The Panama Defense Forces ( Spanish : Fuerzas de Defensa de Panamá ; FFDD), formerly the National Guard (of Panama) ( Spanish : Guardia Nacional ), were the armed forces of the Republic of Panama .
159-564: It was created in 1983, led by Panama's dictator General Manuel Noriega and his general staff. It was dismantled by the United States Armed Forces after the U.S. invasion of Panama in 1989. Before the coup d'état in Panama of 1968 that overthrew President Arnulfo Arias Madrid , the military police were called National Guard. Since the 1950s and under the command of Colonel and President José Antonio Remón Cantera . He negotiated with
318-609: A CBS poll, 92% of Panamanian adults supported the U.S. incursion, and 76% wished that U.S. forces had invaded in October during the coup. Activist Barbara Trent disputed this finding, saying in a 1992 Academy Award-winning documentary The Panama Deception that the Panamanian surveys were completed in wealthy, English-speaking neighborhoods in Panama City, among Panamanians most likely to support U.S. actions. Human Rights Watch described
477-487: A general , with the understanding that Noriega would allow him to stand for president. However, Paredes never received the political support he expected, and after assuming his new position Noriega reneged on the deal, telling Paredes he could not contest the election. Noriega, now head of the PDF, thus became the de facto ruler of Panama. Noriega preferred to remain behind the scenes, rather than become president, and to avoid
636-520: A $ 200,000 per year stipend from the CIA. Prior to and during Noriega's trial, Noriega's lead attorney Frank A. Rubino claimed that Noriega had received $ 11 million in payments from the CIA. In January 1991, federal prosecutors filed a financial report indicating that Noriega had received a total of $ 322,000 from the United States Army and the CIA over a 31-year period from 1955 to 1986. They stated that
795-507: A 1962 incident Torrijos helped Noriega avoid legal trouble after a prostitute accused Noriega of beating and raping her. Soon after, Noriega's drinking and violence obliged Torrijos to confine him to his quarters for a month. Despite Noriega's problems, Torrijos maintained their relationship, ensuring they were always in the same command; he also brought Díaz Herrera into the same unit. Díaz Herrera and Noriega became both friends and rivals for Torrijos's favor. In 1964 Noriega had been posted to
954-528: A U.S. White House official as saying that reducing Noriega's activities could greatly reduce international drug trafficking. Hersh reported unnamed U.S. officials as saying that Noriega had amassed a personal fortune in European banks as a result of his illegal activities, as well as owning two homes in Panama and one in France. The wealth generated for the Panamanian military from drug-smuggling also helped stabilize
1113-490: A blind eye toward them. In a December 1976 meeting with George H. W. Bush , then Director of Central Intelligence , Noriega flatly denied involvement, instead suggesting that the CIA was responsible. During negotiations for the Panama Canal treaties, the U.S. government ordered its military intelligence to wiretap Panamanian officials. Noriega discovered this operation in early 1976, and instead of making it public, bribed
1272-633: A change in government following a 1968 military coup . The new government was consolidated under Omar Torrijos, who decided to definitively reject the 1967 treaty. In response to a lack of progress of negotiations with the Nixon administration , the Torrijos government succeeded in holding a March 1973 United Nations Security Council session in Panama City, where it attracted considerable international support for its cause. The diplomatic debacle also attracted Henry Kissinger 's attention and helped produce momentum for
1431-490: A conspiracy composed of Colonels José María Pinilla, Bolívar Urrutia, Amado Sanjur, they tried to overthrow him, but Torrijos was supported by the then Major Manuel Antonio Noriega who served as head of the Chiriquí military zone, receiving him on the night of December 16, 1969, this day is called Loyalty Day, once Torrijos entered Chiriquí the caravan of military and civilians who supported him grew as he went along from Chiriquí, to
1590-579: A crisis for the Panamanian regime. Barletta, who was in New York City when Spadafora was murdered in September 1985, announced his intention to appoint an independent commission to investigate the murder. Upon his return to Panama, however, he was forced to resign by the PDF and was replaced by Vice President Eric Arturo Delvalle . Barletta was highly regarded in the Reagan administration, and his removal brought
1749-599: A desire for a divorce, though she changed her mind later. Noriega graduated from Chorrillos in 1962 with a specialization in engineering. He returned to Panama and joined the Panama National Guard. Posted to Colón , he was commissioned as a second lieutenant in September 1962. His commanding officer in Colón was Omar Torrijos , then a major in the National Guard. Torrijos became a patron and mentor to Noriega. In
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#17328447617781908-414: A downturn in the relations between the U.S. and Noriega. After Spadafora's murder the U.S. began to view Noriega as a liability rather than an asset, despite his ongoing support for U.S. interventions elsewhere. The U.S. response included reducing economic assistance and pressuring Panama to reform its banking secrecy laws, crack down on narcotics trafficking, investigate the murder of Spadafora, and reduce
2067-523: A guerrilla uprising in his home province, Noriega as the head of intelligence played an important role in putting it down within a year. Torrijos retained power as a military ruler until 1981: during this time he negotiated the Torrijos–Carter Treaties with U.S. President Jimmy Carter , which ensured that control over the Panama Canal would pass to Panama in 1999. These treaties, as well as
2226-474: A large scale business selling drugs, laundering money and selling hardware to the Panamanian military for considerable profits with Noriega's assistance. Dinges writes that at the time of the 1984 election, Kalish was preparing to ship a load of marijuana worth U.S. $ 1.4 million through Panama, for which Noriega had agreed to provide false Panamanian customs stamps; Noriega was to be paid $ 1 million for this exercise. Beginning in 1984, Noriega appeared to reduce
2385-474: A loyalist counter-attack forced the officers to surrender. They were later tortured and killed. Giroldi and his subordinates intended to end the economic embargo imposed by the United States, and negotiate with the U.S. military a political solution to a war action and create a commission to review the outcome of the 1989 elections, which were cancelled to deliver the presidency to the true winner, in this case to
2544-410: A member of the opposition, he became a vocal critic of Noriega after returning to Panama from Guatemala in 1981. Spadafora amassed evidence of corruption within the government by using his position as an ally of Torrijos to question Noriega's allies, including Rodriguez and Carlton. This included a lengthy conversation with Carlton in mid-1985 after his drug operations had collapsed due to conflicts over
