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80-609: The UCRI developed from the centrist Radical Civic Union in 1956, following a split at the party's convention in Tucumán . Receiving the endorsement of the exiled populist leader, Juan Perón four days before the February 1958 general elections , UCRI presidential candidate Arturo Frondizi defeated the more conservative People's UCR by 17% and the party enjoyed a narrow majority in Congress . Following President Frondizi's forced resignation at

160-558: A fundamental change toward genuine democracy in Argentina. In 1997, the UCR participated in elections in coalition with Front for a Country in Solidarity (FREPASO), itself an alliance of many smaller parties. This strategy brought Fernando de la Rúa to the presidency in the 1999 elections . During major riots triggered by economic reforms implemented by the UCR government (with the advice of

240-467: A law of free suffrage. Two years later, in 1912, they approved the law of universal secret, and obligatory voting for men, known as The Sáenz Peña Law . On the other hand, it was also the first Argentinian political party to present a legal project for women to vote in 1919, that eventually did not pass given the conservative majority in Congress. Gabino Ezeiza was a great Payador, and he musically described

320-592: A member of the Socialist International . Founded in 1891 by radical liberals , the UCR is the second oldest political party active in Argentina, after the Liberal Party of Corrientes . The party's main support has long come from the middle class . For many years, the UCR was either in opposition to Peronist governments or illegal during military rule . The party has stood for liberal democracy , secularism , free elections and civilian control of

400-478: A military coup on December 6, 1930. The secret vote opened a new chapter in Argentinian History. The government of the UCR indicated the arrival of the government and the direction of the state organization of members of the medial sects that until this moment were indeed excluded from these functions. The first presidency of Hipólito Yrigoyen promoted a series of politics of a new type, which in conjunction

480-421: A political system of interventions to the provinces and a style of personal and direct management, that would be severely critical for his opposition both inside and outside of the UCR, calling it "personalism". 34°36′42″S 58°23′29″W  /  34.61167°S 58.39139°W  / -34.61167; -58.39139 Kirchnerism Kirchnerism ( Spanish : Kirchnerismo [kiɾʃneˈɾismo] )

560-448: A presidential election in 2015. In the presidential election of 2019, Kirchnerism returned to power with the election of Alberto Fernández as President and Cristina Kirchner as Vice President. In the 2021 legislative elections on 14 November 2021, the Frente de Todos lost its majority in Congress for the first time in almost 40 years in midterm legislative elections . The election victory of

640-553: A prominent figure in the opposition, despite being still the Vice President. The UCR joined the Civic and Social Agreement to run for the 2009 elections . The loose coalition obtained 29% of the national votes and came a close second to the Front for Victory and allies national outcomes. The Party's reorganization, as well as the 2009 elections, resulted in a gain of party representatives in

720-508: A redistributive agenda based on promoting the interests of organized labor. Just like classical Peronism, Kirchnerism relies on the support of the informal sector workers and the unemployed (the piqueteros), the poor, and trade unions. Kirchnerism promoted fair redistribution of income and nationalization - to this end, Kirchnerism "openly defied the IMF and international creditors", restored price controls and state ownership of public utilities, increased

800-416: A voluntary way, called the "predictable vote", which broke the electoral system. The struggle for democracy in Argentina, not related initially as much with universal suffrage but with the secret vote, in a voting booth , which made independent the wish of the voter from all external pressures. The Sáenz Peña Law of 1912 established the secret and obligatory vote, but due to the fact that it did not recognize

880-416: A “neoliberal” force. Kirchner’s agenda, contrary to Menem’s, was in tune with the traditional state-centered Peronist preferences. Kirchner was therefore able to return Peronism to its political tradition." Kirchnerism came to be seen as a movement that "represents the current version of left Peronism, modernised for the times". Internationally, Kirchnerism has strongly supported Mercosur and vice versa, to

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960-455: Is "clearly part of the anti-imperialist left". Political scientists Gary Prevost and Carlos Oliva Campos state that Kirchnerism represents a return of Peronism "to its traditional center-left stance" under Juan Perón, and note that under Kirchnerisms, "Peronists have returned to a progressive orientation, distancing themselves almost completely from the decade-long neoliberal detour under Carlos Menem." Economically, Kirchnerist governments pursued

