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89-497: More broadly, ujamaa may mean "cooperative economics", in the sense of "local people cooperating with each other to provide for the essentials of living", or "to build and maintain our own stores, shops, and other businesses and to profit from them together". Nyerere used Ujamaa as the basis for a national development project. He translated the Ujamaa concept into the institutionalization of social, economic, and political equality through

178-710: A culture based on the strengths of local tradition that was also open to the modern European world". Senghor was initially not a supporter of an independent Senegal, worrying that the small African country would have little chance as an independent nation. Instead, he advocated for an interconnected relationship similar to that of Paris and France's provinces. In his piece, Vues sure l'Afrique noir, ou s'assimiler non être assimilés (Views on Black Africa, or To Assimilate, Not Be Assimilated) , Senghor advocated for popularly elected Senegalese representatives and an executive in Paris, French economic funds to help with Senegalese development, and

267-667: A generation or two of their foundation, providing in some cases cradle-to-grave housing, occupation and social control. Founding charters usually proclaimed beneficial outcomes of "reform" (or rehabilitation) of character through moral and occupation education and discipline, but in practice inmates were often trapped in a system that provided no obvious route of escape or promotion. As late as the 1950s, in Britain , several hundred thousand people lived in Victorian asylums and "colonies". African socialism African socialism or Afrosocialism

356-749: A moderated version of African Socialism that didn't align with the more radical interpretations seen in other newly independent African states. Unlike other ex-colonies, Senegal remained closely aligned with the French government. They retained the French Franc as the national currency and Senghor was known to consult the French government before making any major foreign policy decisions. He allowed French advisors and companies to remain in Senegal, including in government and educational posts. When asked about nationalizing French companies, Senghor responded that it would be to "kill

445-599: A new plan to tackle issues surrounding illiteracy and lack of access to education, with thousands of new schools being built in rural areas. Determined to industrialize the country rapidly, Nkrumah set out to modernize Ghana's economy in order to better compete with the West. In turn, his government embarked on a strategy of slowly increasing the amount of government-controlled firms in the country while simultaneously putting restrictions on privately owned companies operating in Ghana. By 1965,

534-555: A one-party system existed within Tanzania, elections could be disputed between two candidates. In spite of belonging to the same party this form of political confrontation allowed the direct competition of ideas within the party. By 1975 65% of the rural community had been regrouped in so-called Ujamaa villages. The economic targets set by the Arusha Declaration had not been met and living conditions for poor farmers had not improved in

623-433: A place in a more noteworthy entire and is decreased when others are mortified or reduced, when others are tormented or abused. Harambee is a term that originated among natives, specifically Swahili porters of East Africa ; the word harambee traditionally means "let us pull together". It was taken as an opportunity for local Kenyans to self-develop their communities without waiting on government. This helped build

712-499: A policy of forced villagisation was pursued under Operation Vijiji in order to promote collective farming. The Tanzanian political infrastructure created after the 1961 independence declaration was a critical response to colonialist values. The British had held the mainland part of modern Tanzania as a mandated territory (as a former German colony) under the League of Nations after World War I. (Mandated territories could not be colonised by

801-495: A problem not only with agricultural yield, but with labor practices. As Ujamaa villages became increasingly developed, people would pursue less work and would often be punished with being forced to work overtime. The TANU served a vital purpose in aiding the localized Ujamaa villages. TANU supplied larger resources such as access to clean water, construction material, and funding for supplies. Furthermore, TANU aided local communities by creating elections and forms of representation for

890-504: A problem when this wealth is used to exploit people. Therefore, the rejection of capitalist attitudes is a necessary progress in the journey of rejecting colonial ideals and rule. At the top of the Nyerere's list is the rejection of individual ownership of land because the concept of buying a piece of land and charging rent is exploitative since landlords do not need to work to earn their living. He proposes that TANU government should revert to

979-470: A result, production yield began to decrease and land became underdeveloped. Land was not being utilized to its full potential and therefore, not only were crop yields subpar, but the biodiversity also became inferior. There were also internal factors that led to the implosion of the Ujamaa program. The first was resistance from the public. During the 1970s there was a resistance from the peasantry to leave their individual farms and move to communal living due to

