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130-529: Peace Agreement [REDACTED] UFEFCF (2021–22) [REDACTED] [REDACTED] c. 500,000 (Oct 2022) [REDACTED] Over 7,000 The Tigray war was an armed conflict that lasted from 3 November 2020 to 3 November 2022. It was a civil war that was primarily fought in the Tigray Region of Ethiopia between forces allied to the Ethiopian federal government and Eritrea on one side, and

260-450: A one -party system , which are intricately organized around a specific party. Sometimes the term " de facto one-party state" is used to describe dominant-party systems which, unlike a one-party system, allows (at least nominally) democratic multiparty elections, but the existing practices or balance of political power effectively prevent the opposition from winning power, thus resembling a one-party state. Dominant-party systems differ from

390-421: A dominant party (also referred to as a predominant or hegemonic party). Some dominant parties were called the natural governing party , given their length of time in power. Dominant parties, and their domination of a state, develop out of one-sided electoral and party constellations within a multi-party system (particularly under presidential systems of governance), and as such differ from states under

520-466: A six-month state of emergency , which envisages the possibility to arrest and detain critics of the government without a court warrant, impose curfews , institute censorship, restrict freedom of movement as well as to call any adult person to fight in the war, for fear of serving from three to ten years in prison. Authorities in Addis Ababa also told residents to register their weapons in order to fend off

650-596: A cessation of hostilities that includes the following four elements: On 5 October, both the Ethiopian government and Tigrayan rebel forces accepted an invitation by the AU to have peace talks in South Africa , initially scheduled to take place between 7–8 October. However, talks were soon postponed, reportedly due to a combination of factors, including poor planning, logistical issues, the rapid escalation of fighting, and concerns from

780-538: A former member of Prime Minister Abiy's cabinet , said in an interview with PBS NewHour that reaching an agreement to end the war, while necessary, should not mean they "forgo seeking justice and accountability" for victims of human rights violations, and especially in cases of sexual violence against women and girls . Filsan resigned from her position as Minister of Women, Children and Youth in September 2021, in response to what she considered to be willful obstruction by

910-474: A genuine democratic dominant-party system would be the pre- Emergency India, which was almost universally viewed by all as being a democratic state, even though the only major national party at that time was the Indian National Congress . The reasons why a dominant-party system may form in such a country are often debated: supporters of the dominant party tend to argue that their party is simply doing

1040-569: A genuinely democratic basis, the opposition may be strong in one or more subnational areas, possibly even constituting a dominant party locally; an example is South Africa, where although the African National Congress is dominant at the national level, the opposition Democratic Alliance is strong to dominant in the Province of Western Cape . In dominant-party governments, they use institutional channels, rather than repression, to influence

1170-480: A good job in government and the opposition continuously proposes unrealistic or unpopular changes, while supporters of the opposition tend to argue that the electoral system disfavors them (for example because it is based on the principle of first past the post ), or that the dominant party receives a disproportionate amount of funding from various sources and is therefore able to mount more persuasive campaigns. In states with ethnic issues, one party may be seen as being

1300-636: A health facility and a school in the Afar Region. On 11 August, the TDF and the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) announced an alliance to overthrow Abiy Ahmed's government, saying they were also in talks with other rebel groups to establish a "grand coalition". With the TDF advancing deeper into Amhara, various cities across the region began enforcing curfews. On 9 September 2021, the Ethiopian government claimed Tigrayan forces had been "routed" and heavily defeated in

1430-406: A hope that aid would finally be made available in the region. The agreement stated that Ethiopia must "mobilize and expedite humanitarian assistance for all those in need." Within hours of the agreement being signed, UN personnel began talks with Ethiopian officials to remove the blockade, with supplies already prepared to be sent in immediately. By 9 November, concerns were being vocalized about

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1560-464: A party with a lower percentage of the vote than in proportional representation systems due to a fractured opposition (resulting in wasted votes and a lower number of parties entering the legislature) and gerrymandering . Critics of the "dominant party" theory argue that it views the meaning of democracy as given, and that it assumes that only a particular conception of representative democracy (in which different parties alternate frequently in power)

1690-540: A passenger bus in Adi Mesino, killing six and injuring 10. Ultimately, the early gains made by the ENDF and EDF against Tigrayan forces did not lead to a decisive defeat of the re-organized and invigorated TDF. In late January, the TDF had rallied and were intensifying their insurgency against Ethiopian forces despite the initial setbacks and heavy losses. During this time fighting was reported to have taken place around Mekelle, and

1820-488: A realistic chance of winning; the dominant party genuinely wins the votes of the vast majority of voters every time (or, in authoritarian systems, claims to). Under authoritarian dominant-party systems, which may be referred to as " electoralism " or "soft authoritarianism", opposition parties are legally allowed to operate, but are too weak or ineffective to seriously challenge power, perhaps through various forms of corruption, constitutional quirks that intentionally undermine

1950-574: A result of the war, which led to a widespread famine . It also inflicted immense economic damage on the region, with the cost of rebuilding alone estimated to be roughly $ 20 billion. Following the end of the Ethiopian Civil War in 1991, Ethiopia became a dominant-party state under the rule of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), a coalition of four ethnically based parties. The founding and most influential member

2080-414: A significant role during the war, Amhara was, similarly, not included in the negotiations. In the early months of the conflict, Amhara regional forces took control of Tigray's Western Zone – an area that was already the source of intense dispute between Amhara and Tigray – and proceeded to commit what was described as an ethnic cleansing of Tigrayans in the area. The TPLF had previously stated that

2210-575: A transitional authority." After a successful government counter-offensive in response, and then a series of negotiations with the TPLF, Ethiopia declared an indefinite humanitarian truce on 24 March 2022, in order to allow the delivery of humanitarian aid into Tigray. However, fighting dramatically re-escalated in late August 2022, after peace talks broke down. Rapid mobilization of troops soon followed, with Ethiopia, Eritrea and Tigray reportedly organizing hundreds of thousands of troops against each other by October

