69-522: The Railway Nationalization Act ( 鉄道国有法 , Tetsudō Kokuyū-hō , Act No. 17 of 1906) was a law enacted by the Diet of Japan that brought many of Japan 's private railway lines under national control . The 22nd Diet passed the bill on March 27, 1906 and Emperor Meiji signed on March 30, 1906. The promulgation of the act on the Official Gazette occurred the next day. The Act was repealed by Article 110 of
138-448: A quorum and deliberations are in public unless at least two-thirds of those present agree otherwise. Each house elects its own presiding officer who casts the deciding vote in the event of a tie. The Diet has parliamentary immunity . Members of each house have certain protections against arrest while the Diet is in session and arrested members must be released during the term of the session if
207-622: A bill must be first passed by both houses of the Diet and then promulgated by the Emperor . This role of the Emperor is similar to the Royal Assent in some other nations; however, the Emperor cannot refuse to promulgate a law and therefore his legislative role is merely a formality. The House of Representatives is the more powerful chamber of the Diet. While the House of Representatives cannot usually overrule
276-406: A different method; the main difference between the houses is in the sizes of the two groups and how they are elected. Voters are also asked to cast two votes: one for an individual candidate in a constituency, and one for a party list. Any national of Japan at least 18 years of age may vote in these elections, reduced from age 20 in 2016. Japan's parallel voting system ( mixed-member majoritarian )
345-436: A divisor of 8 (7 seats + 1 per the method's divisor formula) instead of 1. The resulting table would then give 7 seats for Scotland and 4 seats for Wales to the parties possessing the highest averages on the table, although both devolved parliaments do not use a table, instead using a sequential method. The compensatory effect characteristic of MMP is in the fact that a party that won constituency seats would have lower averages on
414-484: A longtime supporter of MMP. The Green Party of Canada has generally been a staunch supporter of a move to a proportional electoral system. In June 2016, the Canadian House of Commons Special Committee on Electoral Reform was formed to examine potential changes to the voting system with MMP being one of the options examined. The committee presented its report to Parliament on 1 December of the same year. In early 2017,
483-658: A member with a 'safe' constituency seat is therefore a tremendous asset to a minor party in New Zealand. In elections for the Scottish Parliament, there is no threshold set, because the district magnitude of each electoral region is small enough to impose an inherent threshold in the seat distribution calculations. The following countries currently have MMP representation. Countries which nominally use or have used MMP, but in practice had highly disproportional representation or it as otherwise not implemented are discussed in
552-433: A nationwide representative, parties may be required to achieve a minimum number of constituency seats, a minimum percentage of the nationwide party vote, or both. MMP differs from mixed-member majoritarian representation (often achieved by parallel voting ) in that the nationwide seats are allocated to political parties in a compensatory manner in order to achieve proportional election results across all seats (not just
621-565: A party must earn at least a certain percentage of the total party vote, or no candidates will be elected from the party list. Candidates having won a constituency will still have won their seat. In New Zealand the threshold is 5%, in Bolivia 3%, in Germany 5% for elections for federal parliament and most state parliaments. A party can also be eligible for list seats if it wins at least three constituency seats in Germany, or at least one in New Zealand. Having
690-597: A party wins too many constituency seats. The problem of ticket splitting strategies can be solved either by eliminating at least one of the two mechanisms that create the opportunity for abuse: This sort of strategy for a coalition of parties to capture a larger share of list seats may be adopted formally as a strategy. By way of example, in Albania's 2005 parliamentary election , the two main parties did not expect to win any list seats, so they encouraged voters to use their list votes for allied minor parties. This tactic distorted
759-477: A result of these early conflicts, public opinion of politicians was not favorable. The Imperial Diet consisted of a House of Representatives and a House of Peers ( 貴族院 , Kizoku-in ) . The House of Representatives was directly elected, if on a limited franchise; universal adult male suffrage was introduced in 1925 when the Universal Manhood Suffrage Law was passed, but excluded women, and
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#1732848438827828-405: A secret ballot. It also insists that the electoral law must not discriminate in terms of "race, creed, sex, social status, family origin, education, property or income". Generally, the election of Diet members is controlled by statutes passed by the Diet. This is a source of contention concerning re-apportionment of prefectures' seats in response to changes of population distribution. For example,
