Smart Power: Between Diplomacy and War is a 2013 book written by Christian Whiton with a foreword by Paula Dobriansky . Both were diplomats in the George W. Bush administration .
73-527: The book is Whiton's attempt to articulate a realistic defense strategy for major contemporary threats to U.S. national security, with an emphasis on using smart power , which he defines as "the neglected tools of statecraft that lie between diplomacy and outright war." Whiton includes personal accounts from the Bush administration and critiques of foreign policy in the Obama administration to illustrate what he believes to be
146-563: A "centrist" think tank by U.S. News & World Report . The center hosts the Statesmen's Forum, a bipartisan venue for international leaders to present their views. Past speakers have included United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and National Security Advisor Tom Donilon . The center also conducts the CSIS-Schieffer School Dialogues, a series of multiple discussions hosted by Bob Schieffer of CBS News , and
219-510: A case for action using smart power strategy. The report states that the central theme of our strategic communications campaign should be education of our nation in our values as a democratic nation and in the nature of the threats our nation faces today. Of all the tools at the disposal of smart power strategists in the United States, experts suggest that the U.N. is the most critical. The Center for Strategic and International Studies issued
292-570: A cooperative relationship with Turkey and working to clarify misunderstandings through smart power, Turkey could eventually become the bridge between the East and the West. A smart power approach to U.S.-Turkish relations will expand the leadership role of Turkey in the region and increases its strategic importance to NATO. Condoleezza Rice , Bush's Secretary of State, coined the term " Transformational Diplomacy " to denote Bush's policy to promote democracy through
365-598: A force for good in the world", according to its website. CSIS is officially a bipartisan think tank with scholars that represent varying points of view across the political spectrum . It is known for inviting well-known foreign policy and public service officials from the U.S. Congress and the executive branch , including those affiliated with either the Democratic or the Republican Party as well as foreign officials of varying political backgrounds. It has been labeled
438-461: A happy warrior himself, confident that the next Harry Truman or Ronald Reagan is out there and that "American voters will find them eventually.'" In the Huffington Post , James Farwell summarized, "Whiton is a member of what I call the hard-nosed school of realism. He advocates the use of kinetic means if essential, but mostly he favors a tough-minded approach that challenges those who oppose
511-453: A hard power component. In developing relationships with the mainstream Muslim world, however, soft power resources are necessary and the use of hard power would have damaging effects. According to Chester A. Crocker , smart power "involves the strategic use of diplomacy, persuasion, capacity building, and the projection of power and influence in ways that are cost-effective and have political and social legitimacy" – essentially
584-483: A hard power driven strategy. "Transformational diplomacy" stands at odds with "smart power," which utilizes hard and soft power resources based on the situation. The Obama administration's foreign policy was based on smart power strategy, attempting to strike a balance between defense and diplomacy. In an interview with the Boston Globe , interviewer Anna Mundow, questioned Joseph Nye over the criticism that smart power
657-544: A keynote address on "U.S. Strategic Engagement with North Africa in an Era of Change," that addressed the security of embassies in the wake of the 2012 Benghazi attack . CSIS hosts more than 350 students and professionals every year for variety of seminars and programming. CSIS also offers a master program in international relations in collaboration with the Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs at Syracuse University . The Project on Nuclear Issues ( PONI )
730-480: A lack of U.S. smart power acumen. Whiton also draws heavily from the Cold War and other points in history to illustrate successful smart power. He adapts these tools to current threats, which he argues are primarily composed of Iran , China , and Islamism . Whiton also addresses the politics of national security, critiquing prominent figures on both the political left and the right. One reviewer summarized, "He defines
803-463: A more recent article for CNN, she has criticized the Trump administration for its "tunnel-vision" foreign policy that neglects both soft power and smart power. She writes: "..Trump seems oblivious toward the brand value of what Joseph Nye has called the 'soft power' that comes from projecting appealing aspects of American society and character abroad. He is also indifferent to my own concept of 'smart power,'or
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#1733318321343876-415: A new vision for the future of American foreign policy. Carpenter fears that America's domestic interests will be sacrificed in favor of global interests through smart power. Essentially, interventionist foreign policies advocated by U.S. smart power strategies undercut domestic liberties. Center for Strategic and International Studies The Center for Strategic and International Studies ( CSIS )