2340-640: A unique local identity. For example, the current elected government of the District of Columbia has been governed by Democrats since its creation in the 1970s, Bavaria by the Christian Social Union since 1957, Madeira by the Social Democrats since 1976, and Alberta by the Progressive Conservatives from 1971 to 2015. On the other hand, where the dominant party rules nationally on

2470-588: A way that complies with the Constitution of Ethiopia. It was agreed that this process must be monitored and observed by a "Joint Committee," with one representative each from the Ethiopian government, the TPLF and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), all while being presided over by the African Union through a "High-Level Panel." On 7 November 2022, five days after the agreement

2600-430: Is actually used for humanitarian purposes. Ethiopia and the TPLF agreed that an open communication channel should be created "within 24 hours" of signing the agreement. Both parties also needed to recognize that Ethiopia "has only one defense force," that Tigrayan rebel forces should "demobiliz[e] and reintegrat[e]", and that the TPLF must completely disarm within 30 days of signing. The TPLF agreed to: Meanwhile,

2730-530: Is manifest in the obsession with the quality of electoral opposition, and its sidelining or ignoring of popular political activity organised in other ways. The assumption in this approach is that other forms of organisation and opposition are of limited importance or a separate matter from the consolidation of their version of democracy." One of the dangers of dominant parties is "the tendency of dominant parties to conflate party and state and to appoint party officials to senior positions irrespective of their having

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2860-565: Is spiraling out of control," and many other agencies, scholars and human rights organizations began to warn of a dramatic rise in hate speech against Tigrayans . Attempts to renegotiate for a peace deal were attempted throughout September and early October. On 7 September, TPLF chairperson Debretsion Gebremichael sent a letter to the UN making a request for peace. He stated that, if the UN Security Council did not intervene: "[W]e propose

2990-490: Is valid. Raymond Suttner , himself a former leader of the African National Congress (ANC), argues that "the dominant party 'system' is deeply flawed as a mode of analysis and lacks explanatory capacity. But it is also a very conservative approach to politics. Its fundamental political assumptions are restricted to one form of democracy, namely electoral politics, and display hostility towards popular politics. This

3120-559: The Associated Press interpreted this as an indirect comment about Eritrea. While Eritrea is not mentioned by name, sections in the Pretoria document about stopping "provocation or incursion from either side of the border" were interpreted by East Africa correspondent for The New York Times , Abdi Latif Dahir, as being directed towards Eritrea. The International Crisis Group 's Alan Boswell also supported this interpretation, saying that

3250-624: The Atlantic Council , stated that while the agreement is a step forward, peace had not been achieved yet. She further said that in order for a cessation of hostilities to turn into peace, the agreement has to be implemented "decisively," and unresolved issues would need to be addressed. Prior to this agreement, the TPLF had rejected calls to disarm by the Ethiopian government, and questions have been raised as to how it will be carried out, or if it will be successful; Eritrea's continued presence in Tigray

3380-667: The Awra and Chifra districts near the Amhara border. A humanitarian worker citing witnesses said the EDF were fighting the TDF in Berhale , a town in Afar 71 kilometres (44 mi) northeast of Mekelle. On 30 October, it was reported that Dessie had fallen to the TDF. However, control over the city was not immediately certain, with the federal government denying its capture and reports of fierce fighting coming from

3510-606: The Ethiopian Air Force began against TDF positions in the North Wollo and North Gondar zones of the Amhara Region, mostly around the towns of Wegeltena , Wurgessa and Haro. He also stated there was a "massive build up of forces on all fronts." The federal government and Amhara regional government did not respond to the claim. On 11 October, Ethiopian-allied forces launched coordinated ground attacks "on all fronts" against

3640-682: The Ethiopian Human Rights Commission ; other refugees, interviewed by the Financial Times and Reuters , said it was the Amhara militia who were the perpetrators and Tigrayans who were the victims. Two days later, refugees interviewed by the Daily Telegraph , The Guardian and The New York Times stated that Amhara militias, including Fano , and the ENDF carried out beatings and massacres of 92 Tigrayans in Humera . Humera

3770-551: The Ethiopian constitution . "Within a week" of the TPLF's terrorist designation being removed – but before elections are held – an "Inclusive Regional Administration" should be established; a week after the removal of the "terrorist" designation, both parties must engage in a political dialogue to "find lasting solutions." Ethiopia also agreed to institute a transitional justice policy that will aim to be accountable and truthful, and give justice to victims. Additionally, both parties pledged to resolve "issues of contested areas," in

3900-732: The House of Peoples' Representatives , the prime minister, and the Council of Ministers was 5 October 2020 and that for this reason, it would consider "the incumbent" constitutionally illegitimate after 5 October; they proposed replacing the government with a technocratic caretaker government, as detailed in a plan posted on Facebook by the Coalition of Ethiopian Federalist Forces . Ethiopian elite units were transported to Gherghera base near Asmara , as part of an alleged pact between Prime Minister Abiy and Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki to "strike out of existence

4030-709: The National Election Board of Ethiopia delayed the general elections – originally scheduled for 29 August 2020 – to a then-undetermined date, due to the COVID-19 pandemic . The terms of federal and regional lawmakers, as well as the executive branch, were then extended by federal parliament beyond the October 2020 constitutional mandates. The TPLF, led by its chairman Debretsion Gebremichael , rejected these measures, arguing that they were unconstitutional, and held its own regional election on 9 September, in defiance of

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4160-558: The Raya district and the towns of Shire , Alamata , Adwa , and Axum , and began moving towards Adigrat . Fighting between Tigray and Eritrea took place in Adi Quala , Zalembesa , Taruna, Ali Tina, Wadqomdi, and Badme . On 23 November, Ethiopian forces reached the regional capital of Mekelle and encircled it. A military spokesperson for Ethiopia, Colonel Dejene Tsegaye, announced that Mekelle would be shelled , and told Tigray civilians to flee

4290-481: The Southern and Eastern zones – "remain constrained," and called for restrictions in these areas to be lifted. In early January 2023, the biggest hospital in the region claimed that they were still short on medical supplies, and had not received enough help from the federal government to alleviate this shortage. The Commercial Bank of Ethiopia stated on 12 November that access to backing services had been restored in