897-621: Is a type of representation provided by some mixed electoral systems which combine local winner-take-all elections with a compensatory tier with party lists , in a way that produces proportional representation overall. Like proportional representation , MMP is not a single system, but a principle and goal of several similar systems. Some systems designed to achieve proportionality are still called mixed-member proportional, even if they generally fall short of full proportionality. In this case, they provide semi-proportional representation . In typical MMP systems, voters get two votes: one to decide
966-526: Is called MMP, while in other countries similar systems are known under other names. The seat linkage compensatory mixed system often referred to as MMP originates in Germany , and was later adopted with modifications under the name of MMP in New Zealand. In Germany, where is was differentiated from a different compensatory mixed system it was always known as personalized proportional representation (PPR) ( German : personalisiertes Verhältniswahlrecht ). Since
1035-420: Is not to be confused with the mixed-member proportional systems used in many other nations. The Constitution of Japan does not specify the number of members of each house of the Diet, the voting system, or the necessary qualifications of those who may vote or be returned in parliamentary elections , thus allowing all of these things to be determined by law. However it does guarantee universal adult suffrage and
1104-506: Is the national legislature of Japan . It is composed of a lower house, called the House of Representatives ( 衆議院 , Shūgiin ), and an upper house, the House of Councillors ( 参議院 , Sangiin ). Both houses are directly elected under a parallel voting system . In addition to passing laws, the Diet is formally responsible for nominating the Prime Minister . The Diet was first established as
1173-603: Is the number of constituency seats that party won, so that the additional seats are compensatory (top-up). If a party wins more FPTP seats than the proportional quota received by the party-list vote, these surplus seats are called overhang seats ( Überhangmandate in German), which may be an obstacle to achieving full proportionality. When a party wins more constituency seats than it would be entitled to from its proportion of (party list) votes, most systems allow for these overhang seats to be kept by those candidates who earned it in
1242-648: The 2008 New Zealand general election the Māori Party won 2.4% of the party vote, which would entitle them to 3 seats in the House, but won 5 constituency seats, leaving an overhang of 2 seats, which resulted in a 122-member house. If the party vote for the Māori Party had been more in proportion with the constituency seats won, there would have been a normal 120-member house. To combat disproportionalities caused by overhang seats, in most German states leveling seats ( Ausgleichsmandate in German) are added to compensate for
1311-665: The Cabinet Legislation Bureau of the government, as well as to the ruling party. Japan's first modern legislature was the Imperial Diet ( 帝国議会 , Teikoku-gikai ) established by the Meiji Constitution in force from 1889 to 1947. The Meiji Constitution was adopted on February 11, 1889, and the Imperial Diet first met on November 29, 1890, when the document entered into force. The first Imperial Diet of 1890
1380-580: The Constitution describes the National Diet as "the highest organ of State power" and "the sole law-making organ of the State". This statement is in forceful contrast to the Meiji Constitution , which described the Emperor as the one who exercised legislative power with the consent of the Diet. The Diet's responsibilities include not only the making of laws but also the approval of the annual national budget that
1449-598: The Kurokawa decision of 1976, invalidating an election in which one district in Hyōgo Prefecture received five times the representation of another district in Osaka Prefecture . In recent elections the malapportionment ratio amounted to 4.8 in the House of Councillors (census 2005: Ōsaka/Tottori; election 2007: Kanagawa/Tottori ) and 2.3 in the House of Representatives (election 2009: Chiba 4/Kōchi 3). Candidates for
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#17328484388271518-592: The Liberal Democratic Party had controlled Japan for most of its post-war history, and it gained much of its support from rural areas. During the post-war era, large numbers of people were relocating to the urban centers in the seeking of wealth; though some re-apportionments have been made to the number of each prefecture's assigned seats in the Diet, rural areas generally have more representation than do urban areas. The Supreme Court of Japan began exercising judicial review of apportionment laws following
1587-628: The South Wales West region, and every election in the South Wales Central region apart from the 2003 election. This situation arises because Labour has continued to hold the overwhelming majority of constituency seats in these regions, and only around one-third of the total number of seats are available for distribution as additional regional seats. ( MMM ) ( Gallagher ) number of overhang seats As in numerous proportional systems , in order to be eligible for list seats in many MMP models,
1656-578: The United Kingdom the sometimes less proportional implementation of MMP used in Scotland and the London Assembly is referred to as the additional member system . In South Africa, MMP is generally referred to as a "mixed-system". The Scandinavian countries have a long history of using both multi-member districts (members elected through party-list PR) and nationally-based compensatory top-up seats using