949-456: A platform for high-profile figures to make important statements about international relations issues. For example, in September 2019, former National Security Advisor John Bolton delivered his first speech since leaving office at CSIS, and used the opportunity to be highly critical of US policy towards North Korea . In 2012, CSIS hosted U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton as she delivered
1022-458: A professorship. He decided to teach part-time at Georgetown University 's Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service and to make CSIS the base for his Washington operations, over offers to teach at Yale , Penn , Columbia , and Oxford . Kissinger's decision to become affiliated with the Washington-based institution attracted more public attention for the center than virtually any event in
1095-530: A project in early 1990 that, to some, seemed removed from traditional strategic and international concerns. The idea that America should focus on its problems at home to strengthen its role abroad evolved into the Commission on the Strengthening of America, chaired by Senator Sam Nunn and Senator Pete Domenici . David Abshire saw the commission as a way to examine and improve upon economic policy, coming to
1168-578: A report, Investing in a New Multilateralism , in January 2009 to outline the role of the United Nations as an instrument of U.S. smart power strategy. The report suggests that in an increasingly multipolar world, the UN cannot be discarded as outdated and must be regarded as an essential tool to thinking strategically about the new multilateralism that our nation faces. An effective smart power strategy will align
1241-513: A senior vice president at CSIS, was quoted describing the organization's "number one goal" as "hav[ing] impact on policy." Defending the organization from claims that it had inappropriately engaged in lobbying on behalf of U.S. defense contractors, CEO John Hamre was quoted in 2016 as saying, "We strongly believe in our model of seeking solutions to some of our country's most difficult problems.... We gather stakeholders, vet ideas, find areas of agreement and highlight areas of disagreement." In 2024,
1314-525: A small brick townhouse located at 1316 36th Street. The first professional staff member hired was Richard V. Allen who later served in the Reagan administration . At a conference held in the Hall of Nations at Georgetown University in January 1963, the center developed its blueprint for its intellectual agenda. The book that emerged from the conference, National Security: Political, Military and Economic Strategies in
1387-425: A theory to smart power in practice. Applying smart power today requires great difficulty, since it operates in an environment of asymmetric threats, ranging from cybersecurity to terrorism. These threats exist in a dynamic international environment, adding yet another challenge to the application of smart power strategy. In order to effectively address asymmetric threats arising in a dynamic international environment,
1460-494: Is a program hosted by the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) to advance the public debate about the future role nuclear technology will play on the world stage. Created in 2003 with support from a few government agencies and private donations, PONI has two stated goals. First, it seeks to "build and sustain a networked community of young nuclear experts from the military, the national laboratories, industry, academia, and
1533-739: Is an American think tank based in Washington, D.C. From its founding in 1962 until 1987, it was an affiliate of Georgetown University , initially named the Center for Strategic and International Studies of Georgetown University . The center conducts policy studies and strategic analyses of political, economic and security issues throughout the world, with a focus on issues concerning international relations , trade, technology, finance, energy and geostrategy . Since its founding, CSIS "has been dedicated to finding ways to sustain American prominence and prosperity as
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#17333183213431606-530: Is defined by the Center for Strategic and International Studies as "an approach that underscores the necessity of a strong military, but also invests heavily in alliances, partnerships, and institutions of all levels to expand one's influence and establish legitimacy of one's action." Joseph Nye , former Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs under the Clinton administration and author of several books on smart power strategy, suggests that
1679-450: Is especially true as the human infrastructure necessary to support a nuclear stockpile at the envisioned level of 1700-2200 operational warheads is not appreciably smaller than that necessary to support one at current levels. The challenge is therefore to maintain a smaller, but still vibrant, community of nuclear experts." Clark A. Murdock started PONI when it was widely recognized that the nuclear community faced an impending crisis. With
1752-507: Is not Whiton's specific proposals that make this a valuable book; it is his analyses of today's foreign policy challenges and our bureaucratic failings in meeting them. His portrait of the Foreign Service is etched in acid, and his description of the jumble of agencies and offices supposedly handling political warfare when they oppose even the idea that we should engage in this type of combat is effective and therefore depressing. But he seems