2703-463: A missing shipment, and he had received negative publicity in the Panamanian press. In September 1985 he accused Noriega of having connections to drug trafficking and announced his intent to expose him. The drug trafficking charges threatened Noriega's support among his own constituency of middle class individuals who had benefited under his and Torrijos's government. According to writers R. M. Koster and Guillermo Sánchez, on an occasion when Spadafora
2862-455: A nearby field into a landing pad for helicopters, and playing rock music at loud volumes (a Van Halen cassette tape was provided by Special Forces Sergeant John Bishop). After ten days, Noriega surrendered on January 3, 1990. He was detained as a prisoner of war , and later taken to the United States. Torrijos%E2%80%93Carter Treaties The Torrijos–Carter Treaties (Spanish: Tratados Torrijos-Carter ) are two treaties signed by
3021-465: A new labor code that included maternity leave , collective bargaining rights, and bonus pay, made Torrijos popular in Panama despite the absence of democratic elections. Torrijos's relationship with Noriega was symbiotic; Torrijos provided the political acumen, while Noriega enforced his unpopular decisions with force, when necessary. Noriega would provide intelligence and carry out covert operations that were critical to Torrijos successfully negotiating
3180-470: A number of people. Several prisoners said that they had been tortured; others stated they had been raped in prison. The mistreatment of Arias' supporters sparked public outrage, and led to Noriega being suspended for ten days, an item of information that was picked up by the U.S. intelligence services. In 1966, Noriega was again involved in a violent incident, allegedly raping a 13-year-old girl and beating her brother. After this, Torrijos transferred Noriega to
3339-668: A place in the University of Panama 's medical school. After graduating from the Instituto Nacional, Noriega won a scholarship to Chorrillos Military School in the Peruvian capital of Lima , with the help of Luis, who had by then received a position in the Panamanian embassy in Peru. Noriega began studying in Lima in 1958. While there, he made the acquaintance of Roberto Díaz Herrera , then studying at
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#17328447617783498-488: A pro-military coalition led by the PRD, named Carlos Duque , a former business partner of Noriega, as its candidate. The Alianza Democrática de Oposición Cívica (Democratic Alliance of Civic Opposition), an opposition coalition, nominated Guillermo Endara , a member of Arias' Panameñista Party, and two other prominent oppositionists, Ricardo Arias Calderón and Guillermo Ford , as vice-presidential candidates. Anticipating fraud,
3657-534: A rapid expansion of the state bureaucracy that contributed to the military regime's stability. Panama's borrowing peaked in 1978 when the Panama Canal treaty was being negotiated, a time at which the Carter government was particularly supportive of the Torrijos regime. The Carter administration's interest in signing a new treaty led it to largely overlook the increasing militarization of the Panamanian government, and its involvement in drug-trafficking. Noriega proved to be
3816-496: A reason for the invasion. In a December 16 incident, four U.S. personnel were stopped at a roadblock outside PDF headquarters in the El Chorrillo neighborhood of Panama City. The United States Department of Defense said that the servicemen were traveling unarmed in a private vehicle, and that they attempted to flee the scene only after their vehicle was surrounded by a crowd of civilians and PDF troops. First Lieutenant Robert Paz of
3975-628: A remote posting. As a second lieutenant in 1966, Noriega spent many months taking courses at the School of the Americas . The school was located at the United States Army 's Fort Gulick in the Panama Canal Zone . Journalist John Dinges has suggested that Torrijos sent Noriega to the school to help him "shape up" and live up to Torrijos's expectations. Despite performing poorly in his classes, he
4134-522: A result of pressure from Torrijos. By the early 1970s, American law enforcement officials had reports of Noriega's possible involvement with narcotics trafficking. No formal criminal investigations were begun, and no indictment was brought: according to Dinges, this was due to the potential diplomatic consequences. This evidence included the testimony of an arrested boat courier, and of a drug smuggler arrested in New York. Though Torrijos frequently promised
4293-435: A shipping platform for South American cocaine that was destined for the U.S., and allowing drug proceeds to be hidden in Panamanian banks". Soon afterward an army colonel and a few soldiers made an attempt to overthrow Noriega; their poorly planned effort was crushed within a day. The presidential election of May 1989 was marred by fraud and violence. Coalición para la Liberación Nacional (Coalition for National Liberation),
4452-597: A single troop transport. The rank insignia for Commissioned officers . The rank insignia for Non-commissioned officers and enlisted personnel. The Panama Defense Forces were organized by military regions which were further divided into military zones. In total there were 4 military regions and 12 military zones. Manuel Noriega Manuel Antonio Noriega Moreno ( / m ɑː n ˈ w ɛ l ˌ n ɔːr i ˈ eɪ ɡ ə / mahn- WEL NOR -ee- AY -gə , Spanish: [maˈnwel noˈɾjeɣa] ; February 11, 1934 – May 29, 2017)
4611-670: A speaker in 1985 to Harvard University , for a conference on the role of the military in Central America's wars, a speech which received a lot of attention in Panama's pro-government press. In 1986, a convoluted operation involving the East German Stasi and the Danish ship Pia Vesta ultimately aimed to sell Soviet arms and military vehicles to South Africa's Armscor , with the Soviets using various intermediaries to distance themselves from
4770-545: A specific social or economic ideology. Noriega was known for his complicated relationship with the U.S., and was described as being its ally and nemesis simultaneously. He has been called one of the best-known dictators of his time, and compared to authoritarian rulers such as Muammar Gaddafi and Augusto Pinochet . Noriega was born in Panama City , into a relatively poor pardo , or triracial, family with Native Panamanian , African , and Spanish heritage . His date of birth
4929-419: A system of nationalist vindication, to which part of the private sector joined, and the country went through a period of social and cultural transformations, with the recovery of the Panama Canal as the main objective of Torrijos, and the creation of the ruling party, Democratic Revolutionary Party (PRD). At the same time, harmful and denounced characteristics were evidenced, such as armed repression, censorship of
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5088-423: A telegram to all members of Congress informing them of the status of the negotiations and asking them to withhold judgment on the treaty until they had an opportunity to carefully study it. Senator Strom Thurmond responded to Carter's appeal by stating in a speech later that day, "The canal is ours, we bought and we paid for it and we should keep it." Both treaties were subsequently ratified in Panama with 67.4% of
