72-526: Under Germany's mixed member proportional system of election, the Bundestag has 299 constituencies ( Wahlkreise ( German: [ˈvaːlˌkʁaɪ̯zə] ), electoral districts), each of which may elect one member of the Bundestag by first-past-the-post voting (a plurality of votes). At least 331 more representatives are elected from closed lists in each of Germany's sixteen Länder , distributed in
144-436: A divisor of 8 (7 seats + 1 per the method's divisor formula) instead of 1. The resulting table would then give 7 seats for Scotland and 4 seats for Wales to the parties possessing the highest averages on the table, although both devolved parliaments do not use a table, instead using a sequential method. The compensatory effect characteristic of MMP is in the fact that a party that won constituency seats would have lower averages on
216-513: A handful of overhanging constituencies. However, this began to change as East Germany started participating in German federal elections starting with the 1990 German federal election , with the PDS posting particularly strong results in those states. This along with the rise of Alliance '90/The Greens served to depress the party-list vote shares, creating more overhang seats than in prior elections. In
288-484: A longtime supporter of MMP. The Green Party of Canada has generally been a staunch supporter of a move to a proportional electoral system. In June 2016, the Canadian House of Commons Special Committee on Electoral Reform was formed to examine potential changes to the voting system with MMP being one of the options examined. The committee presented its report to Parliament on 1 December of the same year. In early 2017,
360-905: A manner that ensures that the overall proportion of representatives for each party above the threshold is approximately equal to the proportion of votes its list received nationwide. Voting was last held in Germany's constituencies on 27 September 2021 , determining the members of the 20th Bundestag . In the 2025 German federal election , Memmingen – Unterallgäu will be contested for the first time. Mixed-member proportional representation Condorcet methods Positional voting Cardinal voting Quota-remainder methods Approval-based committees Fractional social choice Semi-proportional representation By ballot type Pathological response Strategic voting Paradoxes of majority rule Positive results Mixed-member proportional representation ( MMP or MMPR )
432-658: A member with a 'safe' constituency seat is therefore a tremendous asset to a minor party in New Zealand. In elections for the Scottish Parliament, there is no threshold set, because the district magnitude of each electoral region is small enough to impose an inherent threshold in the seat distribution calculations. The following countries currently have MMP representation. Countries which nominally use or have used MMP, but in practice had highly disproportional representation or it as otherwise not implemented are discussed in
504-433: A nationwide representative, parties may be required to achieve a minimum number of constituency seats, a minimum percentage of the nationwide party vote, or both. MMP differs from mixed-member majoritarian representation (often achieved by parallel voting ) in that the nationwide seats are allocated to political parties in a compensatory manner in order to achieve proportional election results across all seats (not just
576-515: A party must earn at least a certain percentage of the total party vote, or no candidates will be elected from the party list. Candidates having won a constituency will still have won their seat. In New Zealand the threshold is 5%, in Bolivia 3%, in Germany 5% for elections for federal parliament and most state parliaments. A party can also be eligible for list seats if it wins at least three constituency seats in Germany, or at least one in New Zealand. Having
648-597: A party wins too many constituency seats. The problem of ticket splitting strategies can be solved either by eliminating at least one of the two mechanisms that create the opportunity for abuse: This sort of strategy for a coalition of parties to capture a larger share of list seats may be adopted formally as a strategy. By way of example, in Albania's 2005 parliamentary election , the two main parties did not expect to win any list seats, so they encouraged voters to use their list votes for allied minor parties. This tactic distorted
720-488: A real issue, the German Constitutional Court as early as 1997 ruled that a "substantial number" of overhang mandates which weren't equalized through leveling seats were unconstitutional. The issue became more pressing after a particularly notorious case of negative vote weight at the 2005 election . The election in the constituency Dresden I was held two weeks later than the other 298 constituencies after
792-621: Is a type of representation provided by some mixed electoral systems which combine local winner-take-all elections with a compensatory tier with party lists , in a way that produces proportional representation overall. Like proportional representation , MMP is not a single system, but a principle and goal of several similar systems. Some systems designed to achieve proportionality are still called mixed-member proportional, even if they generally fall short of full proportionality. In this case, they provide semi-proportional representation . In typical MMP systems, voters get two votes: one to decide