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1068-490: A say in rural production. Groups of working women began receiving their own plots of land from community leaders, and their contributions became recognized under the rural basis of Ghanaian socialism.  Nonetheless, women who were not granted land often had to beg or receive permission from male landowners such as husbands or fathers. Without access to this land, local wives and daughters could not collect wild bush fruits or shea nuts, both crucial to financial welfare. After

1157-491: A sense of togetherness in the Kenyan community but analysts state that it has brought about class discrepancies because some individuals use this as an opportunity to generate wealth. Nkrumahism was the political philosophy of Ghana 's first post-independence president Kwame Nkrumah . As one of the first African political leaders, Nkrumah became a major figure in the left-wing pan-African movement. In his piece A declaration to

1246-504: A significant fraction of the population rejected the policy, the main foundation of ujamaa, villagization, failed. Productivity was supposed to be increased through collectivization; instead, it fell to less than 50% of what had been achieved on independent farms. Toward the end of Nyerere's rule, Tanzania had become one of Africa's poorest countries, dependent on international aid. Julius Nyerere also wrote widely about Ujamaa in his essay entitled "The Basis of African Socialism". This essay

1335-472: A village-organized political structure that facilitated localization in political representation. This allowed TANU to grow in party support from 100,000 to 1,000,000 million people within only five years. TANU was able to integrate various labor and agricultural cooperatives onto their party to ensure representation of the working class population of the soon to become independent nation. The party leaders would stay in touch with local village leaders (most often

1424-548: A visiting Soviet delegation in 1963, Nkrumah said, "We in Ghana have formally chosen the socialist path and we will build a socialist society... Thus our countries, the Soviet Union and Ghana, will go forward together." Nkrumah also used the Eastern bloc to expand Ghana's economy by establishing state owned enterprises. In 1962, a Ghanaian newspaper reported that out of the sixty-three foreign agreements signed in 1961, forty-four of

1513-399: A young nation establishing itself like Tanganyika. His solution was single party rule because 'this unity is our greatest strength in the struggle against poverty, as well as against any outside enemies. In 1967, President Nyerere published his development blueprint, which was titled the Arusha Declaration, in which Nyerere pointed out the need for an African model of development. That formed

1602-468: Is a belief in sharing economic resources in a traditional African way, as distinct from classical socialism . Many African politicians of the 1950s and 1960s professed their support for African socialism, although definitions and interpretations of this term varied considerably. These politicians include Julius Nyerere of Tanzania , Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana , and Modibo Keita of Mali , among others. As many African countries gained independence during

1691-456: Is because resources such as food were a community asset so, if they were a member of the community, food would be provided to them. Nyerere also acknowledges that capitalism was a product brought over by European nations through colonialism. Capitalism had a long-term impact on African society since the desire to compete and gain personal wealth increased in popularity amongst the general population. However, Nyerere believes that this only becomes

1780-560: Is generally not suitable for agriculture and is used mostly for grazing". However, land that received thirty to forty inches of rainfall a year were used to grow staple crops as well as commercial products such as cotton. The most prominent ecological consequence during this time in Tanzania was due to the forced settlements by the TANU government and President Nyerere. During the time of forced settlement, TANU provided more artificial means of agricultural aid while cracking down on yield results and as

1869-404: Is the process of embedding some conception (for example a belief , norm , social role , particular value or mode of behavior ) within an organization , social system , or society as a whole. The term may also be used to refer to committing a particular individual or group to an institution , such as a mental or welfare institution. The term may also be used in a political sense to apply to

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1958-559: The University of Paris . After graduating and serving in the French Army during World War II , Senghor began a career as a poet in Paris, releasing his first book, Chants d'ombre (Shadow Songs) in 1945 and Anthologie de la nouvelle poésie nègre et malagache de langue française (Anthology of the New Black and Malagasy Poetry in 1948. Both pieces were instrumental in developing the bulk of