1040-414: Is an Argentine political movement based on populist ideals formed by the supporters of spouses Néstor Kirchner and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner , who consecutively served as Presidents of Argentina . Although considered a branch of Peronism , it is opposed by some factions of Peronists and generally considered to fall into the category of left-wing populism . It is considered a representative of

1120-495: Is generally classified as a centrist , or liberal . Due to its heterogeneity, the UCR has also been described as a big tent or catch-all party and social-liberal party, but it is also occasionally classified as a social-democratic . Radicals call themselves the party of civil liberties , democracy and the Constitution . In their history, they resisted authoritarian regimes , won universal suffrage and starred in

1200-614: Is seen as a response and a counter to neoliberalism; some political scientists propose the term ‘Pink Tide neopopulism’ to describe such movements, as opposed to the neoliberal populism of the 1990s. On foreign policy, Kirchnerism displays nationalist and anti-Western tendencies, denouncing the United States and the IMF. Kirchnerist governments were an ally of the Venezuelan presidents Hugo Chávez and Nicolas Maduro , and pursued economic and political ties with Venezuela as well as Cuba. This

1280-596: The 1989 general election , Eduardo Angeloz promised a "red pencil" to cut public deficit spending and mentioned the possible privatization of state companies, which would later be carried out by his rival, the Peronist Carlos Menem . Since de la Rúa's demise in 2001, the UCR has become more and more fragmented politically and geographically. Besides the interventions in Tierra del Fuego and Mendoza, in September 2006,

1360-461: The 2023 elections, the party supported the candidacy of Patricia Bullrich . The party is not currently in any coalition since Juntos por el Cambio's dissolution in 2023. The party was a breakaway from the Civic Union , which was led by Bartolomé Mitre and Leandro Alem . The term 'radical' in the party's name referred to its demand for universal male suffrage , which was considered radical at

1440-652: The ALCA and disobeyed the IMF’s guidelines, thereby enhancing national pride and connecting Argentina to the Latin American community." Unlike his predecessor Eduardo Duhalde , Kirchner was a Peronist that distrusted the Justicialist Party as a support for his government. He proposed instead a "transversalist" policy, seeking the support of progressive politicians regardless of their party. Thus he got support from factions of

1520-627: The Argentine Senate . In recent years, the UCR has been riven by an internal dispute between those who oppose and those who support the left-wing policies of Peronist President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner and her husband and predecessor Néstor Kirchner . However, most Radicales K support for the Kirchners ended by mid 2008, when Vice President Julio Cobos opposed the Government bill on agricultural export taxes . He later rejoined UCR, becoming

1600-568: The Broad Front and supported as Kirchnerist; and Julio Cobos , governor of Mendoza for the UCR and elected as Vice President of Fernández de Kirchner in 2007. The transversalist project was eventually dismissed. Kirchner took control of the Justicialist Party and some "Radicales K", slowly returned to the "anti-K" faction of their party, most notably Vice President Julio Cobos and Governor of Catamarca province Eduardo Brizuela del Moral , while other very prominent Radical politicians remained in

1680-592: The International Monetary Fund ), President de la Rúa resigned and fled the country to prevent further turmoil. After three consecutive acting presidents assumed and resigned their duties in the following weeks, Eduardo Duhalde of the PJ took office until new elections could be held. After the 2001 legislative elections , the party lost and became the second-largest party in the federal Chamber of Deputies , winning 71 of 257 seats. It campaigned in an alliance with

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1760-595: The National Congress . In 2015, the UCR formed a coalition with Republican Proposal , a center-right political party, to form Cambiemos . Cambiemos won the presidential election , which ended its 12 years of opposition. The alliance with Republican Proposal was criticized by the Socialist International and the Young Radicals were suspended from the International Union of Socialist Youth . The UCR

1840-626: The Radical Civic Union and the Socialist Party ). In parties which are divided along Kirchnerist/Anti-Kirchnerist lines, the members of the Kirchnerist faction are often distinguished with the letter K (for instance " peronistas / justicialistas K", " radicales K" or " socialistas K") while the anti-Kirchnerist factions, those opposing Kirchnerism, are similarly labelled with the expression "anti-K". Both Kirchner and Fernández come from

1920-416: The left–right political spectrum , as radicalism is an ethic before being an ideology . However, according to Alfonsín, Radicals felt very comfortable as "observers" of all the tendencies that make up European social democracy. Moreover, in 1995 Raúl Alfonsín brought radicalism into the world organization of center-left parties, the Socialist International . Another former leader, Angel Rozas , defined