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#1732852601862864-526: Is called MMP, while in other countries similar systems are known under other names. The seat linkage compensatory mixed system often referred to as MMP originates in Germany , and was later adopted with modifications under the name of MMP in New Zealand. In Germany, where is was differentiated from a different compensatory mixed system it was always known as personalized proportional representation (PPR) ( German : personalisiertes Verhältniswahlrecht ). Since
936-635: Is determined, it would then have to be decided who, if any, will represent these constituencies. This was used in the Landtag of Bavaria until 1966, with the candidates with the lowest number of votes not keeping the constituency seat. This system is now in place at the federal level in Germany, starting with the forthcoming 2025 election . As with the previous system in Bavaria, overhanging constituency winners are excluded in order of lowest vote share. Prior to German reunification overhang mandates - particularly at
1008-517: Is granted full proportional representation as if it passed the 5% electoral threshold , even if it did not. The awarding of overhang seats and the leveling seats required to compensate for this led to a drastic increase in the size of the Bundestag beyond its normal size of 598 members. In the 2021 federal election , The Left fell just short of the election threshold with 4.9% of the national vote but won three single-member constituency seats . This entitled them to proportional representation in
1080-603: Is the number of constituency seats that party won, so that the additional seats are compensatory (top-up). If a party wins more FPTP seats than the proportional quota received by the party-list vote, these surplus seats are called overhang seats ( Überhangmandate in German), which may be an obstacle to achieving full proportionality. When a party wins more constituency seats than it would be entitled to from its proportion of (party list) votes, most systems allow for these overhang seats to be kept by those candidates who earned it in
1152-474: The 1994 German federal election , the re-elected Kohl government supported by a "black-yellow" coalition (CDU/CSU and FDP ) achieved a relatively slim majority of 341 out of 672 seats to the opposition's (SPD, Alliance 90/The Greens , PDS) 331 seats at the opening session. This majority would have been even narrower if not for twelve overhang seats the CDU/CSU had achieved, which were however partially mitigated by
1224-696: The 2008 New Zealand general election the Māori Party won 2.4% of the party vote, which would entitle them to 3 seats in the House, but won 5 constituency seats, leaving an overhang of 2 seats, which resulted in a 122-member house. If the party vote for the Māori Party had been more in proportion with the constituency seats won, there would have been a normal 120-member house. To combat disproportionalities caused by overhang seats, in most German states leveling seats ( Ausgleichsmandate in German) are added to compensate for
1296-585: The 2009 Schleswig-Holstein state election giving a majority of seats to the Peter Harry Carstensen led "black-yellow" coalition, despite them having won a lower share of the vote than the SPD, Greens, Left, SSW opposition. Following a suit before the State Constitutional Court brought by opposition parties, it was ruled that the electoral law in its then current interpretation did indeed violate
1368-630: The 2012 election , the voting system was adjusted to link the local and list seats to limit the decoy lists' effectiveness, resulting in an almost perfectly proportionate election result for the competing parties. Overhang seat Condorcet methods Positional voting Cardinal voting Quota-remainder methods Approval-based committees Fractional social choice Semi-proportional representation By ballot type Pathological response Strategic voting Paradoxes of majority rule Positive results Overhang seats are constituency seats won in an election under
1440-489: The Legislative Assembly of Ontario , and the proposed Dual-member proportional representation system uses this approach as well. While for the first additional list seats are simply denied to parties, in the latter three cases , a fairer procedure was proposed of subtracting the constituency seats won by parties with overhang seats from the total number of seats and recalculating the quota (the largest remainder method
1512-628: The South Wales West region, and every election in the South Wales Central region apart from the 2003 election. This situation arises because Labour has continued to hold the overwhelming majority of constituency seats in these regions, and only around one-third of the total number of seats are available for distribution as additional regional seats. ( MMM ) ( Gallagher ) number of overhang seats As in numerous proportional systems , in order to be eligible for list seats in many MMP models,
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#17328526018621584-578: The United Kingdom the sometimes less proportional implementation of MMP used in Scotland and the London Assembly is referred to as the additional member system . In South Africa, MMP is generally referred to as a "mixed-system". The Scandinavian countries have a long history of using both multi-member districts (members elected through party-list PR) and nationally-based compensatory top-up seats using
1656-611: The representative for their single-seat constituency , and one for a political party, but some countries use single vote variants . Seats in the legislature are filled first by the successful constituency candidates, and second, by party candidates based on the percentage of nationwide or region-wide votes that each party received. The constituency representatives are usually elected using first-past-the-post voting (FPTP). The nationwide or regional party representatives are, in most jurisdictions, drawn from published party lists , similar to party-list proportional representation . To gain