1725-522: The advice of the Cabinet . In an emergency the Cabinet can convoke the Diet for an extraordinary session, and an extraordinary session may be requested by one-quarter of the members of either house. At the beginning of each parliamentary session, the Emperor reads a special speech from his throne in the chamber of the House of Councillors. The presence of one-third of the membership of either house constitutes
1794-611: The representative for their single-seat constituency , and one for a political party, but some countries use single vote variants . Seats in the legislature are filled first by the successful constituency candidates, and second, by party candidates based on the percentage of nationwide or region-wide votes that each party received. The constituency representatives are usually elected using first-past-the-post voting (FPTP). The nationwide or regional party representatives are, in most jurisdictions, drawn from published party lists , similar to party-list proportional representation . To gain
1863-410: The "best near-winner" method in a four-region model, where the regional members are the local candidates of the under-represented party in that region who received the most votes in their local constituency without being elected in it ( Zweitmandat , literally "second mandate"). At the regional or national level (i.e. above the constituency level) several different calculation methods have been used, but
1932-1237: The Act for Enforcement of Japanese National Railways Reform Act Etc. (Act No. 93 of 1986). The original bill which passed the House of Representatives on March 16, 1906 listed 32 private railways to be nationalized, but the House of Peers amended the bill removing 15 companies from the list on March 27, 1906 and the House of Representatives accepted this amendment the same day. Between 1906 and 1907, 2,812 miles (4,525 km) of track were purchased from 17 private railway companies. The national railway network grew to about 4,400 miles (7,100 km) of track, and private railways were relegated to providing local and regional services. Diet of Japan Opposition (92) Unaffiliated (9) Vacant (8) Opposition (242) Unaffiliated (2) Naruhito [REDACTED] Fumihito [REDACTED] Shigeru Ishiba ( LDP ) Second Ishiba Cabinet ( LDP – Komeito coalition ) [REDACTED] [REDACTED] Fukushiro Nukaga Kōichirō Genba [REDACTED] Masakazu Sekiguchi Hiroyuki Nagahama Saburo Tokura Kazuo Ueda The National Diet ( Japanese : 国会 , Hepburn : Kokkai )
2001-517: The Diet and the Emperor. This meant that while the Emperor could no longer legislate by decree he still had a veto over the Diet. The Emperor also had complete freedom in choosing the Prime Minister and the Cabinet, and so, under the Meiji Constitution, Prime Ministers often were not chosen from and did not enjoy the confidence of the Diet. The Imperial Diet was also limited in its control over
2070-429: The Diet if the House of Representatives passes a motion of no confidence introduced by fifty members of the House of Representatives. Government officials, including the Prime Minister and Cabinet members , are required to appear before Diet investigative committees and answer inquiries. The Diet also has the power to impeach judges convicted of criminal or irregular conduct. In most circumstances, in order to become law
2139-505: The Government announced that it would accept only some of the committee's recommendations, and would not pursue the issue of electoral reform any further. The pan-European party VOLT Europa proposes transnational mixed-member proportional representation with the combination of Majority Judgment and party-list PR . In other cases, a party may be so certain of winning a large number of constituency seats that it expects no extra seats in
Railway Nationalization Act - Misplaced Pages Continue
2208-418: The House demands. They are immune outside the house for words spoken and votes cast in the House. Each house of the Diet determines its own standing orders and has responsibility for disciplining its own members. A member may be expelled, but only by a two-thirds majority vote. Every member of the Cabinet has the right to appear in either house of the Diet for the purpose of speaking on bills, and each house has
2277-492: The House of Councillors on a bill, the House of Councillors can only delay the adoption of a budget or a treaty that has been approved by the House of Representatives, and the House of Councillors has almost no power at all to prevent the lower house from selecting any Prime Minister it wishes. Furthermore, once appointed it is the confidence of the House of Representatives alone that the Prime Minister must enjoy in order to continue in office. The House of Representatives can overrule
2346-562: The Imperial Diet in 1890 under the Meiji Constitution , and took its current form in 1947 upon the adoption of the post-war constitution . Both houses meet in the National Diet Building ( 国会議事堂 , Kokkai-gijidō ) in Nagatachō , Chiyoda , Tokyo . The houses of the National Diet are both elected under parallel voting systems. This means that the seats to be filled in any given election are divided into two groups, each elected by