1825-513: Is often difficult. The cyber domain, for instance, presents an extremely nebulous concept. Hence, the challenge will be conceptualizing asymmetric threats before formulating a legal framework. The inability to promote smart power approaches because of organizational failures within agencies presents another obstacle to successful smart power implementation. Agencies often lack either the appropriate authority or resources to employ smart power. The only way to give smart power long-term sustainability
1898-406: Is that the problems are more cultural than structural, and that something more than a simple rearrangement of the bureaucracy is required." However, Bolton wrote favorably that, "His policy critiques are worthwhile, but what really shines is his version of Gulliver's Travels through the national security bureaucracy. His journey is of course unique, but it reflects larger patterns and failures within
1971-463: Is the friendly face of American imperialism . By the same token, the Bush doctrine has also been criticized for being "imperialistic," by focusing on American power over partnerships with the rest of the world. Joseph Nye defends smart power by noting that criticism often stems from a misunderstanding of the smart power theory. Nye himself designed the theory to apply to any nation of any size, not just
2044-633: Is the probability of success? Since the period of Pax Britannica (1815–1914) the foreign relations of the United Kingdom has employed a combination of influence and coercion in international relations. The term smart power emerged in the past decade, but the concept of smart power has much earlier roots in the history of the United States and is a popular notion in international relations today. We must use what has been called smart power---the full range of tools at our disposal---diplomatic, economic, military, political, legal, and cultural---picking
2117-568: Is to address these organizational failures and promote the coordination and accessibility of hard and soft power resources. With the ongoing financial crisis, the dire need for financial resources presents a critical obstacle to the implementation of smart power. According to Secretary Gates, 'there is a need for a dramatic increase in spending on the civilian instruments of national security---diplomacy, strategic communications, foreign assistance, civic action, and economic reconstruction and development." In order to successfully implement smart power,
2190-614: The Associated Press , Reuters , Agence France Presse and Bloomberg News . They have also appeared in online media such as The Huffington Post and Summit News , WSJ Live and were regular guests on the PBS NewsHour , NPR 's Morning Edition and other policy-focused interview shows such as the Charlie Rose Show . CSIS also has its own YouTube channel, which regularly posts short videos and infographics about
2263-614: The British Armed Forces , foreign relations and economic considerations to defeat the UK's enemies. In recent years, some scholars have sought to differentiate smart power further from soft power, while also including military posture and other tools of statecraft as part of a broad smart power philosophy. Christian Whiton , a State Department official during the George W. Bush administration , recalled U.S. political influence activities from
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2336-461: The Cold War , including CIA -backed programs like the Congress for Cultural Freedom , and called for adapting these to contemporary challenges to the U.S. posed by China, Iran, and Islamists. According to "Dealing with Today's Asymmetric Threat to U.S. and Global Security", a symposium sponsored by CACI , an effective smart power strategy faces multiple challenges in transitioning from smart power as
2409-533: The International Monetary Fund , the World Bank as well as global health and the environmental and societal effects of climate change . These issues merged into CSIS's mission to complement its traditional focus on international security issues. Up to the present day, CSIS has been dedicated to finding ways to sustain American prominence and prosperity as a force for good in the world, according to
2482-766: The United Arab Emirates had donated a sum greater than $ 1 million to the organization. Additionally, CSIS has received an undisclosed amount of funding from Japan through the government-funded Japan External Trade Organization, as well as from Norway. After being contacted by the Times , CSIS released a list of foreign state donors, listing 13 governments including those of Germany and China. The Center for Strategic and International Studies CSIS lists major funding from defense contractors such as Northrop Grumman , Lockheed Martin , Boeing , General Dynamics , Raytheon Company and General Atomics . Significant funding has come from
2555-482: The Bush administration. Nye notes that smart power strategy denotes the ability to combine hard and soft power depending on whether hard or soft power would be more effective in a given situation. He states that many situations require soft power; however, in stopping North Korea's nuclear weapons program, for instance, hard power might be more effective than soft power. In the words of the Financial Times , "to win
2628-538: The CSIS website. In 2013, CSIS moved from its K Street headquarters to a new location on Rhode Island Avenue in Washington, D.C. The new building cost $ 100 million to build and has a studio for media interviews and room to host conferences, events, lectures and discussions. The building is located in Washington, D.C.'s Dupont Circle neighborhood and will earn LEED Platinum Certification. In 2015, H. Andrew Schwartz ,