1728-464: The state constitution but that the Landtag was to keep its composition until a new electoral law could be passed (which happened in 2011) after which new elections would be scheduled with enough time for campaigns setting the next election for 2012 , two years earlier than if the Landtag had served its full five year term. The 2023 reform which eliminated the awarding of all overhang and leveling seats
1800-410: The "best near-winner" method in a four-region model, where the regional members are the local candidates of the under-represented party in that region who received the most votes in their local constituency without being elected in it ( Zweitmandat , literally "second mandate"). At the regional or national level (i.e. above the constituency level) several different calculation methods have been used, but
1872-408: The 2025 election. This is achieved by eliminating all overhang and leveling seats. A party's total number of seats will be determined solely by its share of party-list votes ( Zweitstimmendeckung , "second vote coverage"). If a party wins overhanging constituency seats in a state, its constituency winners in excess of its share of seats would be excluded from the Bundestag in order of those that received
1944-460: The Bundestag according to their second votes. The extra compensation seats for other parties meant that the Bundestag would be the largest in German history, and in fact the largest freely elected parliament in the world, with 736 MPs . In 2023, in response to the increasing size of the Bundestag, the Scholz cabinet passed a reform law to fix the size of future Bundestags at 630 members beginning with
2016-539: The Constitutional Court. Furthermore, the Court clarified that the federal electoral system was supposed to be primarily one of proportional representation and a number of non-compensated overhang seats above 15 would "dilute" this proportional character. As the Bundestag thus lacked a constitutional electoral mechanism and the 2013 German federal election was coming up, the government agreed to negotiations with
2088-400: The Court also allowed for a three year deadline to change the electoral law, allowing for the 2009 German federal election to be held under the previous set of rules. The electoral reform passed with the votes of the governing "black-yellow" coalition in late 2011 (a few weeks after the deadline set in 2008) - and without consulting the opposition parties - was again ruled unconstitutional by
2160-505: The Government announced that it would accept only some of the committee's recommendations, and would not pursue the issue of electoral reform any further. The pan-European party VOLT Europa proposes transnational mixed-member proportional representation with the combination of Majority Judgment and party-list PR . In other cases, a party may be so certain of winning a large number of constituency seats that it expects no extra seats in
2232-566: The additional seats). Under MMP, two parties that each receive 25% of the votes end up with about 25% of the seats, even if one party wins more constituency seats than the other. Depending on the exact system implemented in a country and the results of a particular election, the proportionality of an election may vary. Overhang seats may reduce the proportionality of the system, although this can be compensated for by allocating additional party list seats to cover any proportionality gap. The specific system of New Zealand for electing its parliament
List of Bundestag constituencies - Misplaced Pages Continue
2304-527: The basic characteristic of the MMP is that the total number of seats in the assembly, including the single-member seats and not only the party-list ones, are allocated to parties proportionally to the number of votes the party received in the party portion of the ballot. This can be done by different apportionment methods : such as the D'Hondt method or the Sainte-Laguë method . Subtracted from each party's allocation
2376-604: The compensation mechanism was manipulated by decoy lists. Countries with systems which have been confused with mixed-member proportional representation: In March 2004, the Law Commission of Canada proposed a system of MMP, with only 33% of MPs elected from regional open lists, for the House of Commons of Canada but Parliament's consideration of the Report in 2004–05 was stopped after the 2006 election. The New Democratic Party has been
2448-669: The constituency elections. A counter-example would be the In Germany's Bundestag , where constituency winners may not always keep their seats since the latest modification of the electoral law. In an MMP variant used in Romania in the 2008 and 2012 legislative elections , where constituency seats could only be earned by the winning candidate if they also achieved an absolute majority in their district, thereby eliminating overhang seats. In New Zealand House of Representatives , all members elected for constituencies keep their seats. For example, in
2520-553: The corresponding number of list seats allocated to other parties is eliminated to maintain the number of assembly seats. This means that a party with overhang seats has more seats than its entitlement, and other parties have fewer. This approach is used in the Chamber of Deputies of Bolivia and the National Assembly of Lesotho . It was unsuccessfully recommended by the 2006 Ontario Citizens' Assembly on Electoral Reform for adoption by
