near Castledermot , County Kildare on 18 June 1264, with only prelates and magnates attending. Elected representatives are first attested in 1297 and continually from
10234-623: The lack of attention by the Crown because of the Hundred Years' War and the Wars of the Roses , and the larger power of the Gaelic clans, all reduced the effectiveness of the Irish Parliament. Thus, increasingly worried that the Irish Parliament was essentially being overawed by powerful landed families in Ireland like the Earl of Kildare into passing laws that pursued the agendas of the different dynastic factions in
10353-531: The later 14th century. In 1297, counties were first represented by elected knights of the shire ( sheriffs had previously represented them). In 1299, towns were represented. From the 14th century a distinction from the English parliament was that deliberations on church funding were held in Parliament rather than in Convocation . The separation of the individually summoned lords from the elected commons had developed by
10472-460: The leadership of Daniel O'Connell , and Grattan's influence gradually declined. He seldom spoke in Parliament after 1810, the most notable exception being in 1815, when he separated himself from the Whigs and supported the final struggle against Napoléon . His last speech of all, in 1819, contained a passage referring to the Union he had so passionately resisted, which exhibits the statesmanship, and at
10591-619: The legislative power in the hands of men of property. Grattan had a strong conviction that while Ireland could best be governed by the Irish, democracy in Ireland would inevitably turn to plunder and anarchy. At the same time, he wished to open membership of the House of Commons to Catholic men of property, a proposal that was the corollary of the Relief Act of 1793. The defeat of Grattan's mild proposals helped to promote more extreme opinions, which, under growing influence from France, were now making inroads in Ireland. The Catholic question had come to
10710-456: The legislative process, and thus gave the executive in Ireland as well as the crown an interest in relaxing procedure. As early as 1496 "the rigid procedure laid down by Poynings' Law was not being adhered to", and additional bills were commonly sent to England after the original request and were returned to Ireland before the meeting of a new parliament. The example from 1496 was the separate request for parliamentary licence and sending of bills in
10829-419: The modern sense and there was no sustained opposition. Parliament's consent was necessary for some purposes, and it frequently offered advice, but the decisions were made by the English and Irish councils. This is an important fact to consider when examining exactly who the law was aimed to suppress. As the point above demonstrates, parliament was virtually a rubber stamp , and it was the Irish executive who made
10948-412: The newly formed boroughs in planted areas. Initially this gave Protestants a majority of 132–100 in the House of Commons. However, after vehement Catholic protests, including a brawl in the chamber on Parliament's first sitting, some of the new Parliamentary constituencies were eliminated, giving Protestants a slight majority (108-102) of members of the House of Commons thereafter. In the House of Lords
11067-486: The position of the Lord Lieutenant and the English Government in the matter, it became clear that a compromise solution must be reached before parliament could be called again. From mid-1694, negotiations to this end began to bear fruit. The Irish parliament would pass one government money bill relating to excise at the beginning of the session in recognition of the royal prerogative . The parliament would now appoint
11186-543: The privileges of the Gaelic nobles, thereby expanding the crown's de jure authority. In return for recognising the crown's authority under the new Kingdom of Ireland, the Gaelic-Anglo-Irish lords had their position legalised and were entitled to attend the Irish Parliament as equals under the policy of surrender and regrant . The Reformation in Ireland introduced in stages by the Tudor monarchs did not take hold in most of
11305-491: The question of maintaining the Volunteer Convention . Drawing the attention of the House to "the alarming measure of drilling the lowest classes of the populace", Grattan implied that reformers had a duty to protect the prerogatives of property even as they protested its abuses. Better that those who had been "respectable" as the armed "property of the nation" should retire than run the risks of an "armed beggary". (Writing
11424-411: The reappointment of the Earl of Kildare . At this time, because the rigid procedure of Poynings' Law was not in the interest of any of the parties involved, especially the Crown and Irish executive, Quinn argues that "no hesitation was felt about transmitting additional bills" after the licence had been granted. After the Revolution of 1688 and the ensuing Williamite War , an important development in