2415-1037: The LDP and the Japan Socialist Party (now Social Democratic Party ), which in fact had sponsored the reform. There are three types of sessions of the National Diet: Any session of the National Diet may be cut short by a dissolution of the House of Representatives (衆議院解散, shūgiin kaisan ). In the table, this is listed simply as "(dissolution)"; the House of Councillors or the National Diet as such cannot be dissolved. Mixed-member proportional representation Condorcet methods Positional voting Cardinal voting Quota-remainder methods Approval-based committees Fractional social choice Semi-proportional representation By ballot type Pathological response Strategic voting Paradoxes of majority rule Positive results Mixed-member proportional representation ( MMP or MMPR )
2484-566: The additional seats). Under MMP, two parties that each receive 25% of the votes end up with about 25% of the seats, even if one party wins more constituency seats than the other. Depending on the exact system implemented in a country and the results of a particular election, the proportionality of an election may vary. Overhang seats may reduce the proportionality of the system, although this can be compensated for by allocating additional party list seats to cover any proportionality gap. The specific system of New Zealand for electing its parliament
2553-527: The basic characteristic of the MMP is that the total number of seats in the assembly, including the single-member seats and not only the party-list ones, are allocated to parties proportionally to the number of votes the party received in the party portion of the ballot. This can be done by different apportionment methods : such as the D'Hondt method or the Sainte-Laguë method . Subtracted from each party's allocation
2622-451: The budget. However, the Diet could veto the annual budget. If no budget was approved, the budget of the previous year continued in force. This changed with the new constitution after World War II. The proportional representation system for the House of Councillors, introduced in 1982, was the first major electoral reform under the post-war constitution. Instead of choosing national constituency candidates as individuals, as had previously been
2691-407: The case, voters cast ballots for parties. Individual councillors, listed officially by the parties before the election, are selected on the basis of the parties' proportions of the total national constituency vote. The system was introduced to reduce the excessive money spent by candidates for the national constituencies. Critics charged, however, that this new system benefited the two largest parties,
2760-557: The compensation mechanism was manipulated by decoy lists. Countries with systems which have been confused with mixed-member proportional representation: In March 2004, the Law Commission of Canada proposed a system of MMP, with only 33% of MPs elected from regional open lists, for the House of Commons of Canada but Parliament's consideration of the Report in 2004–05 was stopped after the 2006 election. The New Democratic Party has been
2829-669: The constituency elections. A counter-example would be the In Germany's Bundestag , where constituency winners may not always keep their seats since the latest modification of the electoral law. In an MMP variant used in Romania in the 2008 and 2012 legislative elections , where constituency seats could only be earned by the winning candidate if they also achieved an absolute majority in their district, thereby eliminating overhang seats. In New Zealand House of Representatives , all members elected for constituencies keep their seats. For example, in
Railway Nationalization Act - Misplaced Pages Continue
2898-460: The government submits and the ratification of treaties. It can also initiate draft constitutional amendments, which, if approved, must be presented to the people in a referendum. The Diet may conduct "investigations in relation to government" (Article 62). The Prime Minister must be designated by Diet resolution, establishing the principle of legislative supremacy over executive government agencies (Article 67). The government can also be dissolved by
2967-569: The individual candidate vote in a clearly distinct fashion from open-list systems, it may still be considered mixed-member proportional in the sense of a proportional system having two kinds of MP: one (may be) elected by personal (candidate) votes, one elected by (closed list) votes. Previously, the federal elections used a flexible number of additional compensatory seats, also known as leveling seats , which essentially guaranteed mixed-member proportional representation even with extremely disproportional constituency results, but dramatically increased
3036-467: The lower house must be 25 years old or older and 30 years or older for the upper house. All candidates must be Japanese nationals. Under Article 49 of Japan's Constitution, Diet members are paid about ¥1.3 million a month in salary. Each lawmaker is entitled to employ three secretaries with taxpayer funds, free Shinkansen tickets, and four round-trip airplane tickets a month to enable them to travel back and forth to their home districts. Article 41 of
3105-425: The nature of the calculations used to distribute the regional list seats, overhang seats are not possible; the list allocation works like a mixed-member majoritarian system, but in using the d'Hondt method 's divisors to find the averages for the allocation, the first divisor for each party takes into account the number of constituency seats won by the party; i.e. a party that won 7 constituency seats would start with
3174-464: The next section. Though not all overhang seats are perfectly compensated for, New Zealand is widely considered to be a typical example of mixed-member proportional representation due to the high proportionality of the system (disregarding the electoral threshold). MMP replaced (modified): There are several other countries which attempted to introduce MMP by seat linkage compensation , but either not enough leveling seats were provided to achieve it, or