2047-459: The Zulu and Xhosa languages. Ubuntu believes in a bond that ties together all of humanity and the fact that a human being is of a high value. According to Archbishop Desmond Tutu , A man with ubuntu is open and accessible to others, confirming of others, doesn't feel debilitated that others are capable and great, for he or she has a legitimate confidence that originates from realizing that he or she has

2136-481: The 1960s, some of these newly formed governments rejected the ideas of capitalism in favour of a more afrocentric economic model. Leaders of this period professed that they were practising "African socialism". Julius Nyerere of Tanzania , Modibo Keita of Mali , Léopold Senghor of Senegal , Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana and Sékou Touré of Guinea , were the main architects of African Socialism according to William H. Friedland and Carl G. Rosberg Jr., editors of

2225-454: The French government. Senghor supported the yes side of the vote and Senegal voted 97% in favor of the association. When Senegal became a fully independent country in 1960, Senghor was elected to the presidency . After a failed coup led by his Prime Minister in 1962, the Senghor government moved to abolish the post, which was approved by 99% in referendum . The vote substantially strengthened

2314-506: The Ghanaian independence movement, Nkrumah came to power shortly after Ghana gained its independence in 1957. Once in power, he began a series of infrastructural and economic development plans designed to stimulate the Ghanaian economy. $ 16 million was designated to be used to build a new town in Tema to be used as an open seaport for Accra and the eastern region of the country. The government designed

2403-461: The Tanzanian economy, Nyerere realised that the economy had performed badly in agriculture and industry. Nyerere said 'the truth is that the agriculture results have been very disappointing' and that 'almost all our industry plants are running well below capacity; sometimes less than 50% of what could be produced with existing machinery is actually being manufactured and put to the market.' However, by

2492-402: The Ujamaa project there were many ecological effects that influenced both economic and political action. Academics like John Shao show the inherent contradictions that came to the forefront of Ujamaa's political and ecological undertaking. Rainfall is very important in regards to the agricultural purposes of the land. During the Ujamaa project, Shao writes "Land with only twenty inches or less...

2581-555: The Vijiji Project in Tanzania. Priya Lal explains that the villages were created in grid like form with houses that were bordered by a street that led to the city center. Even though this may seem as though this form of development is not unique, it was a major social transformation that rural Tanzania had not seen before. Thus, the Ujamaa program utilized the Vijiji program in the five-year plan as an example to prove that agricultural yield

2670-467: The agreements were with East European countries focusing on trade, payments and scientific, technical, and cultural co-operation. There were also five agreements with China and another five with Yugoslavia . Léopold Senghor was the founder of the Socialist Party of Senegal and the first President of the country. An important figure not only in the political development of the country, but Senghor

2759-418: The assumption that subordinate women did not have to do as much work. However, economic crises in the 1980s saw the women of agricultural households adopt new strategies for reviving local welfare, such as replacing imported products with local goods and migrant male labor with their own. The increased presence of these women in the socialist workforce elevated their position in the community and granted them

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2848-454: The basis of Julius Nyerere's autarkic social and economic developmental policies in Tanzania after Tanganyika gained independence from its colonial power Britain in 1961 and its union with Zanzibar to form Tanzania in 1964. The word Ujamaa comes from the Swahili word for extended family or familyhood and is distinguished by several key characteristics, namely that a person becomes a person through

2937-547: The basis of Tanzania's political vision for the years to come. Julius Nyerere partly based his declaration on the People's Republic of China as he had close contacts with them. Inspired by the Chinese experience of collectivisation under Mao, Tanzania followed a strategy of social equality and autarky. Tanganyika was a very poor and rural country when it became independent in 1961. On Tanganyika's independence, Julius Nyerere declared that

3026-403: The book African Socialism . Common principles of various versions of African socialism were social development guided by a large public sector, an emphasis on an African identity and what it means to be African, and the preservation or revival of a classless society. Senghor claimed that "Africa’s social background of tribal community life not only makes socialism natural to Africa but excludes