2000-604: The socialism of the 21st century , although similarly to Peronism and in contrast to other left-wing ideologies, it is highly nationalist and populist rather than class-based. Although originally a section in the Justicialist Party , Kirchnerism later received support from other smaller Argentine political parties (like the Communist Party or the Humanist Party ) and from factions of some traditional parties (like

2080-427: The "K" wing of the Radical Civic Union such as provincial governors Gerardo Zamora of Santiago del Estero , Ricardo Colombi of Corrientes and Miguel Saiz of Río Negro . After the 2011 general elections , several K radicals regretted having been part of that political space, turning once again to the opposition UCR. Such is the case of Miguel Saiz , former governor of Río Negro, who declared: "My commitment to

2160-458: The 2007 elections. The Unión Cívica Radical (UCR) has gradually shifted toward center-right positions since the 2005 legislative elections, due to internal divisions and the exclusion of the Alfonsinismo from its ranks. This political process has led the UCR to adopt a more conservative orientation in its focus and ideological alignment. According to the president of the party, now within

2240-586: The 30 members of the Senate 4 were radicals. Nonetheless, Yrigoyen kept up an anti-accord force and a slightly inflammatory conversation and negotiation, not only with the traditional conservative parties that were controlling the senate, but also with the new popular parties that had gained leadership from the secret ballot: the Socialist Party and the Democratic Progressive party. Also, Yrigoyen took forward

2320-516: The 340,000 votes of all the other parties and in the Electoral College their way was put to a vote. Due to this, a long cycle of 14 consecutive years of radical government ensued. The Radical UCR won the presidential elections on three successive occasions:   Hipólito Yrigoyen (1916-1922), Marcelo T. de Alvear (1922-1928), and Hipólito Yrigoyen once again (1928-1930). The series of radical governments would be violently interrupted by means of

2400-535: The Chief of the Cabinet of Ministers during the first five years of Kirchnerism and former President of Argentina , they followed five tenets regarding the economy, which explained the perceived early success of the movement: According to Fernández, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner moved away from these five tenets after her husband's death, causing an economic crisis that resulted in the first political defeat of Kirchnerism in

2480-634: The Concertación ended in December 2011". In March 2015, dissatisfied with the UCR's alliance with Mauricio Macri 's Republican Proposal (PRO), the National Alfonsinist Movement (MNA) led by Leopoldo Moreau joined the Front for Victory. For this reason, Ernesto Sanz , the president of the UCR, announced the expulsion of Moreau from the party. Professor Gustavo Melella was reelected as mayor of

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2560-419: The IMF and the United States, denouncing both for interventionist policies and promoting austerity measures. Under Kirchner, the national economy started recovering, which resulted in economic growth and declining unemployment by 2003. This allowed Kirchnerism to become the dominant force of modern Peronism. Political scientists Bonvecchi and Zelaznik wrote: "Menem had converted Peronism from a labor-based party to

2640-474: The Justicialist Party, the Radical Civic Union (which were called " Radicales K ") and small centre-left parties. Kirchner neglected the internal politics of the Justicialist Party and kept instead the Front for Victory party, which was initially an electoral alliance in his home province of Santa Cruz and in the 2003 elections premiered in the federal political scene. Some politicians favored by this policy were Aníbal Ibarra , mayor of Buenos Aires for

2720-502: The Kirchnerist economic model "complicating relationships and multiplying difficulties" in bilateral commerce. Kirchnerism, in particular former minister of health Ginés González García , has shown a liberal attitude to birth control and sexuality, including the legalization of same-sex marriage , both of which have provoked the opposition of the Catholic Church and other conservative sectors. According to Alberto Fernández ,

2800-510: The Kirchnerist candidates combined the traditional elements of Peronism - nationalism, anti-imperialism, and economic redistribution. Similarly to classical Peronism, the support base of Kirchnerism became the working class, unemployed, and the new social movement. Kirchnerism is considered to be a part of the larger Pink Tide in Latin America - a rise of left-wing populist movements. Initially, Kirchnerism has shown itself to be concerned with

2880-482: The Kirchners did push for trial against human rights violators during the dictatorship, although late in that period in 1983, when its end was already in sight. Economically, Kirchnerism has pursued an economic policy of industrialist developmentalism , and tariffs to protect the local industry and employment. The movement was also characterized by actively developing economic relations with Brazil and Venezuela; Kirchnerism also took an antagonistic position towards