4420-642: The Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) on the other. After years of increased tensions and hostilities between the TPLF and the governments of Ethiopia and Eritrea, fighting began when TPLF forces attacked the Northern Command headquarters of the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF), alongside a number of other bases in Tigray. The ENDF counterattacked from the south – while Eritrean Defence Forces (EDF) began launching attacks from

4550-463: The Tigray Region , continuing to administer control there while frequently clashing with the federal government. In one instance, the Tigray regional government was reported to have defied the federal government and refused to allow Ethiopian Federal Police to arrest Getachew Assefa, the former chief of the National Intelligence and Security Service (NISS) of Ethiopia and executive member of

4680-631: The Western Zone of Tigray (which was still under occupation by the Amhara Region), and was planning on doing the same in Mekelle . On 23 November, Ethiopian Airlines announced it was prepared to have regularly scheduled flights into Tigray resume (with flights between Addis Ababa and Mekelle returning in late December). Ethio Telecom reestablished its telecommunication services in Shire on 2 December, and by

4810-524: The A2 Highway which links Mekelle to the Ethiopian capital of Addis Ababa, and later declared they were considering an offensive towards the capital. The TDF claimed they also linked up with the OLA. Meanwhile, it was reported that a new roundup of ethnic Tigrayans had occurred in Addis Ababa. On 2 November 2021, as the counter-offensive came deeper into federal-controlled territory, the Ethiopian government declared

4940-459: The Afar Region. TPLF spokesperson Getachew Reda said its forces had seen no fighting in Afar and had redeployed to the adjoining Amhara Region. On 30 September, amid UN concerns about a blockade of aid deliveries to Tigray, the Ethiopian government expelled 7 top UN officials, reportedly because of "meddling" in its internal affairs, giving the officials 72 hours to leave the country. On 8 October 2021, Getachew said that an intensive air campaign by

5070-600: The Apartheid-era National Party in South Africa had the support of Afrikaners who make up the majority of White South Africans while English-speaking white South Africans tended towards more liberal and reform-oriented parties like the Progressive Federal Party . Sub-national entities are often dominated by one party due to the area's demographic being on one end of the spectrum or espousing

5200-558: The EDF killing 80–150 people in Idaga Hamus on 30 November, as part of a larger series of extrajudicial killings known as the Adigrat massacres . A witness told Al Jazeera that, on 4 December, Eritrean troops entered her town in southeastern Tigray and attempted to rape her; this statement is corroborated by other survivors and witnesses, who spoke of rampant sexual violence, massacres and destruction of civilian infrastructure committed by

5330-474: The EDF was still maintaining a presence in the region, and according to Addis Standard , both EDF and Amhara forces continued to be in Tigray by early January 2023. In mid-March 2023, the TPLF central committee voted internally in favour of recommending Getachew Reda (18 votes out of 41) as the head of the Interim Regional Administration of Tigray (IRA). The federal-level Cabinet met

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5460-401: The EDF. In February 2021, the UN chief coordinator of humanitarian efforts Mark Lowcock said that up to 40% of Tigray was not controlled by Ethiopian troops. Aside from Tigrayan rebel forces, he said that much of that area was under the control of the EDF, pursuing their own objectives independent of Ethiopian command. By early March, residents said that the number of Eritrean soldiers in Tigray

5590-498: The ENDF had retreated from rural positions towards the city. Several of these clashes took place in mid-February at Samre, a small town 45 km (28 mi) south-west of Mekelle. Thousands of Ethiopian troops supported by artillery, tanks, and airstrikes fought dug-in forces loyal to the Tigray regional government. According to a report by Ghent University , massacres of civilians continued into March, including around 250 in Humera over

5720-494: The ENDF made Tigrayans too vulnerable to possible violent attacks, particularly from the Eritrean military and Amhara regional forces. The GSTS argued, instead, that the TDF should be strengthened, describing the actions of Ethiopian and Eritrean allied troops as genocidal , and therefore, not to be trusted with the protection of Tigrayans. Eritrea's absence from the peace talks was noted by many news outlets, both before and after

5850-629: The ENDF stated that it would not advance any deeper into the Tigray region. However, in January 2022, the Ethiopian Air Force began launching a bombing campaign in the Tigray Region, killing 108 people, including at least 56 from an airstrike targeting an IDP camp in Dedebit . On 7 January – the same day as the Dedebit airstrike – Ethiopia released a number of opposition leaders from prison, including some from

5980-400: The ENDF was in control of the main roads and urban areas. Amhara and Eritrean forces also controlled parts of Tigray in the west and north, respectively. All sides wished to secure a military victory, but they lacked the ability to do so in the near term, and so they began to prepare for a prolonged conflict. The Tigray Defense Forces were engaged in a war of attrition with popular support from

6110-517: The EPRDF, owing to a growing discontent within the public, fueled by a reaction to 27 years of repressive governance. On 28 March 2018, in a closed-door election to chair the EPRDF, executive committee members elected the Oromo Peoples' Democratic Organisation (OPDO) chairman Abiy Ahmed . On 2 April 2018, Ethiopian parliament elected Abiy as prime minister. One of Abiy's first actions after his election

6240-412: The Ethiopian federal government and the TPLF released a joint statement, in which they stated that they had "agreed to permanently silence the guns and end the two years of conflict in northern Ethiopia." Obasanjo explained that the agreement will involve a "systematic, orderly, smooth and coordinated disarmament." The full agreement contains a preamble, and 15 articles, starting with the objectives of

6370-451: The Ethiopian federal government must be allowed to reestablish authority in the Tigray Region, including in the capital of Mekelle , and that "the ENDF and other relevant Federal Institutions shall have an expeditious, smooth, peaceful, and coordinated entry" into the city. In exchange, government guaranteed that Tigray will be properly represented in government institutions, so as to not violate

6500-593: The TDF now controlled most of the Tigray region. The Ethiopian government claimed, on 30 June, that it could re-enter Mekelle in less than three weeks if it wanted to. In the same announcement, the Ethiopian government stated that all Eritrean forces had withdrawn from the region, though this was not confirmed by the Eritrean government. On 6 July 2021, the Tigrayan government mobilised to retake western Tigray from Amhara forces. A TDF offensive starting on 12 July resulted in Tigrayan forces capturing southern Tigray , including