3243-464: The number of list seats or "overhang" seats, Albania subsequently decided to change to a pure-list system. In an abusive gambit similar to that used in Albania, major parties feeling that they are unlikely to win a large number of list seats because of their advantage at the constituency level might choose to split their party in two, with one subdivision of the party contesting the constituency seats, while
3312-434: The other contests the list seats—assuming this is allowed by electoral law. The two linked parties could then co-ordinate their campaign and work together within the legislature, while remaining legally separate entities. The result of this approach, if it is used by all parties, would be to transform MMP into a de facto parallel voting mechanism . An example could be seen in the 2007 Lesotho general election . In this case
3381-465: The overhang seats and thereby achieve complete proportionality. For example, the provincial parliament ( Landtag ) of North Rhine Westphalia has, instead of the usual 50% compensatory seats, only 29% unless more are needed to balance overhangs. If a party wins more local seats than its proportion of the total vote justifies, the size of the Landtag increases so that the total outcome is fully proportional to
3450-621: The party's regional list: Bavaria uses seven regions for this purpose. A regional open-list method was recommended for the United Kingdom by the Jenkins Commission (where it is known as AMS) and for Canada by the Law Commission of Canada ; neither recommendation was ever implemented. In contrast, the open-list method of MMP was chosen in November 2016 by voters in the 2016 Prince Edward Island electoral reform referendum . In Baden-Württemberg , there were no lists prior to 2022; they used
3519-488: The plurality winner. In German, this localized list system now shares the name of PPR with the mixed systems still used in the federal states of Germany that are referred to as MMP in English. In English, due to this change, the system is no longer considered to be MMP in the sense of a mixed member system combining proportional and majoritarian representation , but it would be a personalized/localized version of PR. As it retains
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#17328484388273588-609: The proportional top-up (list seats). Some voters may therefore seek to achieve double representation by voting tactically for another party in the regional vote, as a vote for their preferred party in the regional vote would be wasted. This tactic is much less effective in MMP models with a relatively large share of list seats (50% in most German states , and 40% in the New Zealand House of Representatives ) and/or ones which add " balancing seats ", leading to fewer opportunities for overhangs and maintaining full proportionality, even when
3657-488: The representative is by default chosen using a single winner method (though this is not strictly necessary), typically first-past-the-post : that is, the candidate with the most votes (plurality) wins. Most systems used closed party lists to elect the non-constituency MPs (also called list MPs). In most jurisdictions, candidates may stand for both a constituency and on a party list (referred to in New Zealand as dual candidacy ). In Wales between 2006 and 2014 dual candidacy
3726-522: The right to compel the appearance of Cabinet members. The vast majority of bills are submitted to the Diet by the Cabinet. Bills are usually drafted by the relevant ministry, sometimes with the advice of an external committee if the issue is sufficiently important or neutrality is necessary. Such advisory committees may include university professors, trade union representatives, industry representatives, and local governors and mayors, and invariably include retired officials. Such draft bills would be sent to
3795-662: The same method as MMP, however because the local MPs are also elected using PR, these systems are not usually considered MMP as they are not mixed systems . As especially mixed electoral systems can be quite different, sometimes there is no consensus on their classification as mixed-member proportional, mixed majoritarian or something between the two. These cases include partially or conditionally compensatory systems such as those of Hungary, Mexico and South Korea, which are typically said to be supermixed systems or partially compensatory systems, but sometimes inaccurately referred to as MMP even though they are highly disproportional. In MMP,
3864-596: The size of the Bundestag. This meant that it was potentially the most proportional MMP system used after the one in New Zealand , where only overhang seats are added back as list seats, which resulted in minor flexibility of the parliament size. In the Canadian province of Quebec , where an MMP model was studied in 2007, it is called the compensatory mixed-member voting system ( système mixte avec compensation or SMAC). In
3933-550: The table than it would if the election used MMM. Because of no provision for overhang seats, there have been cases where a party ended up with fewer total seats than its proportional entitlement. This occurred, for example, in the elections in the South East Wales electoral region in both 2007 ( Welsh Conservatives under-represented) and in 2016 ( Welsh Labour over-represented, Plaid Cymru under-represented). Labour has also been over-represented on this basis in every election in