2960-469: The Kirchners were never fully committed to human rights, especially during the period of the last military dictatorship, and that it was only when Kirchner became President and began to make alliances with the left-wing parties in Congress and with the Madres de Plaza de Mayo that he started to campaign about these rights in order to promote his own platform and gain popular favor. It is documented nevertheless that

3040-518: The National Committee appointed Jujuy Province Senator Gerardo Morales as its new president. Morales stated that he wanted to follow the mandate of the Rosario convention (that is, looking for a possible alliance with Roberto Lavagna). Morales went on to become Lavagna's running mate in the presidential election of October 2007 , coming third. Although this campaign represented the mainstream of

3120-714: The National Committee of the UCR, then led by Ángel Rozas , intervened (suspended of authorities of) the Provincial Committee of the UCR in Tierra del Fuego Province after Radical governor Jorge Colazo spoke in favour of Kirchner's reelection. The intervention was rejected by the Provincial Committee. A party convention held in Rosario in August 2006 officially rejected the possibility of alliances with Kirchner's faction of Justicialism and granted former Party President Roberto Iglesias

3200-633: The People's Radical Civil Union) came back to power, led by Arturo Frondizi . The growing tolerance of Frondizi towards his Peronist allies provoked unrest in the army, which ousted the president in March 1962. After a brief military government, presidential elections took place in 1963 with the Peronist Party banned (as in 1958). The outcome saw the candidate of the People's Radical Civic Union (the other party's faction) Arturo Illia coming first but with only 25% of

3280-458: The UCR for a new revolution. Two years after he led the armed uprising known as the Revolution of 1905 , which although it failed to put sufficient pressure on the official party, it was able to cause a party breakdown. The more progressive leaders of the autonomists, such as Carlos Pellegrini and Roque Sáenz Peña , began to support that it was necessary to make institutional changes to hold back

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3360-545: The UCR start to alliance with center-right anti-peronists. In the 2005 legislative elections , the UCR was reduced to 35 deputies and 13 senators, but remains the second force in Argentine politics. Ahead of the 2007 election, the remaining Radicals divided, between those who wanted to find an internal candidate and those who wanted to back a candidate from another movement, mostly former economy minister Roberto Lavagna , supported by former president Raúl Alfonsín. In May 2005,

3440-555: The UCR were "disappeared", as were members of other parties. Between 1983 and 1989, its leader, Raúl Ricardo Alfonsín , was the first democratically elected president after the military dictatorship headed by generals such as Jorge Videla , Leopoldo Galtieri and Reynaldo Bignone . Alfonsín was succeeded by Carlos Saúl Menem of the Peronist Justicialist Party (PJ). The election of Mr. Alfonsin, who campaigned hard for clean government and civil rights, represented

3520-778: The UCRI in August to establish the Integration and Development Movement (MID), whose platform centered on economic growth. The last affiliates of the UCRI joined the MID in 1972. This article about an Argentine political party is a stub . You can help Misplaced Pages by expanding it . Radical Civic Union The Radical Civic Union ( Spanish : Unión Cívica Radical , UCR ) is a centrist and liberal political party in Argentina . It has been ideologically heterogeneous, ranging from conservatism to social democracy , but since 1995 it has been

3600-615: The United States' Great Depression . From 1930 to 1958, the UCR was confined to be the main opposition party, either to the Conservatives and the military during the 1930s and the early 1940s or to the Peronists during the late 1940s and early 1950s. It was only in 1958 that a faction of the party allied with banned Peronists (in the Intransigent Radical Civic Union founded in 1956, splitting from what then called itself

3680-483: The center-right coalition, Juntos por el Cambio (Together for Change), meant a tough final two years in office for President Alberto Fernandez. Losing control of the Senate made it difficult for him to make key appointments, including to the judiciary. It also forced him to negotiate with the opposition every initiative he sends to the legislature. Ronaldo Munck described Kirchnerism as close to Chavismo , including left-wing nationalism . Munck wrote that Kirchnerism

3760-563: The city of Río Grande in 2015, through the FORJA Concertación Party . During the presidency of Alberto Fernández , Ricardo Alfonsin was appointed as the Ambassador to Spain. Kirchnerism has encountered opposition from various sectors of Argentine society, which tend to criticize its personalism. In 2012, there was a massive anti-Kirchnerism protest in several cities within Argentina and also in several Argentinian embassies around