11543-412: The reign of George II . Privileges were also mostly limited to supporters of the Church of Ireland . Protestants who did not recognise the state-supported Church were also discriminated against in law, so non-conformists such as Presbyterians, Congregationalists and Quakers also had a subservient status in Parliament; after 1707 they could hold seats, but not public offices. Thus, the new system favoured
11662-542: The right to cast votes in elections to the parliament, although they were still debarred from membership and state offices. The House of Lords was presided over by the Lord Chancellor , who sat on the woolsack , a large seat stuffed with wool from each of the three lands of England, Ireland and Scotland. In the Commons, business was presided over by the Speaker who, in the absence of a government chosen from and answerable to
11781-456: The same day Grattan secured by purchase a seat for Wicklow ; and at a late hour, while the debate was proceeding, he appeared to take his seat, and was cheered from the galleries. Grattan's strength gave way when he rose to speak, and he obtained leave to address the House sitting. Nevertheless, his speech was a superb effort of oratory; for more than two hours he kept them spellbound. After prolonged debates Grattan, on 26 May, spoke finally against
11900-433: The same time the equable quality, of Grattan's character. His sentiments with regard to the policy of the Union remained, he said, unchanged; but "the marriage, having taken place, it is now the duty, as it ought to be the inclination, of every individual to render it as fruitful, as profitable and as advantageous as possible." In the following summer, after crossing from Ireland to Britain when in poor health to bring forward
12019-697: The same year, Grattan became a member of the Privy Council of Ireland . He was expelled in 1798, but was re-admitted on 9 August 1806. In Dublin, he was a member of Daly's Club . One of the first acts of Grattan's parliament was to prove its loyalty to the Constitution by passing a vote for the support of 20,000 sailors for the Royal Navy . Grattan was loyal to the Crown and the British connection. He was, however, anxious to achieve moderate parliamentary reform, and, unlike Flood, he favoured Catholic Emancipation . It
12138-419: The scheme. The constitution of Grattan's parliament offered no security, as the differences over the regency question had made evident that in matters of imperial interest the policy of the Irish parliament and that of Great Britain would be in agreement. At a moment when Britain was engaged in a life-and-death struggle with France, it was impossible for the ministry to ignore the danger, recently emphasised by
12257-437: The second, "that it was, and is, the sole and undoubted right of the commons to prepare heads of bills for raising money". Opposition to the executive was then expressed as the Commons used its veto power under Poynings' Law to reject "virtually two-thirds of the meticulously prepared government bills". Political deadlock ensued and parliament was prorogued. Although judicial opinion in both Ireland and England served to vindicate
12376-539: The splendour of his astonishing eloquence." Grattan Bridge crossing the river Liffey between Parliament Street on the south side of Dublin and Capel Street on the north side is named in his honour. The building housing the faculty of Law and Government at Dublin City University has also been named the Henry Grattan Building in his honour. Grattan Square Dungarvan, County Waterford. The establishment of
12495-540: The start of each new reign only, and shortly thereafter it declared itself to be in session permanently, mirroring developments in the English Parliament . As the effects on the prosperity of the Kingdom of submitting the Irish Parliament to review by the British became apparent, the Irish Parliament slowly asserted itself, and from the 1770s the Irish Patriot Party began agitating for greater powers relative to
12614-471: The task of governing Ireland, and that such a "corrupt, dangerous and inefficient system" had to be done away with. In June 1798, Lord Cornwallis was appointed Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, with one of his main tasks to be securing support in Ireland for a union. Cornwallis would report that "The mass of the people of Ireland do not care one farthing about the Union". For the idea to succeed, Pitt knew that he needed large scale public support in Ireland for
12733-481: The throne of England". The Lord Lieutenant, when he sat on the throne, sat beneath a canopy of crimson velvet. At the state opening, MPs were summoned to the House of Lords from the House of Commons chamber by Black Rod , a royal official who would "command the members on behalf of His Excellency to attend him in the chamber of peers". Sessions of Parliament drew many of the wealthiest of Ireland's Anglo-Irish elite to Dublin, particularly as sessions often coincided with