6630-500: The TDF with combined arms including tanks, helicopters, heavy artillery, warplanes, and drones according to the Tigrayan government. General Tsadkan Gebretensae , member of the central command of the TDF said both sides had been preparing for the offensive for months, and predicted that battle would be "decisive". The new offensive effectively ended the unilateral ceasefire declared by the federal government in June and further deepened fears of

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6760-724: The TPLF about not having enough information available on how the talks would be conducted. Eventually, a new date for peace negotiations was set for 25 October, where talks would take place in Pretoria , at South Africa 's Department of International Relations and Cooperation . The talks were jointly mediated by AU Horn of Africa envoy and former Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo , former Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta , United States Horn of Africa envoy Mike Hammer , and former Deputy-President of South Africa Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka . TPLF spokesperson Getachew Reda and Ethiopian national security advisor Redwan Hussien acted as

6890-457: The TPLF announced that they had withdrawn their troops from a number of towns and cities, and by 4 December, Tadesse Werede stated that around 65% of their forces had withdrawn. Starting on 10 January 2023, Tigrayan forces began the process of handing over their heavy weaponry to the ENDF. The Nairobi Declaration added a corollary to the Tigrayan armament clause, which stated that the disarming of heavy weapons "will be done concurrently with

7020-491: The TPLF as a terrorist organization. On 21 May, Ethiopia's military prosecutors convicted 3 soldiers of rape, and pressed charges against more than 50 others suspected of killing or raping civilians in Tigray. On 22 June 2021, an Ethiopian military cargo plane was shot down over Samre, marking a turn of the war in the TDF's favor. On 28 June 2021, the Tigray Defense Forces retook the city of Mekelle. People celebrated in

7150-481: The TPLF claimed the attack was carried out in self-defense or preemptive self-defense. In retaliation, an Ethiopian offensive was launched on 4 November, which was accompanied by the declaration of a state of emergency , the creation of the State of Emergency Inquiry Board and a shutdown of government services in the Tigray Region. During the subsequent days, skirmishes continued and the Ethiopian federal parliament declared

7280-505: The TPLF initially agreed to negotiate an official end to the war; in the intervening months, however, relations became increasingly hostile, with both parties accusing each other of having no sincere interest in peace – by late August, peace talks had deteriorated completely, and the war resumed. Following the collapse of the March–August ceasefire , wartime violence surged to a level not seen in months. Joint Ethiopian–Eritrean forces and

7410-667: The TPLF mobilized hundreds of thousands of troops against each other, displacing 574,000 people, and killing around 100,000 more within the span of a few weeks. By October 2022, the war overall had killed around 385,000 to 600,000 people. The scale of the violence alarmed international observers, including the United Nations and the African Union , who urged the warring parties to return to peace negotiations. UN Secretary-General António Guterres stated that "the situation in Ethiopia

7540-458: The TPLF, and said they desired to have a dialogue with the Tigrayan leadership. On 26 January, the Ethiopian council of ministers also proposed to end the state of emergency. Ethiopia%E2%80%93Tigray peace agreement The war began in November 2020, in the Tigray Region of Ethiopia . Primarily a conflict between the Ethiopian government and Eritrea on one side, and the TPLF on the other,

7670-462: The TPLF, saying they would not completely disarm for "vague promises." The Global Society of Tigray Scholars and Professionals (GSTS), an organization representing 5,000 Tigrayan academics, strongly rejected the disarmament clause. While they welcomed the peace agreement overall, they argued that disarmament was "illogical" and "self-defeating," and that it could potentially undermine the ceasefire. They stated that entrusting all of Tigray's security to

7800-530: The TPLF," according to former Eritrean Minister of Defence Mesfin Hagos . In late October 2020, the Ethiopian Reconciliation Commission stated that it was trying to mediate between the federal government and the TPLF, as well as the other regional governments, but that the pre-conditions set by all sides were blocking progress. As tension continued to grow, a brigadier general appointed by Abiy

7930-442: The TPLF. The Ethiopian government and its supporters accused the TPLF of trying to re-establish their rule over the country through violence and force. In turn, the TPLF accused the federal government of accumulating too much power for itself, and that it was engaging in ethnic discrimination of Tigrayans . Throughout 2020, tensions between the federal government and the TPLF escalated in the months leading up to November. In March,

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8060-477: The Tigray government began to regroup into mountainous areas of the region and reorganized under the banner of the Tigray Defense Forces (TDF). This retreat was partially caused by the fact that a large portion of the TDF's artillery had been destroyed by air strikes. The TDF also began to dig into their positions in rural Tigray, marking the start of a guerrilla campaign against Ethiopian-allied forces from

8190-641: The Tigray region," of which around 70% was now claimed to be under their control. On 15 November, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) announced that, for the first time since August, their delivery of medical supplies had reached the Tigrayan capital of Mekelle . The World Food Programme and World Health Organization also sent in nearly 18,000 metric tonnes of aid. Even with this relaxation of restrictions, however, UN officials stated in late November that some parts of Tigray – namely in

8320-411: The ability for an effective opposition to thrive, institutional and/or organizational conventions that support the status quo, occasional but not omnipresent political repression , or inherent cultural values averse to change. In some states opposition parties are subject to varying degrees of official harassment and most often deal with restrictions on free speech (such as press laws), lawsuits against

8450-713: The agreement (Article 1), followed by the general principles underlying the ceasefire (Article 2). Article 13 instructs both parties to "implement this Agreement in good faith," and avoid trying to undermine it. The agreement forbids "all forms of hostilities," both direct and indirect; this includes participating in proxy wars , using hate speech , propaganda , airstrikes or landmines , or collaborating with any hostile "external force" against each other. Both parties agreed to follow international human rights laws and protect civilians from human rights violations. Specific condemnations were made towards acts of sexual and gender-based violence , violence against children (including