3840-528: The collapse of the parties from the prior political system to the Sáenz Peña Law . The UCR auto-dispersed due to an initiative of Honorio Pueyrredón and its members massively joined radicalism. The National Autonomist Party dissolved. On 2 April 1916, for the first time in Argentinian history, they carried out the presidential elections by means of a secret ballot . The UCR obtained 370,000 votes, against

3920-545: The country's social problems and eradicate poverty. Yrigoyen's presidency however turned out to be rather dictatorial; he refused to cooperate with the Congress and UCR in government fell short of the democratic expectations it had raised when in opposition. The UCR remained in power during the next 14 years: Yrigoyen was succeeded by Marcelo T. de Alvear in 1922 and again by himself in 1928. The first coup in Argentina's modern history occurred on September 6, 1930, and ousted an aging Yrigoyen amid an economic crisis resulting from

4000-651: The defense of human rights , particularly in prosecuting those who committed human rights violations during the Dirty War and were later made immune from prosecution by the governments of Carlos Menem (1989–1999). The willingness of the Kirchner government to revoke these immunities has led many Argentine pressure groups, such as the Madres de Plaza de Mayo and Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo , to take an actively Kirchnerist position. This has led to many controversies and to allegations that

4080-485: The famous sentence "This old adversary salutes a great friend", thus marking the end of the Peronist-radical rivalry that had marked the pace of the Argentine political scene until then. The growing fight between left-wing and right-wing Peronists took the country into chaos and many UCR members were targeted by both factions. The subsequent coup in 1976 ended Peronist rule. During the military regime , many members of

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4160-524: The following view about the situation in Argentina: Argentina needs change. As Ms Fernández slips out of office the economy is starting to crumble. Currency controls and trade restrictions [...] are choking productivity; inflation hovers at around 25%. [...] Argentina cannot seek external financing until it ends its standoff with creditors who rejected a debt-restructuring plan. Unless the new president quickly reverses Ms Fernández's populist policies,

4240-402: The growth of social and political conflict. When Roque Sáenz Peña was elected president in 1910, the UCR already was not in the position to carry out new assembled uprisings, but the general belief that existed was that a revolution was imminent. Saénz Peña y Yrigoyen, who had been maintaining a personal friendship from childhood, they then had a private meeting in which they agreed to sanction

4320-575: The hands of the military, who objected to his political concessions towards Peronism and his close relations with Cuba , the UCRI President of the Senate , José María Guido , was appointed President of Argentina . A proposed Popular Front uniting banned Peronists, the UCRI and others dissolved ahead of the July 1963 general elections , when Buenos Aires Province Governor Oscar Alende developed objections to

4400-533: The inclusion of conservatives in the alliance. Frondizi, others in the UCRI and Perón instructed their supporters to cast blank ballots, leading to their highest incidence in the history of Argentine national elections. Governor Alende ran on the Intransigent Party , but was unable to overcome the boycott, leading him to narrowly lose to People's UCR candidate Arturo Illia , a centrist. Frondizi and his chief economist while in office, Rogelio Julio Frigerio , left

4480-515: The interests of the international creditors and global markets, not of the Argentinians"; because of this, Kirchnerism frequently targets "IMF, foreign and domestic capitalists, bondholders and the military" in both policies and rhetoric. Raimundo Frei Toledo argues that Kirchnerism "broke the ‘Washington consensus’ when, together with other leftist Latin American leaders (e.g. Chavez, Lula), he rejected

4560-536: The law of Sunday rest, and he intervened as a neutral mediator in the conflicts between labor unions and big companies. However, during his time in government, several large worker massacres such as the Tragic Week , La Forestral massacre , and the Firing Squad Executions of Patagonia occurred, with thousands of workers killed.  The historian Halperín Donghi explains that the radical governments resolved

4640-523: The left-wing of Peronism and both began their political careers as members of the Peronist Youth ( Juventud Peronista ). Many of the Kirchners' closest allies belong to the Peronist left. Anti-Kirchnerists often criticize this ideological background with the term setentista ("seventies-ist"), suggesting that Kirchnerism is overly influenced by the populist struggle of the 1970s. In its electoral campaigns,