2701-482: The Center was designated as an " undesirable organization " in Russia. For fiscal year 2013, CSIS had an operating revenue of US$ 32.3 million. The sources were 32% corporate, 29% foundation, 19% government, 9% individuals, 5% endowment, and 6% other. CSIS had operating expenses of $ 32.2 million for 2013—78% for programs, 16% for administration, and 6% for development. In September 2014, The New York Times reported that
2774-525: The Decade Ahead , was more than one thousand pages long. The book set out a framework for discussing national security and defined areas of agreement and disagreement within the Washington foreign policy community during the Cold War . The book argued for a strategic perspective on global affairs and also defined a school of thought within international relations studies for that period. The practitioners of this school of thought subsequently made their way to
2847-578: The Global Security Forum, which has featured keynote addresses by Defense Department officials, including former Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel . The center was founded in 1962 by Arleigh Burke and David Manker Abshire . It originally was part of Georgetown University . It officially opened its doors on September 4, shortly before the Cuban Missile Crisis . The original office was located one block away from Georgetown's campus in
2920-599: The State Department and beyond." Elliott Abrams , who was a deputy national security advisor in the George W. Bush administration, was critical of what he called Whiton's "habit of attacking potential allies—for example, neoconservatives —and Whiton writes of 'neoconservatives on the right and moralists on the left [who] call for intervention at the drop of a hat' and 'whose sole solution to foreign problems so often seems to be sideshow wars.'" However, Abrams also wrote that "it
2993-413: The U.S. budget needs to be rebalanced so that non-military foreign affairs programs receive more funding. Sacrificing defense spending will, however, be met with stalwart resistance. "Asymmetries of perception," according to the report, are a major obstacle to strategic communications. A long-term smart power strategy will mitigate negative perceptions by discussing the nature of these threats and making
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3066-510: The U.S. through savvy peaceful means that achieve well-defined political objectives -- what the military thinks of as 'end-states'—while avoiding unnecessary bloodshed." However, Farwell disagreed with some of Whiton's conclusions, including over non-intervention in Rwanda to stop genocide in the mid-1990s. Smart power In international relations , the term smart power refers to the combination of hard power and soft power strategies. It
3139-415: The United States as the world's sole superpower . It signified a degree of institutional maturation and prestige that the founders had not imagined when they founded the center in the early 1960s. After the end of the Cold War , there emerged a suspicion in Washington that the United States was not as well equipped as it ought to be to compete in the international economy. This outlook drove CSIS to set up
3212-479: The United States. It was meant to be a more sophisticated method of thinking about power in the context of the information age and post-9/11 world.19 President Obama defined his vision for U.S. leadership as "not in the spirit of a patron but the spirit of a partner." Ken Adelman , in an article entitled "Not-So-Smart Power," argues that there is no correlation between U.S. aid and the ability of America to positively influence events abroad. He points out that
3285-791: The conclusion that the White House should reorganize the Executive Office of the President to include a National Economic Council with a national economic adviser on the model of the National Security Council . This new focus on economic policy led CSIS to increase its research focus on international economics and issues concerning the North American Free Trade Agreement , the World Trade Organization ,
3358-402: The creation of the White House's foreign policy. "For the last four years, every Friday afternoon, I've asked my staff to prepare me a reading binder for the weekend," said National Security Advisor Tom Donilon "The task is to go out and try to find the most interesting things that they can find with respect to national security issues [and] almost every week, there are products from CSIS." Within
3431-602: The engagement of both military force and all forms of diplomacy. The origin of the term "smart power" is under debate and has been attributed to both Suzanne Nossel and Joseph Nye . Suzanne Nossel, Deputy to Ambassador Holbrooke at the United Nations during the Clinton administration, is credited with coining the term in an article in Foreign Affairs entitled, "Smart Power: Reclaiming Liberal Internationalism", in 2004. In
3504-430: The essence of 'smart power' as 'peacefully shaping political outcomes in foreign countries,' a skill no recent presidency has mastered." Lewis Lehrman , a Reagan administration official, favorably reviewed Smart Power , writing, "This book should be read by every unselfconscious, unapologetic patriot, whether conservative or liberal. Libertarians, too, will find the analysis useful to their purposes. And it should be on
3577-540: The fields of finance, oil & gas, private equity, real estate, academia and media. CSIS' 220 full-time staff and its large network of affiliated scholars conduct to develop policy proposals and initiatives that address current issues in international relations . In 2012, CSIS had a staff of 63 program staffers, 73 scholars and 80 interns. The center also worked with 241 affiliate advisors and fellows as well as 202 advisory board members and senior counselors. CSIS has broadened its reach into public policy analysis under