5247-470: A timetable for transfer of the canal, leading to a complete handover of all lands and buildings in the canal area to Panama. The most immediate consequence of this treaty was that the Canal Zone , as an entity, ceased to exist on October 1, 1979. The final phase of the treaty was completed on December 31, 1999. On this date, the United States relinquished control of the Panama Canal and all areas in what had been
5406-485: A valuable asset, as he was a "rising star" in the Panamanian military. Later, as the de facto leader of Panama, Noriega maintained a close relationship with the School of the Americas, partly due to the school's presence in Panama. Officials from the Panamanian military were frequently given courses at the school free of charge. Noriega was proud of his relationship with the school, and wore its crest on his military uniform for
5565-451: A very capable head of intelligence. During his tenure, he exiled 1,300 Panamanians whom he viewed as threats to the government. He also kept files on several officials within the military, the government, and the judiciary, allowing him to blackmail them later. Noriega also held the positions of head of the political police and head of immigration. His tenure was marked by intimidation and harassment of opposition parties and their leaders. He
5724-462: A willingness to cooperate with him, despite being aware of the flaws in the election process. Between 1981 and 1987, the relationship between Noriega and the U.S. grew considerably. It was driven both by the U.S.'s pursuit of its security interests, and Noriega using these as an effective means of gaining favor. The emergence of internal conflicts in Nicaragua and El Salvador between 1979 and 1981 led
5883-512: Is a National Holiday in Panama, known as Martyrs' Day . The next day, January 10, Panama broke off diplomatic relations with the United States and on January 19, President of Panama Roberto Chiari declared that Panama would not re-establish diplomatic ties with the United States until the U.S. agreed to begin negotiations on a new treaty. The first steps in that direction were taken shortly thereafter on April 3, 1964, when both countries agreed to an immediate resumption of diplomatic relations and
6042-444: Is generally given as February 11, 1934, but is a matter of uncertainty. It has been variously recorded as that date in 1934, 1936, and 1938. Noriega himself provided differing dates of birth. He was born in the neighborhood of El Terraplen de San Felipe. Noriega's mother, who was not married to his father, has been described as a cook and a laundress, while his father, Ricaurte Noriega, was an accountant. His mother, whose family name
6201-510: Is officially titled The Treaty Concerning the Permanent Neutrality and Operation of the Panama Canal (Spanish: Tratado Concerniente a la Neutralidad Permanente y Funcionamiento del Canal de Panamá ) and is commonly known as the "Neutrality Treaty". Under this treaty, the U.S. retained the permanent right to defend the canal from any threat that might interfere with its continued neutral service to ships of all nations. The second treaty
6360-534: Is titled The Panama Canal Treaty ( Tratado del Canal de Panamá ), and provided that as from 12:00 on December 31, 1999, Panama would assume full control of canal operations and become primarily responsible for its defense. Panamanian efforts to renegotiate the original Hay–Bunau-Varilla Treaty had been ongoing almost since it was first signed in November 1903, a few weeks after Panama obtained its independence from Colombia . However, activity to renegotiate or abrogate
6519-596: The Falklands War and, at that time, military attaché of the Republic Argentina in Panama. That year the closure of the School of the Americas was ordered, which for the CIA meant losing its base in Central America . At the end of 1983 the political strategies were prepared to launch the official candidate of the 1984 elections: Colonel Noriega convinces General Paredes to benefit from his retirement and receive
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6678-640: The Holy See 's embassy in Panama. Having threatened to flee to the countryside and lead guerrilla warfare if not given refuge, he instead turned over the majority of his weapons, and requested sanctuary from Archbishop José Sebastián Laboa , the papal nuncio . Prevented by treaty from invading the Holy See's embassy, U.S. soldiers from Delta Force erected a perimeter around the Nunciature. Attempts to dislodge Noriega from within included gunning vehicle engines, turning
6837-502: The Panama Defense Forces (PDF), and with the financial assistance of the U.S., expanded and modernized it. The quick promotions they received earned him the officer corps' loyalty. Among the steps he took to consolidate his control was to bring the various factions of the army together into the PDF. On August 12, 1983, in keeping with Noriega's earlier deal with Paredes, Paredes handed over his position to Noriega, newly appointed
6996-626: The U.S. invasion of Panama removed him from power. Born in Panama City to a poor pardo family, Noriega studied at the Chorrillos Military School in Lima and at the School of the Americas . He became an officer in the Panamanian army, and rose through the ranks in alliance with Omar Torrijos . In 1968, Torrijos overthrew President Arnulfo Arias in a coup . Noriega became chief of military intelligence in Torrijos's government and, after Torrijos's death in 1981, consolidated power to become Panama's de facto ruler in 1983. Beginning in
7155-526: The United States Marine Corps was shot and killed in the incident. An American couple who witnessed the incident was also arrested and harassed by the PDF. The U.S. launched its invasion of Panama on December 20, 1989. Although the killing of the Marine was the ostensible reason for the invasion, the operation had been planned for months before his death. The move was the largest military action by
7314-601: The " La Comandancia ". Other components of the FP were the Transit Police and the Highway patrol. The DENI (Departmento de Nacionalde Investigationes) was both a criminal police and secret police maintaining a large network of informers throughout the population and government, and possibly US Forces in Panama. During the 1989 US invasion DENI was led by Nivaldo Madriñán. The National Guard continued to exist but as an umbrella agency under
7473-416: The 1946 Constitution was repealed and major transformations of political and social order in the Panamanian nation were initiated. During this time there were guerrilla movements in the city and in the interior of the country by the Panamanian left and the supporters of the ousted President Arias Madrid. There were also acts of war and sabotage against the government and the National Guard, freedom of expression
7632-705: The 1950s, Noriega worked with U.S. intelligence agencies, and became one of the Central Intelligence Agency 's most valued intelligence sources. He also served as a conduit for illicit weapons, military equipment, and cash destined for U.S.-backed forces throughout Latin America. Noriega's relationship with the U.S. deteriorated in the late 1980s after the murder of Hugo Spadafora and the forced resignation of President Nicolás Ardito Barletta . Eventually, his relationship with intelligence agencies in other countries came to light, and his involvement in drug trafficking