4720-498: The military . Especially during the 1970s and 1980s, it was perceived as a strong advocate for human rights . The UCR had different fractures, conformations, incarnations and factions, through which the party ruled the country seven times with the presidencies of Hipólito Yrigoyen (1916-1922 and 1928-1930), Marcelo Torcuato de Alvear (1922-1928), Arturo Frondizi (1958-1962), Arturo Illia (1963-1966), Raúl Alfonsín (1983-1989) and Fernando de la Rúa (1999-2001). After 2001,

4800-467: The minimum wage, and removed legal restrictions from collective labor strikes. Prevost and Campos argue that Kirchnerism was protectionist and state interventionist, much like Perón. The unique trait of Kirchnerism was its focus on anti-neoliberalism, postulating the need to move away from neoliberal Menemism and reverse its policies. It was also described as economically nationalist , and socialist . Kirchnerism, similarly to movements such as Lulism ,

4880-601: The national UCR leadership, substantial elements backed other candidates, notably the Radicales K . Cobos was elected vice president as the running mate of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner through the Plural Consensus alliance, and several Radicals were elected to Congress as part of the Kirchners' Front for Victory faction. The official UCR ranks in Congress were reduced to 30 in the Argentine Chamber of Deputies and 10 in

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4960-446: The organization we can find a centrist sector and another linked to right-wing values. The UCR is headed by a National Committee; its president is the de facto leader of the party. A national convention brings together representatives of the provincial parties and affiliated organisations such as Franja Morada and Radical Youth, and is itself represented on the National Committee. In 1903, Hipólito Yrigoyen began to reorganize

5040-446: The party has been particularly fragmented. As the Justicialist Party led by Nestor and Cristina Kirchner moved to the left, the UCR aligned itself with anti-Peronist centre-right parties. From 2015 to 2023, the UCR was a member of the centre-right Cambiemos / Juntos por el Cambio coalition, along with Republican Proposal and Civic Coalition ARI , and supported Mauricio Macri in the 2015 and 2019 presidential elections. For

5120-493: The party is virtually "broken due to the stance of the leaders who support the alliance [with Kirchner]". Roberto Iglesias eventually resigned the presidency of the party in November 2006 due to differences with Lavagna, having reached the conclusion that an alliance with him would be a mistake, and joined Stolbizer's camp, maintaining that the party should look for its own candidate (the so-called Radicales R ). On 1 December 2006

5200-418: The party leaders had admitted that they reviewing requests of intervention against the provincial committees of Río Negro and Santiago del Estero . In Santa Fe , the UCR had teamed up with the Socialist Party to support Socialist candidate for governor Hermes Binner , in exchange for the vice-governorship, taken by the former governor Aldo Tessio 's daughter, the fiscal federal Griselda Tessio , winning

5280-791: The permission to negotiate with other political forces. This led to several months of talks with Lavagna. The continued dissidence of the Radicales K prompted the intervention of the UCR Provincial Committee of Mendoza on 1 November 2006, due to the public support of President Kirchner by Mendoza's governor, the Radical Julio Cobos . The measure was short-lived, as the Mendoza Province Electoral Justice overturned it three days later. Deputy and UCR National Committee Secretary General Margarita Stolbizer stated that

5360-533: The point that the President of Mercosur, Carlos Álvarez , is a Kirchnerist. One of the most prominent aims of Kirchnerism is to strengthen Argentine relations with the countries of Latin America and to establish a South American economic axis. Recent economic measures posited by Fernández's government have nevertheless hurt Argentina's relationship with these countries, mainly Brazil and Uruguay , whose President José "Pepe" Mujica expressed worries regarding Argentina going towards an "autarkist" form of government and

5440-533: The political-ideological identity of the party as humanist and center-left. He and his faction gave a progressive look to the party. On the conservative side of the party sat Ricardo Balbín . The party was particularly divided since the 1960s and again since the end of the 1990s. After Balbín's death, Fernando de la Rúa who gave a neoliberal and conservative tint to the party and who famously said that "we are radicals, not socialists", kept UCR conservatives active until he became president in 1999. During

5520-464: The popular culture in favor of Yrigoyen. The UCR put an end to their electoral political abstention, and went to the parliamentary elections, without forming electoral alliances. For the first time in Argentina, they voted in a voting booth to guarantee a secret ballot . The predictable vote, the secret vote, and democracy. Before 1912, Argentina was using an electoral system in which votes were expressed verbally, or by ticket, in public place, and in