3650-467: The formal affiliation between Georgetown and CSIS ended on July 1, 1987. The center became an incorporated nonprofit organization to raise its endowment and expand its programs to focus on emerging regions of the world. The work of the trustees and counselors with the center after the dissolution of the Soviet Union in the 1980s left CSIS in a unique position to develop the nation's foreign policy with
3723-401: The friction, and its report stated that CSIS was more focused on the media than to scholarly research and recommended that CSIS be formally separated from Georgetown University. On October, 17, 1986, Georgetown University's board of directors voted to sever all ties with CSIS. The Center for Strategic and International Studies was incorporated in Washington, D.C. on December 29, 1986, and
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#17333183213433796-423: The future of international affairs in the region. The Center for Strategic and International Studies , in "Smart Power in U.S.-China Relations," offers recommendations for building a cooperative strategic relationship between the U.S. and China through smart power strategy. Rather than relying on unilateral action, the U.S. and China should combine their smart power resources to promote the global good and enhance
3869-671: The governments of the United States, Japan, Taiwan, and the United Arab Emirates. CSIS undertakes numerous programs and projects each with its own unique missions and interests. The Defense-Industrial Initiatives Group, for instance, provides research into the defense industry on behalf of government and corporate customers. The Global Health Policy Center focuses on U.S. engagements in HIV , tuberculosis , malaria , polio , and other high priorities, especially their intersection with U.S. national security interests. CSIS has often provided
3942-401: The imperative to engage a broad range of tools of statecraft, from diplomacy to aid to private sector engagement to military intervention." Joseph Nye , however, claims that smart power is a term he introduced in 2003 "to counter the misperception that soft power alone can produce effective foreign policy." He created the term to name an alternative to the hard power-driven foreign policy of
4015-517: The interests of the U.S. and the UN, thereby effectively addressing threats to peace and security, climate change, global health, and humanitarian operations. As announced by Secretary of State Hillary Clinton in November 2011, the United States will begin to shift its attention to the Asia-Pacific region, making the strategic relationship between the U.S. and China of supreme importance in determining
4088-529: The interests of the U.S. and the region while promoting the global good. The Obama administration continually stresses the importance of smart power strategy in relations with the Middle East and especially Turkey due to its increasing leadership role as a regional soft power . As not only an Islamic democratic nation but also the only Muslim member of NATO , Turkey's leverage in the region could inspire other nations to follow in its footsteps. By establishing
4161-562: The leadership of Hamre and Nunn. The Department of Defense, as part of the 2012 National Defense Authorization Act , commissioned CSIS to conduct an independent assessment of U.S. interests in the Asia-Pacific Region. Also, in May 2009, President Barack Obama thanked the CSIS bipartisan Commission on Cybersecurity for its help in developing the Obama administration 's policies on cyber warfare . The center has also been highly influential in
4234-502: The most effective strategies in foreign policy today require a mix of hard and soft power resources. Employing only hard power or only soft power in a given situation will usually prove inadequate. Nye utilizes the example of terrorism , arguing that combatting terrorism demands smart power strategy. He advises that simply utilizing soft power resources to change the hearts and minds of the Taliban government would be ineffective and requires
4307-418: The nations who receive the most foreign aid, such as Egypt and Pakistan , are no more in tune with American values than those who receive less or no U.S. foreign aid. Overall, he criticizes the instruments of smart power, such as foreign aid and exchange programs, for being ineffective in achieving American national interests. In the application of smart power in U.S. strategy, Ted Galen Carpenter, author of
4380-399: The new context of power diffusion and the 'rise of the rest.'" A successful smart power strategy will provide answers to the following questions: 1) What goals or outcomes are preferred? 2) What resources are available and in which contexts? 3) What are the positions and preferences of the targets of attempts at influence? 4) Which forms of power behavior are most likely to succeed? 5) What
4453-428: The peace and security of the region. The report recommends the following policy objectives: implement an aggressive engagement agenda, launch an action agenda on energy and climate, and institute a new dialogue on finance and economics. Overall, the report suggests that U.S.-Sino relations should be pursued without the black-and-white view of China as either benign or hostile, but rather, as a partner necessary in serving
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#17333183213434526-496: The peace, therefore, the US will have to show as much skill in exercising soft power as it has in using hard power to win the war." Smart power addresses multilateralism and enhances foreign policy. A successful smart power narrative for the United States in the twenty-first century, Nye argues, will not obsess over power maximization or the preservation of hegemony. Rather, it will find "ways to combine resources into successful strategies in