3115-489: The colonial peoples , Nkrumah called on Africans to "...affirm the right of all colonial peoples to control their own destiny." and that "All colonies must be free from foreign imperialist control, whether political or economic.". His focus on economic and political freedom would prove to be a fundamental part of his overarching political philosophy, combining the nationalist independence movement in his home country of Ghana along with left-wing economic thought. A major figure in

3204-971: The concept of African Socialism and its legitimacy within the Marxist–Leninist theory. Leading Soviet Africanist, Professor Ivan Potekhin argued that African Socialism could not exist because there could be no varieties of true Marxist–Leninist socialism. There was not one monolith perspective on whether socialism existed in Africa . It was commonly believed that Africa could have its unique road to socialism but not its own form. Soviet African Specialists recognized countries such as Guinea , Mali , and Ghana as closer to true Marxist–Leninist socialism. Ahmed Sékou Touré (1961), Modibo Keïta (1963) and Kwame Nkrumah (1962) were honored with Lenin Peace Prizes . Countries such as Senegal and Côte d'Ivoire were considered ‘ reactionary ’ and prone to collaboration with

3293-445: The control of a local village headman or local tribal chief (the "jumbe" system). Beginning around 1960, many of the native representative leadership organizations began to become responsible for administrative obligations in the territory. These localized forms of governmental power improved the attendance of village representation. In fact, village representation and attendance at monthly meetings increased to 75% during this time. Upon

3382-442: The country had three development problems: poverty, disease and ignorance. Nyerere also decided that rural development would take priority due to the fact that the country was largely rural. Tanzania's rural areas were reorganised in autonomous communities on the basis of voluntary adhesion wherein the distribution of goods and living conditions were aimed to be as equal as possible. All decisions had to be reached by consensus within

3471-447: The creation of a central democracy; the abolition of discrimination based on ascribed status ; and the nationalization of the economy's key sectors. Julius Nyerere's leadership of Tanzania commanded international attention and attracted worldwide respect for his consistent emphasis upon ethical principles as the basis of practical policies. Tanzania under Nyerere made great strides in vital areas of social development: infant mortality

3560-536: The creation or organization of governmental institutions or particular bodies responsible for overseeing or implementing policy, for example in welfare or development. During the period of the Industrial Revolution in Europe many countries went through a period of "institutionalization", which saw a large expansion and development of the role of government within society, particularly into areas seen previously as

3649-654: The crux of detriment towards women's rights came with the structural adjustment of Ujamaa economic policies in the 1980s. Across nearly all socialist states in Africa, women's participation in politics did not face much improvement. In Senegal, Policies such as the “ Code de la Famille ” promised improvements for women's legal protections, but represented a set of laws that women were more subjects to than authors of. In many cases, such reforms were only introduced because of lobbying by wives of well placed politicians. Symbolic representation via educated “ femmes phares ”, or beacon women,

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3738-576: The desire for political and economic autonomy, self reliance, the Africanisation of business and civil service, Pan-Africanism and non-alignment. The first influential publication of socialist thought tailored for application in Africa occurred in 1956 with the release of Senegalese intellectual Abdoulaye Ly 's Les masses africaines et l'actuelle condition humaine . African socialism proved to have mixed results for participating women. While some improvements were made from pre-developmental periods in

3827-433: The different settlements depending on where each village was in terms of development. Villages with less agricultural infrastructure and smaller populations would have greater divisions of labor amongst its people. Many people would spend their days on the cooperatives plowing land and planting staple crops. Communities that had large populations struggled with division of labor. As larger Ujamaa villages developed, there became

3916-529: The double standards and hypocrisies that could be found in their relations with other feminist groups. While feminists in Egypt were criticized for undemocratic practices in their developing government, countries like Britain seemed to escape scrutiny for its imperialist tendencies and improper treatment of its territories. In the early 1960s, at the height of the Cold War , Soviet Union based Africanists grappled with

4005-585: The economic life of the Nation so as to ensure the well being of all citizens and so as to prevent the exploitation of one person by another or one group by another, and so as to prevent the accumulation of wealth to an extent inconsistent with a classless society . This expansive government spending was introduced and broken down in the Arusha Declaration two "Five Year Plans". These plans promised increased agricultural and industrial production and development yields particularly in rural settings. The solution to this plan