5600-467: The problem of regional equality in Argentina, but as a consequence of this, they brought social inequalities to a higher level at the same time. This is because radicalism was lacking solutions for the people on the bottom of the social hierarchy, through systematically neglecting class differences. Radicalism, during the first government of Yrigoyen, was in the minority in Congress: In the Deputy Chamber 45 members were radicals and 70 opposers, while amongst

5680-748: The right of women to vote or to be voters, it is incorrect to say that Argentina had a truly universal voting system until 1947. The UCR first won the elections to governor in Santa Fe (Manuel Menchaca), from which followed a trail of triumphs in the rest of the country. Among the radical leaders at this time were: José Camilo Crotto (CF), Leopoldo Melo (CF), Vicente Gallo (CF), Fernando Saguier (CF), Marcelo T. de Alvear (CF), José L. Cantilo (CF), Delfor del Valle (PBA), Horacio Oyhanarte (PBA), Rogelio Araya (SF), Rodolfo Lehmann (SF), Enrique Mosca (SF), Elpidio González (CBA), Pelagio Luna (LR), Miguel Laurencena (ER), José Néstor Lencinas (Mza), Federico Cantoni (SJ). The electoral triumphs of radicalism caused

5760-439: The smaller, more leftist FREPASO. The party has subsequently declined markedly and its candidate for president in 2003, Leopoldo Moreau , gained just 2.34% of the vote, beaten by three Peronists and more seriously, by two former radicals, Ricardo López Murphy of Recrear and Elisa Carrió of ARI , who have leached members, support and profile from the UCR. Since Nestor Kirchner 's led peronist PJ switched into political left,

5840-427: The struggle for the causes of the popular majorities. Raúl Alfonsín thought that radicalism advocated social democracy . He wanted to form a "broad popular, democratic, reformist and national movement"; to end privilege, authoritarianism and demagoguery and consolidate an authentic social democracy in the country. He also explained that Radicals do not define themselves, as European political parties usually do, on

5920-484: The time, when Argentina was ruled by an exclusive oligarchy and government power was allocated behind closed doors. The party unsuccessfully led an attempt to force the early departure of President Miguel Juárez Celman in the Revolution of the Park ( Revolución del Parque ). Eventually a compromise was reached with Juárez Celman's government. Hardliners who opposed this agreement founded the current UCR, led by Alem's nephew,

6000-455: The votes (approximately 19% of the votes were blank ballots returned by Peronists owing to their party being banned). Although Argentina experienced during Illia's presidency one of the most successful periods of history in terms of economic performance, the president was ousted by the army in June 1966. Illia's peaceful and ordered style of governing — sometimes considered too "slow" and "boring" -

6080-584: The world. It became known as 8N . In 2015, when Foreign Policy was discussing corruption in Latin America it was stated that: The viceroys of the colonial era set the pattern. They centralised power and bought the loyalty of local interest groups. [...] Caudillos , dictators and elected presidents continued the tradition of personalising power. Venezuela's chavismo and the kirchnerismo of Ms Fernández are among today's manifestations. In an editorial published in October 2015, The Economist expressed

6160-496: The young and charismatic Hipólito Yrigoyen . In 1893 and 1905 , the party led unsuccessful revolutions to overthrow the government. With the introduction of free, fair and confidential voting in elections based on universal adult male suffrage in 1912, the Party managed to win the general elections of 1916, when Hipólito Yrigoyen became president. As well as backing more popular participation, UCR's platform included promises to tackle

6240-546: Was combined with an anti-American rhetoric, in which the Kirchnerist administrations accused the USA of interference in Latin American affairs, and strongly opposed the War on Drugs , especially in the aspect that spill over to Latin America. Similarly, both Nestor Kirchner and Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner "moved to break the popular conception that political parties and the government mainly heed

6320-499: Was heavily criticized at the time. During the 1970s, Peronist government (1973–1976), the UCR was the second-most supported party, but this didn't actually grant the party the role of being the political opposition. In fact, the Peronist government's most important criticisms came from the same Peronist Party (now called Justicialist Party ). The UCR's leader in those times, Ricardo Balbín , saluted Peron's coffin (Perón had died on July 1, 1974, during his third mandate as president) with

6400-466: Was signaling a transformative nationalist tendency, between that which  emphasized the creation of the state-owned oil business YPF, the new rural laws, the fortification of the public railways, the Reform University, and a strongly autonomous political exterior for the greatest improvements. On the matter of labor, he propelled several laws for workers such as the law of the 8 hour work day and

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