7791-403: The 1974 Tack-Kissinger agreement, which would provide the crucial framework for negotiations moving forward. "It was this work, beginning in late 1972, that made Panama the visible issue that Carter boldly hoped to solve as a watershed for a new style of foreign policy and an era of improved relations with Latin America." The Carter administration made the canal a high priority, starting during
7950-495: The 1984 election, murdering Spadafora, and of trafficking in drugs, as well as of assassinating Torrijos with a bomb on his plane. Díaz Herrera's statements provoked huge protests against Noriega, with 100,000 people, approximately 25% of the population of Panama City, marching in protest on June 26, 1987. As with Spadafora's murder, these incidents strengthened and brought together the internal opposition to Noriega. Noriega charged Díaz Herrera with treason, and cracked down hard on
8109-452: The 1990s. Diagnosed with a brain tumor in March 2017, Noriega suffered complications during surgery, and died two months later. Noriega's dictatorship was marked by repression of the media, an expansion of the military, and the persecution of political opponents, effectively controlling the outcomes of any elections. He relied upon military nationalism to maintain his support, and did not espouse
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#17328447617788268-642: The American side the negotiators were Ellsworth Bunker and Sol Linowitz ; the Panamanian side of the negotiations was headed by Rómulo Escobar Bethancourt . Senator Dennis DeConcini sponsored a critical amendment to the Panama Canal Treaty that allowed the Senate to come to a consensus on giving control of the Canal to Panama. A few days before final agreement on the treaties was reached, President Jimmy Carter had sent
8427-749: The Carter–Torrijos treaties null and void, e.g. House Joint Resolution 77 (HJR 77) introduced by Helen Chenoweth-Hage . Support of HJR 77 was part of the 2000 platform of the Texas Republican Party but no longer appeared in the 2004 platform. Support for the treaties came from a variety of interests, including the Joint Chiefs of Staff and members of Congress, such as Ernest Hollings , Hubert Humphrey , and most importantly Howard Baker and Robert Byrd . Other supporters included Admiral Elmo Zumwalt and General Maxwell Taylor ; John Wayne , who
8586-705: The Committee of Americans for the Canal Treaties and New Directions. Many world leaders also came out in support of the treaties, including positive statements from Barbados Prime Minister Tom Adams , Bolivian President Hugo Banzer , Dominican President Joaquín Balaguer , Guatemalan President Kjell Laugerud , Guyanese Prime Minister Forbes Burnham , Nicaraguan President Anastasio Somoza , Peruvian President Francisco Morales Bermúdez , Chilean President Augusto Pinochet , Costa Rican President Daniel Oduber , and Venezuelan President Carlos Andrés Pérez . The treaty laid out
8745-458: The Cuban government for use by its intelligence services. Cuba also obtained hardware imports from Panama that were restricted by the U.S. embargo , while it provided Panama with weapons and military advisers. Libya, as well as some U.S. allies, provided Noriega with funds when the U.S. was seeking to remove him from power. Panama's and Noriega's involvement in drug-trafficking grew considerably over
8904-590: The Defense Forces, it was decided to withdraw Noriega, but they did not count on the general already having counterattack plans when changing power. The events led to terrorist actions, such as the cyanide contamination of the Chilibre water treatment plant, and then blamed the Americans for such action. Against this plan were Lieutenant Colonel Moisés Giroldi Vera and his followers, who obviously rejected him. Moisés Giroldi
9063-519: The Miami indictment, convicted on most of the charges, and sentenced to 40 years in prison, ultimately serving 17 years after a reduction in his sentence for good behavior. Noriega was extradited to France in 2010, where he was convicted and sentenced to seven years of imprisonment for money laundering. In 2011 France extradited him to Panama, where he was incarcerated for crimes committed during his rule, for which he had been tried and convicted in absentia in
9222-742: The Nicaraguan government, and much of the intelligence gathered by these ships was processed in the U.S. bases in Panama. Noriega permitted these activities despite the Panama Canal treaties restricting the use of the U.S. bases to protecting the canal. Bush, now U.S. vice president, met again with Noriega in December 1983 to discuss support for the Contras . Noriega had a working relationship with U.S. Marine Corps Lieutenant Colonel Oliver North by 1985. Noriega offered to assassinate or sabotage Sandinista leaders in return for North helping Noriega improve his image with
9381-414: The PDF's role in the government. The response to Spadafora's murder created divisions within the PRD, and further damaged the credibility of the government-controlled news media. Díaz Herrera considered using the uproar around Spadafora to seize power during a brief period that Noriega was traveling outside the country, but despite mobilizing some troops, eventually decided against following through with
9540-741: The PF containing of the Presidential Guard, Penitentiary Guard, Port Guard, and Forestry Guard. The Special Forces Group consisted of the Explosives Unit, the Frog Men Unit, the Command Unit, the School of Commandos and Special Operations (ECOE) and the UESAT (Special Counter-Terrorism Unit) and Counterintelligence Unit. The Panamanian Air Force (Fuerza Aerea Panamena, FAP), also known as "Los Gallinazos",
9699-479: The PRD-dominated legislature spoke of "a state of war" between the United States and Panama. It also declared Noriega "chief executive officer" of the government, formalizing a state of affairs that had existed for six years. The U.S. government stated that Noriega's forces were harassing U.S. troops and civilians. Three incidents in particular occurred very near the time of the invasion, and were mentioned by Bush as
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#17328447617789858-519: The Panama Canal Zone. As a result of the treaties, by the year 2000 nearly 370,000 acres (580 sq mi; 1,500 km ), including some 7,000 buildings, such as military facilities, warehouses, schools, and private residences, were transferred to Panama. In 1993, the Panamanian government created a temporary agency ( Autoridad de la Región Interoceánica or "Interoceanic Region Authority", commonly referred to as ARI) to administer and maintain
10017-442: The Panamanian flag were jeered and harassed by American school officials, students, and their parents. During the scuffle, somehow the Panamanian flag was torn. Widespread rioting ensued, during which over 20 Panamanians were killed and about 500 were injured. Most of the casualties were caused by fire from U.S. troops, who had been called in to protect Canal Zone property, including private residences of Canal Zone employees. January 9
10176-539: The Panamanian forces were much higher; between 300 and 845. The U.S. government reported between 202 and 250 civilian deaths; Americas Watch estimated 300 civilian deaths; and the United Nations estimated 500 civilian deaths. On December 29, the United Nations General Assembly voted, 75–20 with 40 abstentions, to condemn the invasion as a "flagrant violation of international law". According to