2592-502: The death of a candidate. Der Spiegel published an article in the intervening time outlining how more votes for the CDU could lead to them losing an overhang seat, and thus narrowing their plurality in the close election. The anticipated tactical voting in Dresden I did occur as Andreas Lämmel (CDU) won the constituency with roughly 37% of the constituency vote while his party won only 24.4% of
2664-424: The federal level - were relatively rare and never amounted to more than five (out of over 400 total seats) in any given Bundestag and several federal elections resulted in no overhang at all. This was in part due to the relative strength of the two major parties, CDU / CSU and SPD ; with both parties winning large shares of the vote in the pre-reunification three-party system, it was rare for either to win more than
2736-413: The four overhang seats for the SPD. This led to much more public debate on the existence of overhang seats and what to do about them. There was even a challenge of the validity of the election result based on the overhang seat issue raised by a private citizen after the 1994 election, which was however dismissed as "obviously without merit". The problem thus turning from a theoretical consideration to
2808-569: The individual candidate vote in a clearly distinct fashion from open-list systems, it may still be considered mixed-member proportional in the sense of a proportional system having two kinds of MP: one (may be) elected by personal (candidate) votes, one elected by (closed list) votes. Previously, the federal elections used a flexible number of additional compensatory seats, also known as leveling seats , which essentially guaranteed mixed-member proportional representation even with extremely disproportional constituency results, but dramatically increased
2880-425: The nature of the calculations used to distribute the regional list seats, overhang seats are not possible; the list allocation works like a mixed-member majoritarian system, but in using the d'Hondt method 's divisors to find the averages for the allocation, the first divisor for each party takes into account the number of constituency seats won by the party; i.e. a party that won 7 constituency seats would start with
2952-464: The next section. Though not all overhang seats are perfectly compensated for, New Zealand is widely considered to be a typical example of mixed-member proportional representation due to the high proportionality of the system (disregarding the electoral threshold). MMP replaced (modified): There are several other countries which attempted to introduce MMP by seat linkage compensation , but either not enough leveling seats were provided to achieve it, or
List of Bundestag constituencies - Misplaced Pages Continue
3024-464: The number of list seats or "overhang" seats, Albania subsequently decided to change to a pure-list system. In an abusive gambit similar to that used in Albania, major parties feeling that they are unlikely to win a large number of list seats because of their advantage at the constituency level might choose to split their party in two, with one subdivision of the party contesting the constituency seats, while
3096-433: The number of overhang seats are: In many countries, overhang seats are rare – a party that is able to win constituency seats is generally able to win a significant portion of the party vote as well. There are, however, some circumstances in which overhang seats may arise relatively easily: Overhang seats are dealt with in different ways by different systems. A party is allowed to keep any overhang seats it wins, and
3168-427: The number of seats for a given party, contradicting the voter's will), leveling seats were introduced for the 2013 election and also used in those of 2017 and 2021 . A party is not allowed to keep any overhang seats it wins, with its number of seats actually being reduced until it fits the party's entitlement. This method raises the question of which constituency seats the party is not allowed to keep. After that
3240-435: The opposition parties, leading to a new electoral law being passed in early 2013 with broad support from all parties in the Bundestag except Die Linke. This added leveling seats and was used in the 2013, 2017 and 2021 elections. On the state level, an unclear wording in the state electoral law of Schleswig-Holstein led to different possible assignments of leveling seats to equalize the overhang seats ultimately resulting in
3312-434: The other contests the list seats—assuming this is allowed by electoral law. The two linked parties could then co-ordinate their campaign and work together within the legislature, while remaining legally separate entities. The result of this approach, if it is used by all parties, would be to transform MMP into a de facto parallel voting mechanism . An example could be seen in the 2007 Lesotho general election . In this case
3384-434: The overall result proportional. If a party wins more seats in the first vote than its proportion of second votes would suggest it should win overall, or if an independent candidate wins a constituency seat, then the automatic effect is to reduce the overall number of seats won by other parties below what they might expect proportionally. A party is allowed to keep any overhang seats it wins, but other parties are still awarded
3456-416: The overhang seats and thereby achieve complete proportionality. For example, the provincial parliament ( Landtag ) of North Rhine Westphalia has, instead of the usual 50% compensatory seats, only 29% unless more are needed to balance overhangs. If a party wins more local seats than its proportion of the total vote justifies, the size of the Landtag increases so that the total outcome is fully proportional to