12852-470: The time. They also spent over £1,250,000 buying the support of those who held the seats of boroughs and counties. When parliament reopened on 15 January 1800, high levels of passion ran throughout, and angry speeches were delivered by proponents on both sides. Henry Grattan, who had helped secure the Irish parliament's legislative independence in 1782, bought Wicklow borough at midnight for £1,200, and after dressing in his old Volunteer uniform, arrived at
12971-413: The union had been his dread of seeing the political leadership in Ireland pass out of the hands of the landed gentry; and he prophesied that the time would come when Ireland would send to the united parliament a hundred of the greatest rascals in the kingdom. Like Flood before him, Grattan had no leaning towards democracy; and he anticipated that by the removal of the centre of political interest from Ireland
13090-535: Was an obvious choice when the Town Commissioners were looking for a new name. Grattan Square was constructed between 1806 and 1826 at the instigation of the Duke of Devonshire. The architecture of the square has changed little to this day. Grattan's father was James Grattan (d. 1766), a Recorder and then MP for Dublin City , who married a daughter of Thomas Marlay, Mary. Grattan married Henrietta Fitzgerald in 1782,
13209-415: Was cruelly lampooned by James Gillray as a rebel leader for his liberal views and his stance against a political union with the Kingdom of Great Britain . Almost immediately, the project of a legislative union between the British and Irish parliaments, which had been from time to time discussed since the beginning of the 18th century, was taken up in earnest by Pitt's government. Grattan fiercely denounced
13328-457: Was evident that without reform, the Irish House of Commons would not be able to make much use of its newly won legislative independence. Though now free from Westminster constitutional control, it was still subject to the influence of corruption, which the British government had wielded through the British and Irish borough owners, known as the "undertakers", or more directly through the great executive offices. Grattan's parliament had no control over
13447-416: Was for the lieutenant governor and the Irish council (or Irish executive) to decide that a parliament was needed, usually for the purpose of raising funds. At this point, the council and lieutenant would write drafts of legislation to be proposed to the king and his council. After this had been completed, the lieutenant and council, according to the act, were required to certify the request for parliament "under
13566-587: Was overthrown in England, he turned to his Catholic supporters in the Irish Parliament for support. In return for its support during the Williamite war in Ireland (1688–91), a Catholic majority Patriot Parliament of 1689 persuaded James to pass legislation granting it autonomy to and to restore lands confiscated from Catholics in the Cromwellian conquest of Ireland . The Jacobite defeat in this war meant that under William III of England Protestants were returned to
13685-528: Was rare in Europe . The majority were excluded, who were either Roman Catholics or Presbyterians; two-thirds of the members of the House of Commons were returned by small boroughs at the disposal of individual patrons, whose support was bought by the distribution of peerages and pensions. It was to give stability and true independence to the new constitution that Grattan pressed for reform. Having quarrelled with Flood over simple repeal, Grattan also differed from him on
13804-586: Was reversed by the Restoration of Charles II in 1660. Following the death of Cromwell and the end of the Protectorate , the Stuarts returned to the throne thereby ending the sectarian divisions relating to parliament. Then, during the reign of James II of England , who had converted to Roman Catholicism, Irish Catholics briefly recovered their pre-eminent position as the crown now favoured their community. When James
13923-517: Was the son of James Grattan MP, of Belcamp Park , County Dublin and Mary, youngest daughter of Thomas Marlay , Attorney-General of Ireland , Chief Baron of the Irish Exchequer and finally Lord Chief Justice of the Court of King's Bench and his wife Anne de Laune. Grattan attended Drogheda Grammar School and then went on to become a distinguished student at Trinity College Dublin , where he began
14042-573: Was thought to have ended hopes of a union. Relations between the two parliaments became strained in 1789 during the illness of King George III, when the Irish parliament invited the Prince of Wales to become the Regent of Ireland, before Westminster had been able to make its own decision on the matter. The Irish Rebellion of 1798 saw a French expedition landing in Killala, causing alarm that Ireland could be used as
14161-498: Was to destroy, becoming leaders of the Patriot movement . Calls for the legislative independence of Ireland at the Irish Volunteer Convention at Dungannon , County Tyrone , greatly influenced the decision of the government in 1782 to make concessions. It was through ranks of Volunteers drawn up outside the Irish Parliament in Dublin that Grattan passed on 16 April 1782, amidst unparalleled popular enthusiasm, to move
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