10335-535: The Peruvian Police academy, who later became a close ally. Noriega married Felicidad Sieiro in the late 1960s, and the couple had three daughters: Lorena; Sandra; and Thays. Sieiro had been a school teacher, and Noriega a member of the National Guard . Her family, of Basque heritage, was reported to have been unhappy with the marriage. Noriega was repeatedly unfaithful to his wife, who at one point expressed
10494-511: The Reagan administration to look for allies in the region, including in Panama. Noriega acted as a conduit for U.S. support , including funds and weapons, to the Contra rebels in Nicaragua. He allowed the CIA to establish listening posts in Panama, and also helped the U.S.-backed Salvadoran government against the leftist Salvadoran insurgent Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front . U.S. spy ships used bases in Panama in their operations against
10653-581: The Sandinistas against U.S.-backed authoritarian ruler Anastasio Somoza Debayle in August 1978, Torrijos and Noriega initially supported the rebels, providing them with surplus National Guard equipment and allowing Panama to be used as a cover for arms shipments from Cuba to Nicaragua. Torrijos sought for himself the same aura of "democratic respectability" that the Sandinista rebels had in Nicaragua, and so abandoned
10812-906: The Survival of a Free Congress , Citizens for the Republic , the American Security Council Foundation , the Young Republicans , the National Conservative Political Action Committee , the Council for National Defense, Young Americans for Freedom , the Council for Inter-American Security, and the Campus Republican Action Organization. In the years preceding (and following) the final transfer of canal assets there were efforts to declare
10971-416: The U.S. National Security Agency monitored a telephone conversation between Noriega and Luis Córdoba, the military commander in Chiriquí province where Spadafora was arrested. During the conversation Córdoba told Noriega, "We have the rabid dog." Noriega responded, "And what does one do with a dog that has rabies?" Spadafora's murder badly damaged Noriega's image, both within and outside Panama, and created
11130-443: The U.S. agents and bought the tapes himself; the incident came to be known as the " Singing Sergeants affair ". Although some intelligence officials wanted Bush to prosecute the soldiers involved, he declined because doing so would have exposed Noriega's role in the matter. The CIA did not report this incident to either the National Security Agency or the U.S. Justice Department . Noriega and Torrijos later used their knowledge of
11289-420: The U.S. cooperation in dealing with drug smuggling, Noriega would have headed any effort at enforcement, and the U.S. began to see Noriega as an obstacle to combatting drug smuggling. Dinges writes that the U.S. government considered several options to move Noriega out of the drug trafficking business, including assassinating him, and linking him to a fictional plot against Torrijos. Though no assassination attempt
11448-617: The U.S. deteriorated further during the late 1980s, particularly after the U.S. began to suspect that Noriega was supporting other intelligence services. Hersh wrote in 1986 that U.S. intelligence officials suspected that Noriega was selling intelligence to the Cuban government of Fidel Castro ; his report received widespread attention. Bob Woodward published a story about Noriega in The Washington Post soon afterward, going into even greater detail about Noriega's intelligence connections. Woodward and Hersh's reputations made certain that
11607-530: The U.S. did not wish to anger a friendly government, and the issue was rendered moot by the Sandinista victory in 1979. After Somoza's overthrow, Noriega continued to smuggle weapons, selling them to leftist guerrillas fighting the U.S.-backed authoritarian government in El Salvador. After one of these shipments was captured, Torrijos, who had friends in the Salvadoran military government, reprimanded Noriega, though
11766-524: The U.S. government. In June 1985 North met with Noriega in Panama and Noriega agreed to train Contra soldiers in Panama for an invasion of Nicaragua in 1986. In return for Panama's support for U.S. and Israeli efforts to supply the Contras with arms, the U.S. ignored Noriega's use of weapons-shipment networks to smuggle drugs into the U.S. Noriega was reported to have played a role in the Iran–Contra affair in
11925-611: The U.S. president Dwight D. Eisenhower issues of sovereignty and defense of the Panama Canal , obtaining important equipment for the police and the National Guard, as well as the training of pilots in Colombia and officers in the United States Military Academy . In 1964, the National Guard of Panama avoided having a conflict with the Armed Forces of the United States on Martyrs Day , staying quartered. In 1968, after
12084-460: The U.S. since the Vietnam War , and included more than 27,000 soldiers, as well as 300 aircraft. The invasion began with a bombing campaign that targeted Noriega's private vehicles, and the PDF headquarters located in Panama City . Several slums in the middle of the city were destroyed as a result. The day after the invasion, Noriega's deputy Colonel Luis del Cid retreated with some soldiers to
12243-761: The U.S. to Panama during certain time windows or simply by the end of the 243-month treaty period. On October 1, 1979, among the many such parcels so designated in the treaty, 34 emerged as true enclaves (surrounded entirely by land solely under Panamanian jurisdiction). In later years as other areas were turned over to Panama, eight more true enclaves emerged. Of these 42 true enclaves, 14 were related to military logistics, seven were military communications sites, five Federal Aviation Administration facilities, five military housing enclaves, three military base areas, two military research facilities, four secondary school parcels, one elementary school, and one hospital. At least 13 other parcels each were encircled not only by land under
12402-471: The U.S. wiretapping operations to tilt the Panama Canal negotiations in their favor. Noriega's drug-related activities came to the U.S. government's attention once again during the ratification process for the Panama Canal treaties, but were once again downplayed by the U.S. intelligence services in order to get the treaty ratified by the U.S. Senate. After the Nicaraguan Revolution was launched by
12561-458: The U.S. with the effort to remove Noriega; Noriega exploited the rising anti-American sentiment to strengthen his own position. Without the support of the U.S., Panama defaulted on its international debt, and that year the country's economy shrank by 20%. Though the U.S. considered not recognizing Delvalle as president, the state department decided against it, as it would have amounted to breaking relations with Noriega. Noriega's relationship with
12720-425: The United States agreed to adopt procedures for the "elimination of the causes of conflict between the two countries". A few weeks later, Robert B. Anderson , President Lyndon Johnson 's special representative, flew to Panama to pave the way for future talks. Negotiations over the next years resulted in a treaty in 1967, but it failed to be ratified in Panama. After the failure of those treaties, Panama experienced