3528-412: The party votes, the threshold required to enter parliament – unless the party wins an electorate seat . Te Pāti Māori won one overhang seat in 2005 and 2011 , and two overhang seats in 2008 . In 2005 their share of the party vote was under 2% on the initial election night count, but was 2.12% in the final count which included special votes cast outside the electorate. On election night it appeared that
3600-621: The party's regional list: Bavaria uses seven regions for this purpose. A regional open-list method was recommended for the United Kingdom by the Jenkins Commission (where it is known as AMS) and for Canada by the Law Commission of Canada ; neither recommendation was ever implemented. In contrast, the open-list method of MMP was chosen in November 2016 by voters in the 2016 Prince Edward Island electoral reform referendum . In Baden-Württemberg , there were no lists prior to 2022; they used
3672-459: The party's seat entitlement is not less than the number of constituencies it has won. If, for example, a party is entitled to five seats, but wins six constituencies, the sixth constituency seat is referred to as an overhang seat. Overhang typically results from the winner-take-all tendency of single-member districts , or if the geographic distribution of parties allows one to win many seats with few votes. The two mechanisms that together increase
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#17328526018623744-504: The party, whose candidates had won four electorate seats, would get two overhang seats in Parliament. However, with their party vote above 2% the party got an extra seat and hence needed only one overhang seat. National got one less list seat in the final count, so then conceded defeat (the result was close between the two largest parties, National and Labour ). Te Pāti Māori won six electorate seats in 2023 , two more than its 3.08% share of
3816-487: The party-list vote, with the FDP receiving 16.6% - more than one and a half times their federal vote share of 9.8%. This led to another ruling by the German Constitutional Court in 2008 which ruled that the existing federal electoral law was unconstitutional in part as it violated the principle of one person one vote and produced an overly opaque relationship between the numbers of votes cast and seats in parliament. However,
3888-488: The plurality winner. In German, this localized list system now shares the name of PPR with the mixed systems still used in the federal states of Germany that are referred to as MMP in English. In English, due to this change, the system is no longer considered to be MMP in the sense of a mixed member system combining proportional and majoritarian representation , but it would be a personalized/localized version of PR. As it retains
3960-609: The proportional top-up (list seats). Some voters may therefore seek to achieve double representation by voting tactically for another party in the regional vote, as a vote for their preferred party in the regional vote would be wasted. This tactic is much less effective in MMP models with a relatively large share of list seats (50% in most German states , and 40% in the New Zealand House of Representatives ) and/or ones which add " balancing seats ", leading to fewer opportunities for overhangs and maintaining full proportionality, even when
4032-488: The representative is by default chosen using a single winner method (though this is not strictly necessary), typically first-past-the-post : that is, the candidate with the most votes (plurality) wins. Most systems used closed party lists to elect the non-constituency MPs (also called list MPs). In most jurisdictions, candidates may stand for both a constituency and on a party list (referred to in New Zealand as dual candidacy ). In Wales between 2006 and 2014 dual candidacy
4104-662: The same method as MMP, however because the local MPs are also elected using PR, these systems are not usually considered MMP as they are not mixed systems . As especially mixed electoral systems can be quite different, sometimes there is no consensus on their classification as mixed-member proportional, mixed majoritarian or something between the two. These cases include partially or conditionally compensatory systems such as those of Hungary, Mexico and South Korea, which are typically said to be supermixed systems or partially compensatory systems, but sometimes inaccurately referred to as MMP even though they are highly disproportional. In MMP,
4176-564: The same number of seats that they are entitled to. This means that a party with overhang seats has more seats than its entitlement. The New Zealand Parliament uses this system; one extra seat was added in the 2005 election and 2011 election , and two extra seats in the 2008 election . This system was also used in the German Bundestag until 2013. Other parties may be given additional list seats (sometimes called "balance seats" or leveling seats ) lest they be disadvantaged. This preserves
4248-629: The same ratio between parties as was established in the election. It also increases the size of the legislature, as overhang seats are added, and there may also be extra list seats added to counteract them. This system results is less proportional than full compensation, as the party with the overhang is still receiving a "bonus" above its proportional entitlement. After the Federal Constitutional Court of Germany ruled in 2008 that allowing uncompensated overhang seats unconstitutional (because in rare instances, it allowed votes to negatively affect