8580-476: The agreement was signed. Eritrean authorities made no statements on the agreement, nor did they respond to most requests for comment. It was also not clear if they would agree to the ceasefire, and it was suggested that President Isaias Afwerki 's long-standing antagonism to the TPLF would disincentivize him from withdrawing Eritrean forces. When asked by Reuters , Eritrean Foreign Minister Osman Saleh said that he had no comment, as "he had just received

8710-548: The agreement, a "hotline" between the two parties was established, with the goal of "fully communicating with all their units to stop fighting," and prevent mistrust from developing, according to an anonymous official familiar with the Nairobi discussions. Despite these assurances, however, some Tigrayan officials alleged as early as 4 November that attacks from Ethiopian and Eritrean forces were still taking place. News agencies were unable to verify these claims independently, as Tigray

8840-513: The anticipated offensive. Four other regional governments also made a call to arms. On 5 November, the TPLF, OLA and other rebel groups declared the creation of a nine-group coalition, called the United Front of Ethiopian Federalist and Confederalist Forces . On 22 November, Prime Minister Abiy stated that he will be leading the fight against the rebels from the battlefront after the TDF claimed to have captured Shewa Robit , saying; "We are now in

8970-411: The basis that these parties have long held the majority of seats in parliament (although they do not directly form the government or appoint officials to government positions). In Russian political science literature, such associations are often called "parties of power". It is believed that a system with a dominant party can be either authoritarian or democratic. However, since there is no consensus in

9100-564: The call and mobilised. From 17 to 19 July, the TDF began launching attacks in the Afar Region to its east, prompting the Benishangul-Gumuz , Gambela , Harari and Somali regions to join the war. Heavy fighting in western Afar displaced over 54,000 people, and resulted in the TDF reportedly capturing three districts in the region. While the Tigray government claimed it only entered Afar to target federal forces, experts believe their aim

9230-570: The city because Ethiopian forces would show no mercy. Though TPLF leaders and special forces had already left the city, Ethiopian forces continued their direct assault on Mekelle on the morning of 28 November, and started heavily shelling the city. By the evening, Prime Minister Abiy declared Ethiopian forces had taken full control of the city. In total, 27 civilians were killed and 100 others were injured. The Tigray government vowed to continue fighting. After Ethiopian federal forces and their allies captured Mekelle and other major cities, forces loyal to

9360-593: The conflict . Mass extrajudicial killings of civilians took place throughout, including in Axum , Bora , Chenna , Kobo , the Hitsats refugee camp , Humera , Mai Kadra , the Mahbere Dego , and Zalambessa . Between 162,000 and 600,000 people were killed, and war rape became a "daily" occurrence, with girls as young as 8 and women as old as 72 being raped, often in front of their families. A major humanitarian crisis developed as

9490-491: The continued lack of aid to Tigray, as a number of humanitarian agencies were reporting that they were being prevented from delivering aid to the area. On 11 November, Ethiopia's Redwan Hussien responded to these concerns by saying that "aid is flowing like no other times." This statement was seemingly at odds with outside reports, and was deemed to be false by Tigrayan officials and local humanitarian workers, with Getachew Reda telling Agence France-Presse (AFP) that Redwan

9620-497: The course of three days by unconfirmed perpetrators, and 13 in Grizana by the EDF. That same month, an undated video surfaced that purported to show Ethiopian troops executing 11 unarmed men before throwing their bodies off a cliff near Mahibere Dego. Fighting intensified in early April; by this point, the TDF was in control of the rural areas of central and southern Tigray along with parts of eastern and south-eastern Tigray, while

9750-461: The creation of an interim government for Tigray . Ethiopian offensives in the north were accompanied with airstrikes and several towns and cities were retaken. On the night of 9 to 10 November 2020, 600 civilians, mostly Amharas and Welkait , were killed in a massacre in the town of Mai Kadra with machetes and knives used by local militias and police that were loyal to the TPLF, according to preliminary investigations by Amnesty International and

9880-583: The developing famine in Tigray , with a federal government blockade still preventing most aid from arriving. Meanwhile, the continued war prompted regional leaders, including Kenyan President Kenyatta , to voice their concerns and urge peace, while US Secretary of State Blinken met with the AU envoy to Ethiopia, former Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo , to discuss the crisis. On 13 October, Getachew claimed fighting continued intensifying with "staggering" casualties. He also claimed clashes were taking place near Weldiya and that fighting had resumed in Afar, within

10010-517: The documents do not make explicit mentions of ethnic cleansing in the Western Zone, and stated that it generally "lacks details on formal accountability." The government-established Ethiopian Human Rights Commission issued a statement saying that, for peace to be sustainably achieved, the implementation of the agreement "should be preceded and informed by a nation-wide, genuine, consultative, inclusive, and victim-centred conversation." Filsan Abdi ,

10140-410: The documents." Eritrea was firmly on the side of the Ethiopian government throughout the war, and was attributed responsibility for high-profile atrocities such as the Axum massacre . Their outsized role led to them being described by Le Monde contributor Noé Hochet-Bodin as a "shadow [that] looms over the conflict." The negotiating and mediating parties, likewise, generally chose not to address

10270-417: The education system to teach and uphold compliance. The recruiting, disciplining, and training of teachers allow for authoritarian governments to control teachers into following their objective: to foster compliance from the youth. Another way that they maintain control is through hosting elections. Even though they would not be fair elections, hosting them allows citizens to feel that they have some control and

10400-438: The end of the month, they had also returned to Mekelle and 27 other towns in the region. On 6 December, Ethiopian Electric Power said that it had restored Mekelle's access to Ethiopia's overall electrical grid . On 29 November, Ethiopian official Belete Molla stated that, while they planned to restore Tigray's access to the internet eventually, they did not have a set timeline on when this would occur. In accordance with

10530-423: The federal government. Several journalists were barred by the Ethiopian government from travelling to cover Tigray's regional election. Ethiopia considered the Tigray election to be illegal, and responded by slashing federal funding to the region, a decision the TPLF described as "tantamount to declaration of war." In late September 2020, the TPLF stated that the constitutional term limit of the House of Federation ,