4094-480: The elders of the village) by taking trips known as "Safaris" and discussing issues particular to the community (a practice inherited from the colonial administration). Once borders became established, individuals were elected to represent the district. As Gerrit Huizer suggests, these elected officials were known as "Cell Boundary Commissions". TANU believes that it is the responsibility of the State to intervene actively in

4183-518: The emerging Négritude movement, which Senghor hoped would represent the "sum total of the values of the civilization of the African world.". His work highlighted the vast inequalities in French colonial society and looked at the unique experience of the thousands of Africans living under French rule. In his piece The Challenge of Culture in French West Africa , Senghor called on Africans to "develop

4272-462: The goals surrounding Tanzanian women's rights movements were nonetheless met, including improvements in education, employment, and political opportunities. Regardless, the slow but sure subversion of women's rights movements in Tanzania saw women pushed further back into households, and female governmental leaders deposed for a number of trivial offenses. Still, Tanzanian villagization is recalled positively by many Tanzanian women, as it often provided

4361-488: The idea of a nuclear family . The nuclear family within the later-developing villagization efforts centralized its focus on the household rather than brotherhood and communal relations, which created internal tensions between the socialist ideas of Ujamaa. In fact, it later became the cause for a struggle for power within the Ujamaa villages. However the TANU party created an entire section of government that represented women's rights and equality within society. This department

4450-558: The imperialist powers. Policies that were generally viewed as favorable by the Soviets were: economic independence, the creation of a national monetary system , a strong state sector economy, a state bank , state control over exports and transports, mutual assistance programs and common land ownership. African Socialists argued in favor of a distinctive form of socialism because they believed that socialism had its roots in pre-colonial African society . According to them, African society

4539-564: The inclusion of African cultural and linguistic education in the French educational system. In 1958, referendums were held in all of the French African colonies on the future of the colonial possessions. The debate was between full on independence and joining the French community , a sort of association of former French colonies that would allow countries like Senegal to become independent, but still maintain an economic and diplomatic relations with

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4628-483: The independence from British rule on December 9, 1961, the sovereign state of Tanganyika was created and was in need of a new political order (only later to be united with Zanzibar to form modern Tanzania in 1964). In the lead up to independence, the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) was a party that was led by Julius Nyerere with a mainly rural peasant-based constituency. TANU was able to create

4717-415: The introduction of Ujamaa to Tanzanian life in the late 1960s, strict gender roles became commonplace and were celebrated as a pillar of nuclear family. Despite efforts of development policy to purge Tanzanian government of European influence, the reinforcement of the nuclear family and assignment of women to the role of domestic house-maker reflected the practice of Christian colonizers before them. This

4806-522: The lack of personal capital that came out of the communal farms. This led President Nyerere to order forced movement to Ujamaa villages. The hip-hop scene in Tanzania was greatly influenced by the key ideas and themes of Ujamaa. At the turn of the century, the principles of Ujamaa were resurrected through "an unlikely source: rappers and hip hop artists in the streets of Tanzania." In response to years of corrupt government leaders and political figures after Nyerere, themes of unity and family and equality were

4895-532: The larger political party. The Vijiji project was the Ujamaa specialized agricultural program that helped centralize agricultural production within the villagization process. Project officials ensured the population of the Ujamaa villages never fell to less than 250 households and agricultural units were divided into 10 cell units that allowed for communal living and simple representation when relaying information to TANU officials. The Vijiji project designed cities with high modernist ideology. Many academics have studied

4984-655: The late 1970s, Ujamaa had been abandoned since there was no incentives for peasants to exert themselves so rewards could not be reaped from their labour. Nyerere's Ujamaa ideology unraveled further during the early 1980s as corruption, failings in maintaining social services and failing to provide basic consumer goods for the rural majority. This undermined Ujamaa's legacy. By the end of his political tenure, 96% of children had gone to primary school, 50% of them being girls. Female life expectancy had grown from 41 to 50.7 years between 1960 and 1980 and maternal mortality rates dropped from 450 per 100,000 births to under 200 by 1973. As