4320-544: The size of the Bundestag. This meant that it was potentially the most proportional MMP system used after the one in New Zealand , where only overhang seats are added back as list seats, which resulted in minor flexibility of the parliament size. In the Canadian province of Quebec , where an MMP model was studied in 2007, it is called the compensatory mixed-member voting system ( système mixte avec compensation or SMAC). In
4392-489: The smallest vote shares. The rule allowing any party winning three constituency seats to receive full proportional representation was originally also abolished. The Federal Constitutional Court, however, decided that a 5% electoral threshold with no exceptions was unconstitutional and the rule was restored on an interim basis for the 2025 election. In New Zealand , Te Pāti Māori (the Māori Party) usually gets less than 5% of
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#17328526018624464-550: The table than it would if the election used MMM. Because of no provision for overhang seats, there have been cases where a party ended up with fewer total seats than its proportional entitlement. This occurred, for example, in the elections in the South East Wales electoral region in both 2007 ( Welsh Conservatives under-represented) and in 2016 ( Welsh Labour over-represented, Plaid Cymru under-represented). Labour has also been over-represented on this basis in every election in
4536-504: The traditional mixed-member proportional (MMP) system (as it originated in Germany ), when a party's share of the nationwide votes would entitle it to fewer seats than the number of individual constituencies won. Under MMP, a party is entitled to a number of seats based on its share of the total vote. If a party's share entitles it to ten seats and its candidates win seven constituencies, it will be awarded three list seats, bringing it up to its required number. This only works, however, if
4608-714: The two leading parties, the Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD) and the All Basotho Convention (ABC) used decoy lists, respectively named the National Independent Party and the Lesotho Workers' Party to avoid the compensatory mechanisms of MMP. As a result, the LCD and its decoy were able to take 69.1% of the seats with only 51.8% of the vote. ABC leader Tom Thabane called the vote "free, but not fair." In
4680-476: The two-vote variant to make local members of parliament (MPs) more personally accountable. Voters can thus vote for the local person they prefer for local MP without regard for party affiliation, since the partisan make-up of the legislature is determined only by the party vote. In the 2017 New Zealand election , 27.33% of voters split their vote (voted for a local candidate of a different party than their party vote) compared to 31.64% in 2014. In each constituency,
4752-420: The variants used in Germany almost always produce very proportional results, the proportionality is emphasized over the mixed nature of the electoral system, and it is essentially considered a localized or personalized form of PR, used instead of conventional open-list systems . The new modified federal election system does not allow overhang seats at all, therefore not all local districts are guaranteed to elect
4824-407: The voter casts two votes: one for a constituency representative and one for a party. In the original variant used in Germany, citizens gave only one vote, so that voting for a representative automatically meant also voting for the representative's party, which is still used in some MMP elections today and is more robust against tactical voting than typical two-vote versions. Most of Germany changed to
4896-411: The votes, with other parties receiving additional list seats to achieve proportionality. The leveling seats are added to the normal number of seats for the duration of the electoral period. In the German state of Bavaria , the constituency vote and party vote are combined to determine the distribution of seats. Scotland uses a modified variant of MMP known as the additional member system where due to
4968-617: The working of the model to the point that the parties that won list seats were almost always different from the parties that won constituency seats. Only one constituency member was elected from parties that won list seats. The election was condemned by the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe which said it failed to comply with international standards because of "serious irregularities", intimidation, vote-buying and "violence committed by extremists on both sides." Rather than increasing
5040-477: Was also recommended) to proportionally redistribute the list seats to the other parties. In the Scottish Parliament , Welsh Senedd and London Assembly , the effect is similar, but the mechanism different. In the allocation of second vote list seats using a highest averages method , the first vote constituency seats already won are taken into account when calculating party averages, with the aim of making
5112-410: Was also subject to a constitutional challenge. The Federal Constitutional Court upheld this part of the law. In the system used in Germany through the forthcoming 2025 election , every constituency seat won by any party or an independent is granted, while the electoral system requires that a party needs 5% of the party-list vote to win list seats. If a party wins at least three constituency seats, it
5184-402: Was banned, i.e. candidates were restricted to contend either for a constituency or for a party list, but not both. If a candidate is on the party list, but wins a constituency seat, they do not receive two seats; they are instead crossed off the party list and the party seat goes to the next candidate down. In Bavaria , the second vote is not simply for the party but for one of the candidates on
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