12879-635: The United States and Panama in Washington, D.C., on September 7, 1977, which superseded the Hay–Bunau-Varilla Treaty of 1903. The treaties guaranteed that Panama would gain control of the Panama Canal after 1999, ending the control of the canal that the U.S. had exercised since 1903. The treaties are named after the two signatories, U.S. President Jimmy Carter and the Commander of Panama's National Guard , General Omar Torrijos . This first treaty
13038-443: The absolute jurisdiction of Panama, but also by an "Area of Civil Coordination" (housing) that was subject to elements of both U.S. and Panamanian public law under the treaty. In addition, the treaty designated numerous areas and individual facilities as "Canal Operating Areas" for joint U.S.–Panama ongoing operations by a commission. On the effective date of the treaty, many of these, including Madden Dam , became newly surrounded by
13197-675: The authoritarian government that it dominated. However, the military's control over wealth from illicit trade alienated the Panamanian business elite that had previously also benefited from such trade. Under Noriega, these profits were shared within the military less evenly than under Torrijos, eventually creating friction in the military leadership. Many of the operations Noriega benefited from were run by associates such as Floyd Carlton and Cesar Rodríguez . Large sums from drug revenues were brought in from Miami and elsewhere to Panama for laundering, and Noriega received protection payments in these instances as well. American Steven Kalish also began
13356-486: The command of Colonel Luis Córdoba. When the Defense Forces were dismantled, the government of Guillermo Endara (1989–1994) was commissioned to form a new institution with the help of the U.S. Army. The force, initially a police vocation, was attached to the Public Force, idealized by the then Vice President Ricardo Arias Calderón . The new government organized it as a police force of the Panamanian state, subordinated to
13515-487: The conspiracy officers create a succession agreement to the command known as the Torrijos plan in which the first to ascend to the command would be Lieutenant Colonel Rubén Darío Paredes , then Lieutenant Colonel Armando Contreras will follow, Lieutenant Colonel Manuel Antonio Noriega would follow and culminate with Lieutenant Colonel Roberto Díaz Herrera, the self-proclaimed General Rubén Darío Paredes Del Río decided with his staff to carry out certain repressive actions against
13674-472: The coup, realizing he could not count on sufficient support. Furthermore, Noriega had made a deal with his deputy, to the effect that he would step down as military leader in 1987 and allow Díaz Herrera to succeed him. In 1987, however, Noriega went back on this agreement, announced he would be heading the military for the next five years, and assigned Díaz Herrera to a diplomatic post. Díaz Herrera retaliated by making public statements accusing Noriega of rigging
13833-400: The deal. Noriega was apparently one of these intermediaries but backed out on the deal as the ship and weapons were seized at a Panamanian port. Hugo Spadafora was a physician and political activist who had first clashed with Noriega when they were both members of Torrijos's government. Though an ally of Torrijos, he and Noriega had been personal enemies for a long time. Despite not being
13992-491: The director of a newspaper. Hassán attempted a coup d'état on December 5, 1990, giving his reason as a final consequence to the level of senior officers in the institution. As an army corps, members of the land forces considered themselves as police and soldiers at the same time. Until 1989 there were a total of 16,300 troops and about 3800 reservists and civil collaborators called the Dignity Battalions, trained to resist
14151-566: The early 1980s, peaking in 1984. Intensifying conflicts in Colombia , El Salvador , Guatemala , and Nicaragua had led to the creation of covert transportation networks that Noriega used to transport drugs to the U.S., particularly cocaine . During this period Colombia's Medellín Cartel was also seeking allies. Noriega became intimately involved with their drug trafficking and money-laundering operations, and received considerable sums as protection money, bribes, or shares of profits. In June 1986, investigative journalist Seymour Hersh recorded
14310-503: The economic lot of the average Panamanian", but his individual talent had a relatively small role to play in preserving his government. When Noriega created the PDF in 1983, he brought into its control Panama's customs and immigration apparatus, as well as the country's whole transportation network. This expansion of the military's role occurred simultaneously with a large growth in the cocaine trade, as well as in markets for weapons in various military conflicts in Central America. The profits
14469-525: The end of 1969, Torrijos went to Mexico on holiday. A coup was launched in his absence, in which Noriega's loyalty allowed Torrijos to hang on to power, greatly enhancing Torrijos's image. Noriega was promoted to captain a month after the coup attempt: just 18 months later, in August 1970, Torrijos promoted him to the position of lieutenant colonel and appointed him chief of military intelligence. According to Dinges, by this point Noriega had left his undisciplined past behind him. When Arias's supporters launched
14628-410: The executive branch; calling it National Police with the explicit purpose of providing protection to the life, honor and property of nationals wherever they are and of foreigners under the jurisdiction of their territory. Colonel Roberto Armijo was appointed as the first head of this police force. In order to grant legal bases to the new police organization, Executive Decree No. 38 of February 10, 1990
14787-516: The government bureaucracy by its expansion under Torrijos and Noriega. Noriega compelled the Panamanian National Assembly to pass Law 20 of 1983, which was supposedly aimed at protecting the Panama Canal from communists, and allowed a huge influx of U.S. weapons to the Panamanian military. The law also tripled the size of the military forces. Noriega's period in power saw significant capital flight from Panama; according to Kempe, this
14946-582: The highest voter turnout in Panama up to that time. The neutrality treaty was of major concern among voters, particularly on the political left, and was one reason why the treaties failed to obtain even greater popular support. The United States Senate advised and consented to ratification of the first treaty on March 16, 1978, and to the second treaty on April 18 by identical 68 to 32 margins. On both votes, 52 Democrats and 16 Republicans voted in favor of advising and consenting to ratification, while 10 Democrats and 22 Republicans voted against. The treaties were
15105-464: The law of the ranks and the agreement reached between President Arias and the high command of the National Guard. In response to this, on October 11, Major Boris Martínez, head of the Chiriquí military zone and Lieutenant Colonel Omar Torrijos Herrera , who until now served as Executive Secretary of the National Guard command commanded the military coup against President Arias Madrid, the coup leaders offered
15264-399: The leader of the garrison at Chiriquí, and received the support of most military officers. A power struggle followed between the various forces involved in the coup, and chiefly between Torrijos and Martínez. Noriega was an important supporter of Torrijos during this conflict. In February 1969, Torrijos's men seized Martínez and exiled him to Miami giving Torrijos control of the country. At