4599-507: The pinnacles of U.S. policymaking, particularly during the Nixon, Ford and Reagan administrations. By the mid to late 1970s, many scholars who worked at the center had found their way to senior positions in government in the Department of State or Department of Defense. When Henry Kissinger retired from his position as U.S. Secretary of State in 1977, Harvard University declined to offer him
4672-546: The policy community." Second, "[work] to contribute to the debate and leadership on nuclear issues by generating new ideas and discussions among both its members and the public-at-large." Regarding its philosophy, the PONI public website states: "Perhaps the most critical challenge in sustaining the US nuclear deterrent after the end of the Cold War is maintaining the human infrastructure necessary to support US nuclear capabilities. This
4745-660: The preceding fifteen years. Following Kissinger's involvement, other cabinet-level officials, including James Schlesinger , Bill Brock , William J. Crowe , and Harold Brown , joined CSIS in the late 1970s. When Zbigniew Brzezinski joined the center in 1981 after the end of the Carter administration , he worked on issues related to the Soviet Union and Poland's transition to a market economy . The arrangements for these senior government officials allowed them to write, lecture, and consult with media and business firms, and are typical of
4818-507: The reading list of every potential candidate who aspires to replace the incumbent president." However, Lehrman criticized "Whiton's derisive treatment of Ron Paul ." Writing for the Claremont Review of Books , John R. Bolton , a former U.S. ambassador to the United Nations , questioned Whiton's focus on reform of the national security apparatus: "Readers can agree or disagree with Christian Whiton's recommendations for reform. My own view
4891-574: The right tool, or combination of tools, for each situation. With smart power, diplomacy will be the vanguard of foreign policy. The UK government Strategic Defence and Security Review 2015 was based on a combination of hard power and soft power strategies. Following the Poisoning of Sergei and Yulia Skripal in 2018, the National Security Review described a "fusion doctrine", that will combine resources from British intelligence agencies ,
4964-449: The symposium suggests addressing the following factors: rule of law , organizational roadblocks, financing smart power, and strategic communications. In order to implement smart power approaches on both a domestic and international level, the United States must develop a legal framework for the use of smart power capabilities. Developing a legal foundation for smart power, however, demands a clear concept of these asymmetric threats, which
5037-714: The think tank's work. The chairman of the board of trustees is Thomas Pritzker , who is also chairman and chief executive officer of The Pritzker Organization. He is also executive chairman of Hyatt Hotels Corporation and serves on the board of directors of Royal Caribbean Cruises Ltd. Former U.S. Deputy Secretary of Defense John J. Hamre has been the president and chief executive officer of CSIS since April 2000. The board of trustees has included former senior government officials, including Henry Kissinger , Zbigniew Brzezinski , William Cohen , George Argyros , and Brent Scowcroft . The board also includes major U.S. corporate business leaders as well as prominent figures in
5110-569: The way CSIS can incorporate high-level policymakers when they leave government. During the 1970s and 1980s, a myriad of think tanks either expanded operations or emerged in Washington, D.C., representing a range of ideological positions and specialized policy interests. In 1986, several Georgetown University professors criticized CSIS staff members for giving academically unsupported assessments of foreign policy issues during public interviews. Donations to Georgetown University decreased because of its association with CSIS. A special committee studied
5183-544: The widespread and rapid retirement of nuclear scientists and experts from the national laboratories, private industry, and the government. His study Revitalizing the U.S. Nuclear Deterrent , co-authored with Michèle Flournoy , documented these concerns with shocking clarity. Clark initiated PONI out of concern about the future leadership and expertise of the nuclear community. CSIS publishes books, reports, newsletters, and commentaries targeted at decision makers in policy, government, business, and academia. Primarily it publishes
5256-425: The work Smart Power' , criticizes U.S. foreign policy for failing to question outdated alliances, such as NATO. Carpenter articulated his disapproval of interventionist foreign policy , saying, "America does not need to be — and should not aspire to be — a combination global policeman and global social worker." Rather than utilizing antiquated institutions, the U.S. should rethink certain alliances in arriving at
5329-470: The work of its experts in a specific topic or area of focus in global affairs, including: CSIS scholars have published op-eds in The New York Times , The Wall Street Journal , The Financial Times , Foreign Policy , Foreign Affairs and The Washington Post . CSIS experts were quoted or cited thousands of times by the print and online press and appeared frequently in major newswires like
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