10660-403: The final stages of saving Ethiopia." Many countries also urged citizens to leave the country. From 26 November to 6 December 2021, Ethiopian allied forces recaptured several towns in the Amhara and Afar regions including Lalibela and Shewa Robit, according to the Ethiopian government. On 6 December, government forces claimed to have recaptured the strategic cities of Dessie and Kombolcha . This

10790-456: The following day to establish guidelines for the IRA. On 23 March, prime minister Abiy Ahmed declared that Getachew Reda was appointed to the position of head of the IRA. There is general acknowledgement among the mediators, as well as some outside observers, that the agreement represents a step towards peace, but that true peace had yet to be fully realized. Olusegun Obasanjo said, after the agreement

10920-521: The global political science community on a set of mandatory features of democracy (for example, there is a point of view according to which the absence of alternation of power is, in principle, incompatible with democratic norms), it is difficult to separate the two types of one-party dominance. Dominant-party systems are commonly based on majority rule for proportional representation or majority boosting in semi-proportional representation . Plurality voting systems can result in large majorities for

11050-509: The government agreed to: As part of the agreement, the ENDF will be deployed along the international borders of Ethiopia; the agreement states that they must "safeguard the sovereignty, territorial integrity, and security of the country from foreign incursion and ensure that there will be no provocation or incursion from either side of the border." Federal authorities will also take "full and effective control" of all aviation space, airports and highways in Tigray. The agreement stipulates that

11180-440: The government having little other option. On 29 June, Tigrayan forces vowed to continue their offensive and drive into Eritrea or the Amhara Region if necessary, and said that Mekelle was 100% under the control of Tigrayan forces. On 30 June 2021, the TDF had entered the town of Shire , some 140 kilometres (87 mi) northwest of Mekelle, after it had been abandoned by Eritrean troops. The International Crisis Group claimed that

11310-418: The government in regards to publishing reports on sexual violence committed during the war. Dominant-party state A dominant-party system , or one-party dominant system , is a political occurrence in which a single political party continuously dominates election results over running opposition groups or parties. Any ruling party staying in power for more than one consecutive term may be considered

11440-473: The ideas of peace." The 12 November declaration makes a specific note about a "Responsible Use of Media," stating that media controlled by both parties should "play a constructive role" in carrying out the aims of the Pretoria agreement. On 1 December 2022, the Ethiopian–TPLF Joint Committee met in Shire, Tigray Region to begin a new set of talks on carrying out disarmament. One day later,

11570-462: The incursion towards Addis Ababa, and Tigrayan forces were pushed back to Tigray. On 20 December 2021, the TPLF announced they had withdrawn their troops from Amhara and Afar, saying they were hoping to create, as stated by TPLF chairman Debretsion Gebremichael, "a decisive opening for peace". Debretsion also requested the establishment of a no-fly zone over Tigray, as well as a weapons embargo against Ethiopia and Eritrea. Following these developments,

11700-461: The issue. In a speech to parliament on 15 November 2022, Prime Minister Abiy said he was looking for a constitutional solution for this dispute, and that "unless the people of Wolkait [in Western Tigray] get the opportunity to self-determination, there won't be a lasting peace." Amnesty International 's Director for East and Southern Africa, Muleya Mwananyanda, expressed dissatisfaction with

11830-485: The killing. On 9 January 2021, Ethiopian TV reported that 300 refugees in Hitsats camp were executed by the TPLF. According to refugees, pro-TPLF forces used Hitsats as a base for several weeks in November 2020, killing several refugees who wanted to leave the camp to get food and, in one incident, killed nine young Eritrean men in revenge for having lost a battle against the EDF. On 18 February, unidentified militiamen ambushed

11960-419: The late hours of 13 November 2020, Tigray forces fired a rocket towards the airports of Bahir Dar and Gondar in the Amhara Region. On 14 November, Tigray forces launched rockets at the Eritrean capital of Asmara , but the missiles missed. The Tigray government claimed these locations contained military terminals that served as bases to carry out airstrikes. From 17 to 19 November, Ethiopian forces captured

12090-466: The lead negotiators. Though originally scheduled to last from 25 to 30 October, this was later extended by a few more days. Hopes that these talks could definitively stop the war were noted as being low; fighting did not appear to slow down, even as peace discussions began, and Eritrean forces, in particular, were reportedly still engaged in the killing of civilians for most of the negotiating period. On 28 October, Ethiopia vocalized their distrust about

12220-467: The motives of unspecified "western entities" during the process, alleging that "unsubstantiated and politically motivated" claims were being made about the war for a "sinister" agenda, that "irresponsible propaganda" from the TPLF was being repeated uncritically, and further stated that "venerable organizations and well-meaning actors could be unwitting participants in this campaign." Still, despite these concerns, negotiations continued. On 2 November 2022,

12350-570: The mountains. On 28 and 29 November, witnesses and survivors, including refugees in Sudan, reported that the Eritrean Defence Forces (EDF) carried out the Axum massacre of about 720 to 800 civilians. The Eritrean government stated that it was angered by Amnesty International 's report on the massacre, calling it "transparently unprofessional" and "politically motivated" and accusing Amnesty of fabricating evidence. However, refugees also spoke of

12480-414: The north – which Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed described as a "law enforcement operation". Federal allied forces captured Mekelle , the capital of the Tigray Region, on 28 November, after which Abiy declared the operation "over." However, the TPLF stated soon afterwards that it would continue fighting until the "invaders" were out, and on 28 June 2021, the Tigray Defense Forces (TDF) retook Mekelle; by July

12610-412: The opposition, and rules or electoral systems (such as gerrymandering of electoral districts) designed to put them at a disadvantage. In some cases outright electoral fraud keeps the opposition from power. However, some dominant-party systems occur, at least temporarily, in countries that are widely seen, both by their citizens and outside observers, to be textbook examples of democracy. An example of

12740-426: The original agreement, laid out the specifics of how to implement it, and agreed to begin the Tigrayan disarmament process on 15 November. Both parties also agreed to create a Joint Committee, per the agreement's rules on "Monitoring, Verification, and Compliance." In the immediate days after the signing of the Pretoria agreement, Tigrayan civilians, international observers and humanitarian organizations expressed