5073-567: The meantime. To add to Julius Nyerere's concerns, bureaucratic inefficiencies hampered effective distribution of resources and clear directives. Ujamaa is ultimately considered to be a political failure and Nyerere himself retired from the political scene in 1985. According to the BBC, "while he united his nation and made major advances in the fields of health and education," Julius Nyerere's African socialist "Ujamaa" collectives "proved disastrous for Tanzania's economy". In 1977 when Nyerere took control of

5162-826: The messages sent out in a majority of the music being produced. This was in response to the working class oppression and in some sense a form of resistance. The principles of cooperative economics—"local people cooperating with each other to provide for the essentials of living"—can be seen in the lyrics of many Tanzanian hip-hop artists. Ujamaa is also the name of two African American–themed undergraduate dorms at Cornell University and Stanford University . Institutionalization 1800s: Martineau · Tocqueville  ·  Marx ·  Spencer · Le Bon · Ward · Pareto ·  Tönnies · Veblen ·  Simmel · Durkheim ·  Addams ·  Mead · Weber ·  Du Bois ·  Mannheim · Elias In sociology , institutionalisation (or institutionalization )

5251-431: The opportunity to live closer to kin, and commit to more stable marriage practices. Post WWII, pre-development economy had previously resulted in widespread serial monogamy, or the precarious and temporary marrying and remarrying which was seen more as a survival strategy than romantic or reproductive endeavor. After resolving the discomfort of villagization, many women found advantage in their placement. For many Tanzanians,

5340-413: The people and that person wants to work, then the individual should not have to stress about their living situation. Traditional African society also plays a big role for Nyerere with the creation of Ujamaa. In traditional African society, both wealthy and poor people were treated equally. For example, when natural disasters such as famine occurred, everyone was affected regardless of personal wealth. This

5429-412: The people or community. Julius Nyerere perceived African socialism as being embedded within African culture largely due to its communitarian model, a feature of African lifestyle that had been severely changed during the period of colonisation, and therefore took it upon himself to reestablish it. Julius Nyerere went further in his idea of community living by rejecting the idea of multiparty politics for

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5518-636: The power of the President, who no longer had to compete with the Prime Minister for executive power. The Socialist Party compounded its control of Senegalese politics in 1966 when it was declared the country's only legal party, with Senghor as its leader. The one-party system would stay in place until Senghor decided to liberalize the country's election laws by allowing for a 3 party system, with one socialist, one liberal, and one communist party being allowed to contest elections. As president, Senghor represented

5607-453: The private sphere. Institutionalization is also seen as an important part of the process of modernization in developing countries, involving again the expansion and improved organization of government structures. During the period from 1850 to 1930 many types of institutions were created by public subscription, Parliament and local authorities to provide housing , healthcare , education , and financial support for individuals in need. At

5696-504: The project's ability to offer economic growth. Within a year of independence, Nyerere introduced the Preventive Detention Act to crush opposition. In 1967, nationalizations transformed the government into the largest employer in the country. Purchasing power declined, and, according to World Bank researchers, high taxes and bureaucracy created an environment where businessmen resorted to evasion, bribery and corruption. In 1973,

5785-412: The quality of life for women under African Socialism, setbacks and reflections of past gender hierarchies still persisted. In Ghana, newfound independence did not create a restructuring of old gender roles. Households were the building blocks of agricultural production and were almost exclusively headed by male workers. Accrued resources were then disproportionately controlled by household heads, under

5874-428: The responsible power, but had to be led through to self-governing independence on a reasonable timescale.) The mainland territory became known as Tanganyika Territory , and was later united with self-governing island Zanzibar (then a Protectorate of Great Britain) to form modern state of Tanzania after independence in 1964. During the colonial administration, grassroots administration was entrusted to "native courts" under