15423-565: The main suspect was the CIA for not complying with the requirements of the World Bank - the National Guard was involved in a power struggle between the military commanders involved. Colonel Florencio Flores took possession of the position of commander in chief for a few months, until after a conspiracy among senior officials of the General Staff they overthrow him by sending him to retirement. Given this,
15582-467: The mayor of San Miguelito . The last two days of his flight were spent partly with his ally Jorge Krupnick , an arms dealer also wanted by the U.S. Kempe reported that Noriega considered seeking sanctuary in the Cuban or Nicaraguan embassies, but both buildings were surrounded by U.S. troops. On the fifth day of the invasion, Noriega and four others took sanctuary in the Apostolic Nunciature ,
15741-465: The media opposing the regime censuring some media. In a maneuver for power General Paredes retires Colonel Armando Contreras who had already reached the time to ascend to the command, maintaining links in front of the command until 1983. On August 20, 1983, Colonel Noriega was promoted to general and the National Guard Command and began a period marked by dictatorial decisions. His first decree
15900-463: The mid-1980s. There are varying reports about how much Noriega was paid by United States sources. In early 1990, Noriega biographer Frederick Kempe reported that the United States gave Noriega or his intelligence services annual payments in the range of $ 110,000 in 1976 increasing to $ 185,000 to $ 200,000 when he came to power during the Reagan administration. Dinges said that he could find no one willing to confirm persistent reports that he received
16059-481: The military reaped from these activities gave Noriega's military regime considerable financial clout. Noriega took control of most major newspapers by either buying a controlling stake in them or forcing them to shut down. The government also harassed, intimidated, or exiled individual journalists and editors. The newspaper La Prensa , which remained independent and was frequently critical of Noriega, had its staff intimidated and its offices damaged; eventually, it too
16218-433: The mountains outside David City , after laying mines at the airport. Though this was part of a contingency plan for the invasion, del Cid quickly decided that the Panamanian military was not in a position to fight a guerrilla war against the U.S., and negotiated a surrender. Twenty-three U.S. soldiers were killed in the operation, including two that were killed by friendly fire ; 324 soldiers were injured. Casualties among
16377-469: The opposition slate winning 3–1. Official tallies the day after that, however, had Duque winning by a 2–1 margin. Rather than publish the results, Noriega voided the election, claiming that "foreign interference" had tainted the results. Former U.S. President Jimmy Carter, present in Panama as an observer, denounced Noriega, saying the election had been "stolen", as did Archbishop of Panama Marcos G. McGrath . Noriega had initially planned to declare Duque
16536-503: The opposition tracked ballot counts at local precincts on the day of the election (local ballot counts were done in public). As an exit poll made it clear that the opposition slate was winning by a wide margin, reports of missing tally sheets and seizures of ballot boxes by the PDF soon emerged. In the afternoon of the day after the election, the Catholic bishops conference announced that a quick count of public tallies at polling centers showed
16695-422: The political party ADO Civilista, headed by Guillermo Endara , Ricardo Arias Calderón and Guillermo Ford . This would mean withdrawing General Noriega and his entire staff, as some of colonels had been in retirement for more than 12 years and were still in their positions, earning high salaries, in contrast to the troops that failed to collect more than $ 250 per month. In order to clean the deteriorated image of
16854-559: The possible invasion of a foreign country. The Panama Defense Forces had four battalions and eight infantry companies, plus special forces units. The country was divided into twelve military zones, which were generally led by a major or a lieutenant colonel . Each military zone had one or two reaction squads. As weapons, the infantry had fifty light cannons, eight hundred heavy mortars and one thousand light mortars; Fifty KPV 14.5 x 114 Russian anti-aircraft machine guns (known as "4 Mouths"), armored vehicles V150 and V300 . The infantry
17013-404: The prelude to the U.S. Presidential election in 1976 after the administration of U.S. President Gerald Ford stepped back from negotiations about the Panama Canal. The bombings highlighted to the U.S. government the difficulty of holding on to the Panama Canal Zone in the face of hostility within Panama. Kempe stated that the U.S. knew of Noriega's involvement in the bombings but decided to turn
17172-506: The presidency of the republic which defeated all coup attempts, definitively consolidating Torrijos in power. The National Guard crushed all opposition movements towards 1970. After crushing the opposition movements, the already general Omar Torrijos Herrera took control and established in 1972 a National Assembly of Representatives, who immediately named him "Chief of State of the Panamanian Revolution." This military body established
17331-559: The presidency to Ricardo J. Alfaro and Raúl Arango , who at the time of the coup was the vice president of the republic and commander of the Benemérito Fire Corps of Panama who declined the offer of the military, Therefore, they decided to create the Government Military Board, which was headed by Colonels José María Pinilla and Bolívar Urrutia. All liberties and political rights of Panamanian citizenship were abolished,
17490-429: The printed press and the disappearance of political opponents at the beginning of said government. The Torrijos-Carter Treaties signed in 1977, demanded from the regime (called "the process" by its militants) democratization, its quartering and the call for elections. By 1978, General Torrijos abandoned power, but maintained control of the National Guard. After his death in a strange plane crash on July 31, 1981, - where
17649-405: The protesters. The U.S. Senate passed a resolution asking Noriega to step down until Díaz Herrera could be tried; in response Noriega sent government workers to protest outside the U.S. embassy, a protest which quickly turned into a riot. As a result, the U.S. suspended all military assistance to Panama, and the CIA stopped paying Noriega a salary. The Senate resolution had the effect of identifying
17808-703: The province of Chiriquí , where Torrijos and Díaz Herrera were stationed. At the time, Arnulfo Arias , a native of that province, was preparing to contest the 1968 Panamanian Presidential election . Arias was a member of the National Revolutionary Party that represented the Panameñista movement . The sitting president, Roberto Chiari , belonged to the Liberal Party , which ordered Torrijos to harass Arias's party members and weaken his election bid. Torrijos passed this task on to Noriega, whose men arrested