12870-547: The party for an ethnicity or race with the party for the majority ethnic, racial or religious group dominating, e.g., the African National Congress in South Africa (governing since the end of apartheid in 1994) has strong support amongst Bantu peoples of South Africa and the Ulster Unionist Party governed Northern Ireland from its creation in 1921 until 1972 with the support of the Protestant majority. Similarly,

13000-426: The peace agreement, stating that while it was "a step in the right direction," it nevertheless "fails to offer a clear roadmap on how to ensure accountability for war crimes and crimes against humanity" committed by all sides during the war . Mwananyanda further emphasized that human rights investigators must be allowed "unfettered access" in order for victims to receive proper justice. Human Rights Watch noted that

13130-433: The people of Tigray, who were infuriated by war crimes committed by Eritrean and Ethiopian soldiers and worried about a potential decrease in the region's autonomy. This resulted in the TDF growing in strength and the concept of secession from Ethiopia gaining popularity in Tigray, a stance which was considered likely to inflame Amhara-Tigray territorial disputes. On 6 May, Ethiopia's House of Peoples' Representatives declared

13260-508: The political dynamics of other dominant multi-party constellations such as consociationalism , grand coalitions and two-party systems , which are characterized and sustained by narrow or balanced competition and cooperation. In political literature, more than 130 dominant party systems between 1950 and 2017 were included in a list by A. A. Ostroverkhov. For example, in the post-Soviet states, researchers classify parties such as United Russia and Amanat ( Kazakhstan ) as dominant parties on

13390-403: The population. Coercive distribution can control citizens and economic elites through land reform, poverty alleviation, public health, housing, education, and employment programs. Further, they distribute private goods to the winning coalition (people who are necessary for its reign) in order to stay in power. Giving the winning coalition private goods also prevents civil conflict. They also use

13520-542: The provision may have been "designed to assure the Tigrayans that Eritrea will withdraw." Etana Habte, assistant history professor at James Madison University , said the choice to not mention Eritrea directly may have been a deliberate attempt to ease Eritrea into complying to the agreement, as the African Union "doesn't have the military ability to enforce its decisions and relies on the support and alliance of member countries." While Amhara Region security forces also played

13650-489: The question of Eritrea outright. When asked questions about it during the Nairobi talks, Uhuru Kenyatta said that they were "not here to talk about any particular country this way or that way," and were instead focused on the topic of peace. Ethiopia's Redwan Hussien said that Ethiopia and Tigray were so busy fighting each other that it "paved the way for a third party to undermine us further." He also said that this unnamed third party "may not be interested in this peace process";

13780-630: The region to fight against the Tigrayans. A similar call was made in Afar. Meanwhile, the city of Weldiya was captured by the TDF on 12 August 2021. On 4 August 2021, some Agew people declared themselves independent from the Amhara Region and formed the Agew Liberation Front (ALF). The next day, Lalibela was reported to have been seized by Tigrayan forces. On 9 August, UNICEF executive director Henrietta Fore expressed concern about reports that over 200 people, including 100 children, had been killed in attacks on displaced families sheltering at

13910-474: The required qualities." However, in some countries this is common practice even when there is no dominant party. In contrast to one-party systems , dominant-party systems can occur within a context of a democratic system as well as an authoritarian one. In a one-party system other parties are banned, but in dominant-party systems other political parties are tolerated, and (in democratic dominant-party systems) operate without overt legal impediment, but do not have

14040-412: The return of the Western Zone to Tigrayan control was a "non-negotiable" prerequisite to peace. National Movement of Amhara founder Dessalegn Chanie Dagnew and advocacy group Amhara Association of America both welcomed news of the agreement, but also expressed opposition to any potential territorial concessions to Tigray. Multiple news outlets described the agreement as having an unclear stance on

14170-782: The right to secession." Article 62.9 grants the House of Federation the right to "order Federal intervention if any State [government], in violation of [the] Constitution, endangers the constitutional order." Just before midnight on 3 November 2020, Tigray Special Forces and allied local militia attacked the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) Northern Command headquarters in Mekelle, the Fifth Battalion barracks in Dansha , and other Northern Command bases. Several people were killed and

14300-541: The same year, they had also advanced into the Amhara and Afar regions. In early November 2021, the TDF, together with the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), took control of several towns on the highway south from Tigray Region towards Addis Ababa , and the TPLF stated that it considered "marching on [the capital]." Together with seven smaller rebel groups, the TPLF and OLA declared a coalition aiming to "dismantle Abiy's government by force or by negotiations, and then form

14430-432: The same year. After a number of peace and mediation proposals in the intervening years, Ethiopia and the Tigrayan rebel forces agreed to a cessation of hostilities on 2 November , which went into effect the day after; Eritrea was not a party to the agreement, however, and they largely continued to occupy parts of Tigray as of 2023. All sides, particularly the ENDF, EDF, Amhara forces and TDF, committed war crimes during

14560-412: The streets of Mekelle as the TDF took the city. Ethiopian soldiers, police and administrators were seen leaving, ahead of the occupation by the TDF. Shortly after hearing news of the TDF advance, the Ethiopian government declared an immediate unilateral ceasefire across the Tigray Region. BBC News reporter Vivienne Nunis characterised the ceasefire as an attempt by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed to save face,

14690-399: The town. On 31 October, the TDF claimed to have captured Kombolcha , a town 21 km (13 mi) east of Dessie, and the Ethiopian government accused the TDF of massacring over 100 youths in the town. On the same day, the Amhara regional government declared a state of emergency, which included a region-wide curfew. South of Kombolcha, the OLA claimed to have seized control over Kemise on

14820-611: The towns of Alamata and Korem . The TDF subsequently crossed the Tekezé River and advanced westward, capturing the town of Mai Tsebri in the Tselemti district, and prompting Amhara officials to call on its militias to arm themselves and mobilise. Following the TDF's rapid advances, Abiy threatened to resume war with Tigray and crush the rebels, raising fears of genocide. He called on other regions of Ethiopia to mobilise their special forces. The Oromia , Sidama , and SNNPR regions answered