5963-632: The society in their role as wives. For example, Lal provides the example that classes such as "Baby Care + Nutrition and Health Problems in the City" were taught in these women's educational institutions. Even though the UWT later began to teach women the concepts of structural development, they were still taught it in the realm of home economics. However, men and women in rural Tanzania continued to farm their individual farms to provide subsistent yields and income for their families ("particularly their cashew plots"). During

6052-502: The southern region of Songea in Tanzania. Litowa was a success and resulted in mass movements of people in this region of Tanzania. Anthropologist John Shao argues that, "According to President Julius Nyerere, from September 1973 to June 1975 over seven million people were moved, and from June 1975 to the end of 1976 a further four million people were moved to new settlements." Ujamaa villages were constructed in particular ways to emphasize community and economic self-reliance. The village

6141-450: The spread of socialism and pan-Africanism throughout the newly independent African states. As the first African colonial state to be granted independence, Ghana became an inspiration to many of the nascent left-wing independence movements throughout the continent. In 1958, Nkrumah helped found the Union of Independent African States , a political union between Ghana, Mali , and Guinea . Though

6230-477: The state-controlled 50% of the insurance industry within the country, 60% of all bank deposits were deposited at state-run banks, 17% of the country's sea-bound cargo was handled by state-run firms, 27% of all industrial production was either produced by state-run firms or firms in which the state-controlled a considerable portion and 35% of the country's total imports were handled by the government. Nkrumah also pushed for Ghana to become an international advocate for

6319-453: The traditional ways of landholding by providing everyone with a piece of land with the condition that the land is used. Finally, Nyerere ends the essay by emphasising the importance of unity to break from colonialism and the importance of merging traditional African living with African socialism. The ancient Ubuntu philosophy of South Africa recognizes the humanity of a person through their interpersonal relationships. The word comes from

6408-565: The union was short-lived, the proposed political organization marked the first attempt at regional unity among newly established African republics. Nkrumah was also instrumental in pushing Ghana towards the major Communist powers, including the USSR and the PRC . In 1961, he made his first official visit to Moscow , receiving an honorary degree from the University of Moscow . In a speech given in Accra in front of

6497-442: The unity of eastern feminist groups, but discourse with their western counterparts. With socialism and anti-colonialism at the forefront of African feminist issues, the question of how male leaders would make economic development benefit all members of a household was paramount, but one that was not taken seriously in conferences. Instead, feminist organizations were forced to drive international change on their own, often starting with

6586-917: The upper end of the scale, public boarding schools such as Eton and Harrow were founded or greatly extended to meet the growing demand for the education of the children of those in colonial service overseas. These were seen as models of social improvement, and many inferior imitations followed for the lower social orders. Virtually every borough in the UK was required by legislation to make provision for paupers, homeless, released prisoners, convicted criminals, orphans, disabled war veterans, older people with no means of support, deaf and blind schools, schools and colonies for those with learning disabilities or mental health problems. Distinguishing features of such institutions were frequently, but not exclusively: Many of these organisations, whilst originally expressing idealistic aspirations and aims, became "total" institutions within

6675-399: The validity of the theory of class struggle," thus making African socialism, in all of its variations, different from Marxism and European socialist theory. African socialism became an important model of economic development for countries such as Ghana , Guinea , Senegal and Tanzania . While these countries used different models of African Socialism, many commonalities emerged, such as

6764-480: The village. The economy was reorganised with the purpose of valuing agricultural output, on the other hand the economic model worked on the assumption that peasants were able to pay back their loans. The Ujamaa village policy was generalised in 1969, only to become obligatory in 1974 which broke the traditional principle of autonomous rule of the villages. Nyerere's regime nonetheless remained less authoritarian than those of Nkrumah or Sékou Touré as for instance although

6853-414: The “inner circle” of such states. Power which was visible to the public in African nations was typically held by heads of state who were able to dominate and retain their position in a political monopoly. African conferences for national liberation and socialism saw great participation from feminist organizations, but very little attention given to feminist issues. Nonetheless, developments were made with

6942-404: Was a classless society , characterized by a communal spirit and democracy on the basis of government through discussion and consensus . The main objective was to unite African people in this idealized image of the traditional pre-colonial society. Soviet Africanists did not agree that African society had a traditional classless society. The concept, or political ideology of Ujamaa , formed