4002-714: The two leading parties, the Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD) and the All Basotho Convention (ABC) used decoy lists, respectively named the National Independent Party and the Lesotho Workers' Party to avoid the compensatory mechanisms of MMP. As a result, the LCD and its decoy were able to take 69.1% of the seats with only 51.8% of the vote. ABC leader Tom Thabane called the vote "free, but not fair." In
4071-476: The two-vote variant to make local members of parliament (MPs) more personally accountable. Voters can thus vote for the local person they prefer for local MP without regard for party affiliation, since the partisan make-up of the legislature is determined only by the party vote. In the 2017 New Zealand election , 27.33% of voters split their vote (voted for a local candidate of a different party than their party vote) compared to 31.64% in 2014. In each constituency,
4140-470: The upper house in the following circumstances: Under the Constitution, at least one session of the Diet must be convened each year. Technically, only the House of Representatives is dissolved before an election. But, while the lower house is in dissolution, the House of Councillors is usually "closed". The Emperor both convokes the Diet and dissolves the House of Representatives but in doing so must act on
4209-420: The variants used in Germany almost always produce very proportional results, the proportionality is emphasized over the mixed nature of the electoral system, and it is essentially considered a localized or personalized form of PR, used instead of conventional open-list systems . The new modified federal election system does not allow overhang seats at all, therefore not all local districts are guaranteed to elect
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#17328484388274278-407: The voter casts two votes: one for a constituency representative and one for a party. In the original variant used in Germany, citizens gave only one vote, so that voting for a representative automatically meant also voting for the representative's party, which is still used in some MMP elections today and is more robust against tactical voting than typical two-vote versions. Most of Germany changed to
4347-460: The votes, with other parties receiving additional list seats to achieve proportionality. The leveling seats are added to the normal number of seats for the duration of the electoral period. In the German state of Bavaria , the constituency vote and party vote are combined to determine the distribution of seats. Scotland uses a modified variant of MMP known as the additional member system where due to
4416-617: The working of the model to the point that the parties that won list seats were almost always different from the parties that won constituency seats. Only one constituency member was elected from parties that won list seats. The election was condemned by the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe which said it failed to comply with international standards because of "serious irregularities", intimidation, vote-buying and "violence committed by extremists on both sides." Rather than increasing
4485-532: Was a common name for an assembly in medieval European polities like the Holy Roman Empire . The Meiji Constitution was largely based on the form of constitutional monarchy found in nineteenth century Prussia that placed the king not as a servant of the state but rather the sole holder of power and sovereignty over his kingdom, which the Japanese view of their emperor and his role at the time favoured. The new Diet
4554-402: Was banned, i.e. candidates were restricted to contend either for a constituency or for a party list, but not both. If a candidate is on the party list, but wins a constituency seat, they do not receive two seats; they are instead crossed off the party list and the party seat goes to the next candidate down. In Bavaria , the second vote is not simply for the party but for one of the candidates on
4623-487: Was limited to men 25 years or older. The House of Peers, much like the British House of Lords , consisted of high-ranking nobles chosen by the Emperor. The first election by universal suffrage without distinction of sex was held in 1946, but it was not until 1947, when the constitution for post-war Japan came into effect, that universal suffrage was established In Japan. The word diet derives from Latin and
4692-577: Was modeled partly on the German Reichstag and partly on the British Westminster system . Unlike the post-war constitution, the Meiji constitution granted a real political role to the Emperor, although in practice the Emperor's powers were largely directed by a group of oligarchs called the genrō or elder statesmen. To become law or bill, a constitutional amendment had to have the assent of both
4761-560: Was plagued by controversy and political tensions. The Prime Minister of Japan at that time was General Count Yamagata Aritomo , who entered into a confrontation with the legislative body over military funding. During this time, there were many critics of the army who derided the Meiji slogan of "rich country, strong military" as in effect producing a poor country (albeit with a strong military). They advocated for infrastructure projects and lower taxes instead and felt their interests were not being served by high levels of military spending. As
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