14950-505: The use of child soldiers ), violence against women and girls , and violence against the elderly. The Ethiopian government is to allow humanitarian aid into the country as soon as possible, and reintegrate internally displaced persons and refugees into Ethiopian society, provided it is safe enough to do so. Both parties agreed to cooperate with each other, as well as with humanitarian agencies working to reunite families. Both parties also agreed to not misappropriate aid, and make sure it

15080-416: The war has been characterized by war crimes , massacres of civilians , accusations of genocide , and a devastating humanitarian crisis . On 20 December 2021, after the government successfully pushed back an incursion towards Addis Ababa , the TPLF requested a ceasefire. Fighting slowed down, and on 24 March 2022, the Ethiopian government declared "an indefinite humanitarian truce." Both Ethiopia and

15210-661: The withdrawal of foreign and non-ENDF forces in the region." In spite of this, Eritrea, as well as Amhara regional forces, continued to engage in fighting, even as the federal government expressed support for peace. According to eyewitnesses, aid workers and Tigrayan officials, both Eritrean and Amhara forces were responsible for killings, looting, kidnappings and mass detentions throughout November 2022, including in Shire, where disarmament talks were later held. The Eritrean Defence Forces started withdrawing from Shire and Axum on 29 December. Despite this, humanitarian workers said that

15340-495: Was "plucking his facts out of thin air." On 12 November, military leaders from both parties announced in a joint statement that, as part of the Nairobi declaration, they had agreed to lift the restrictions on aid to those who needed it in Tigray and the surrounding regions; Obasanjo made assurances that humanitarian access would "begin with immediate effect." Later that same day, Ethiopian authorities stated that they were making efforts to "deliver humanitarian assistance to most of

15470-434: Was decided on without consulting long-time TPLF members. On 1 December 2019, Abiy merged the ethnic and region-based parties of the EPRDF (which had governed Ethiopia for 28 years) and several opposition parties into his new Prosperity Party . The TPLF, which had long dominated Ethiopian politics, refused to join this new party. After losing the election and being ousted from the federal government, TPLF officials relocated to

15600-563: Was in the thousands. By mid-December, fighting had reached Hagere Selam , Samre , Dogu'a , Kolla Tembien , May Tsemre and localities around Maychew . During this time, a violently enforced curfew was set up by Ethiopian forces along with Eritrean soldiers. According to the Europe External Programme with Africa (EEPA), in Wukro over 200 people were killed and the town was left deserted. The Ethiopian government denied involvement in

15730-442: Was later confirmed by TPLF spokesman Getachew Reda ; however, he claimed this was a strategic withdrawal, which was "part of their plan". On 12 December, Reuters reported that forces loyal to the TPLF had recaptured the town of Lalibela less than two weeks after government forces and their allies had recaptured control of the town for themselves. Nevertheless, by the end of the month, the federal government had successfully repelled

15860-569: Was noted as a potential roadblock to this being achieved. Peace and conflict studies professor Kjetil Tronvoll argued the issue of disarmament would be "extremely controversial," thinking it unlikely that Tigrayan rebel forces would voluntarily disarm "in the face of an enemy they have been fighting for two years." Benjamin Petrini of the International Institute for Strategic Studies questioned what security guarantees would be provided to

15990-475: Was prevented by the Tigray government from taking up his military post. The same day before the Tigray forces launched the Northern Command attacks, the federal parliament of Ethiopia had suggested designating the TPLF as a terrorist organization . The 1995 Constitution of Ethiopia states in Article 39.1, "Every Nation, Nationality, and People in Ethiopia has an unconditional right to self-determination, including

16120-507: Was reportedly still under an information blackout. On 9 November, Mohammed Idris, Director-General of the Ethiopian Media Authority (EMA), announced that new guidelines were being established for how the Ethiopian media reports on news of these negotiations. This was done as a way to keep it in line with the peace agreement's rules against hate speech and propaganda, as "false information and hateful speech are counterproductive to

16250-693: Was shelled from the direction of the Eritrean–Ethiopian border for two days around 9–11 November. The ENDF gained control of the town one day later. Within the same month, Amhara Region forces took over and occupied Western Tigray . Offensives of joint ENDF-Amhara Region-Eritrean forces into Tigray were facilitated by the intervention of "Pterosaurus" drones , launched by the United Arab Emirates from its base in Assab , Eritrea. The Chinese-made, armed drones bombed Tigrayan artillery and weapons depots. In

16380-466: Was signed, Ethiopian and Tigrayan military officials – primarily, ENDF Chief of Staff Birhanu Jula and Tigray Defence Forces (TDF) Commander-in-Chief Tadesse Werede – met for a new set of talks in Nairobi , Kenya, in order to discuss restoring humanitarian access to the Tigray Region, as well as the process of Tigrayan disarmament. On 12 November, they signed a declaration reaffirming their commitment to

16510-402: Was signed, that "this moment is not the end of the peace process. Implementation of the peace agreement signed today is critical for its success." Uhuru Kenyatta said that "the lasting solution can only be through political engagement and being able to accommodate our differences," but cautioned that "the devil will be in the implementation." Rama Yade , French politician and senior director at

16640-525: Was the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), led by Meles Zenawi , who was the prime minister of Ethiopia until his death in 2012. He was succeeded by Deputy Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn , the chairman of the Southern Ethiopian People's Democratic Movement (SEPDM), a coalition member. On 15 February 2018, Hailemariam announced his resignation as both prime minister and chairman of

16770-446: Was to initiate a warming of relations with Eritrea , a long-time rival of the TPLF, to end a 20-year long border conflict . While this decision was considered a cause of celebration at the time, many within the Tigray Region were heavily critical of this, seeing it as a betrayal of those who died in the 1998–2000 war . The TPLF condemned the peace initiatives, saying they were hastily made, had "fundamental flaws", and also claimed it

16900-451: Was to sever a portion of National Highway A1, a vital trade route for landlocked Ethiopia, linking the capital of Addis Ababa to the Port of Djibouti , from which most of its petroleum products are imported. Following the TDF's counter-attack on two districts of his region, the Amhara regional President, Agegnehu Teshager, called for the total mobilisation of all people of all ages who are armed in

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