7031-428: Was afforded to many of Africa's educated colonial elite. However, these schools did little to teach African students about their native culture, instead favoring policies of assimilation into mainstream French life. As Senghor once put it the French wanted "bread for all, culture for all, liberty for all; but this liberty, this culture, and this bread will be French." Excelling in his primary education, Senghor enrolled in

7120-451: Was also one of the leading figures in the Négritude movement, which informed much of his political thought. Senghor would come to embody a new form of African socialism that rejected many of the traditional Marxist modes of thinking that had developed in post-independence Africa. Born into an upper-middle-class family, Senghor was able to take advantage of the French educational system that

7209-478: Was creating "Ujamaa Villages". Even though it was necessary that Tanzania became an independent economy, the local practices of Ujamaa promoted reliance upon communities. The most important part of society according to Ujamaa ideology was the community. The individual was secondary. Furthermore, Ujamaa ideology promoted the importance of communal living and a change in economic practices in regards to agricultural development that fit in line with Ujamaa ideology. Ujamaa

7298-542: Was introduced with the one party system, and a set of quotas for women's political participation in the 1980s. Still, both concessions were more a result of male political competition than progressive movements for women's rights. Even those women who were granted public office enjoyed little influence compared to male colleagues of similar position. These developments reflected the predicament faced by eastern European women who received positions in symbolic organs of communist puppet-states. Real political power seemed to flow from

7387-633: Was known as the Umoja wa Wanawake wa Tanganyika (UWT). The UWT, as Priya explains, was designed to address the issues concerning women's integration into a socialist society; however it became evident that the officials of the department were the wives of important TANU officials and promoted a rather patriarchal agenda. There were large movements by the UWT to increase the literacy rate of women in Tanzania and institute education systems specifically for women. However, many of these academic institutions were teaching women how to become "a better wife" and further benefit

7476-422: Was likely because newfound independence saw a political focus on stability in the early developmental stages of Tanzania's government. Urban, working-class men unsure of the new government were seen as the greatest threat to national stability, and were provided improved salaries and access to housing which bolstered their position as household heads, and pushed women further into reproductive labor roles. Many of

7565-482: Was not only a domestic social project, but proof to the global community that African socialism could be achieved and succeed in creating a fully independent economy. Ujamaa Ideology as presented in the Arusha Declaration promoted by TANU, and promoted by President Nyerere, had significant effects on the structural development of the first Five-Year Plan. The beginning of this social and economic experiment began in Ruvuma ,

7654-482: Was possible within socialist communal living. One of the biggest failings of the Vijiji Project was the creation of misinformation. TANU officials would often record preexisting Ujamaa Villages as newly formed villages to inflate success numbers. The Ujamaa socialist movement not only changed many economic production practices in Tanzania but altered the ways family dynamics were pursued within Tanzania altogether—particularly, gender roles . The Ujamaa project supported of

7743-456: Was published in a TANU pamphlet in April 1962 and he argues that wealth distribution is the factor that separates capitalist and socialist countries. He also argues that the capitalist idea of gaining personal wealth has a wider community effect, because the pursuit of personal wealth indicates that one does not trust the social system of one's country. Nyerere believes that when a society cares about

7832-477: Was reduced from 138 per 1000 live births in 1965 to 110 in 1985; life expectancy at birth rose from 37 in 1960 to 52 in 1984; primary school enrollment was raised from 25% of age group (only 16% of females) in 1960 to 72% (85% of females) in 1985 (despite the rapidly increasing population); the adult literacy rate rose from 17% in 1960 to 63% by 1975 (much higher than in other African countries) and continued to rise. However, Ujamaa decreased production, casting doubt on

7921-469: Was structured with homes in the center in rows with a school and a town hall as the center complex. These villages were surrounded by larger communal agricultural farms. Each individual household was given about an acre or so of land to be able to harvest individual crops for their own families; however, the surrounding farm lands were created to serve as economic stimulants as structures of production. Ujamaa village structure and job description varied amongst

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