17967-459: The public scrutiny that came with the post. He did not have a particular social or economic ideology, and used military nationalism to unify his supporters. The Partido Revolucionario Democrático (Democratic Revolutionary Party, PRD), which had been established by Torrijos and had strong support among military families, was used by Noriega as a political front for the PDF. This party drew considerable support from low-income employees brought into
18126-581: The reaction of the civilian population to the invasion as "generally sympathetic". Noriega received several warnings about the invasion from individuals within his government; though he initially disbelieved them, they grew more frequent as the invasion drew near, eventually convincing Noriega to go on the run. Noriega used a number of subterfuges, including lookalikes and playbacks of his recorded voice, to confuse U.S. surveillance as to his whereabouts. During his flight, Noriega reportedly took shelter with several supportive politicians, including Balbina Herrera,
18285-626: The rebellion was easily crushed by the members of the PDF loyal to Noriega. After this attempt, he declared himself the "maximum leader" of the country. The rebels were captured and taken to a military base outside Panama City, where they were tortured and then executed. In March 1988, the U.S. government entered into negotiations with Noriega seeking his resignation. Panama was represented at these negotiations by Rómulo Escobar Bethancourt . Negotiations collapsed after several months of lengthy and inconclusive talks; according to Dinges, Noriega had no intentions of ever resigning. On December 15, 1989,
18444-486: The release of information was to rebut allegations from defense attorneys that Noriega had been paid "millions of dollars" from the CIA. These payments included a total of $ 76,039 as "gifts and incentives" from the CIA. Despite Noriega's alliance with the U.S., he also maintained close relationships with bitter enemies of the U.S., including Cuba, Libya, and Nicaragua. A 1990 book discussing Noriega's administration stated that he had sold thousands of Panamanian passports to
18603-484: The release of the Panama Canal from the U.S. Upon seizing power in 1968, Torrijos's government had passed legislation favorable to foreign corporations, including banks in the U.S. The following years saw a large expansion in international business activity and the influx of foreign capital, thereby giving participating corporations a stake in the continued existence of the military government. The government used its access to foreign capital to borrow extensively, fueling
18762-401: The rest of his career. Arias was elected president in 1968 following a populist campaign. Soon after taking office he launched a purge of the National Guard, sending much of its general staff into "diplomatic exile" or retirement. In response, Torrijos and a few other officers led a coup against him, ousting him after an eleven-day presidency. The coup was set in motion by Martínez, as
18921-523: The results, the government announced that Barletta had won by a slim margin of 1,713 votes. Independent estimates suggested that Arias would have won by as many as 50,000 votes had the election been conducted fairly. More than 60,000 votes were not included in the final count. Noriega's rule became increasingly repressive, even as the U.S. government of Ronald Reagan began relying on him in its covert efforts to undermine Nicaragua's Sandinista government. The U.S. accepted Barletta's election, and signalled
19080-413: The retirement ceremony of General Bolívar Vallarino, outgoing commander of the National Guard and unexpectedly the forced retirement of Colonel José María Pinilla Fábrega incoming commander, was held appointed Colonel Bolívar Urrutia as commander in chief and Lieutenant Colonel Aristides Hassán, second commander in chief of the National Guard, as well as a series of abrupt changes and transfers which violated
19239-448: The reverted properties. On the day the treaty took effect, most of the land within the former Canal Zone transferred to Panama. However, the treaty set aside many Canal Zone areas and facilities for transfer during the following 20 years. The treaty specifically categorized areas and facilities by name as "Military Areas of Coordination", "Defense Sites" and "Areas Subject to Separate Bilateral Agreement". These were to be transferred by
19398-433: The scale of his operations, and even ordered a raid against a cocaine factory in the interior of Panama, a raid which he then emphasized as evidence of his cooperation with the U.S. in their fight against drugs. He also ordered a crackdown on money laundering by Colombian cartel figures Jorge Ochoa and Gilberto Rodríguez Orejuela . Noriega's new image as an opponent of drug trafficking was symbolized by his being invited as
19557-447: The shipments did not stop altogether. Torrijos died in a plane crash on July 31, 1981. A later investigation by the aircraft manufacturer stated it was an accident; Noriega's authority over the government investigation led to speculation about his involvement. Florencio Flores Aguilar had inherited Torrijos's position, but true power lay with the trio of Noriega, Díaz Herrera, and Rubén Darío Paredes , who ranked just below him. Flores
19716-408: The socialist youth group, Noriega took part in protests and authored articles criticizing the U.S. presence in Panama. He is reported to have begun his association with the U.S. intelligence services at this time, providing information about the activities of his comrades. A $ 10.70 payment in 1955 was the first he received from the U.S. Noriega intended to become a doctor, but was unable to secure
19875-584: The source of vehement controversy in the United States, particularly among conservatives led by Ronald Reagan , Strom Thurmond and Jesse Helms , who regarded them as the surrender of a strategic American asset to what they characterized as a hostile government. The attack was mobilized by numerous groups, especially the American Conservative Union , the Conservative Caucus , the Committee for
20034-517: The stories were taken seriously. Spadafora had also informed the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) of some of his findings about Noriega's involvement in drug smuggling. Multiple U.S. agencies continued to investigate Noriega despite opposition from the Reagan administration . In 1988 Noriega was indicted by U.S. federal grand juries in courts in Miami and Tampa on charges of drug-trafficking. The indictment accused him of "turning Panama into
20193-623: The support of the State and the Defense Forces to aspire to the presidency. Then, Paredes is betrayed, since the Comandancia and the PRD launch at the last moment Dr. Nicolás Ardito Barletta as the official candidate. Once orchestrated the electoral fraud by presidential decree, Noriega is promoted to General. On October 3, 1989, a military coup was planned, in which some officers, under the command of Lt. Col. Moisés Giroldi Vera , tried to overthrow General Noriega. Although they successfully captured Noriega,
20352-471: The title of "Maximum Leader" he had taken in 1972, promising that elections would be held in 1984. Noriega also arranged for weapons purchased in the U.S. to be shipped to the Sandinista forces, a deal on which he made a profit. The U.S. discovered Noriega's role in supplying weapons, and though the episode proved embarrassing to the Carter administration in the U.S., no charges were brought against Noriega because
20511-520: The trade unions that had formed in the United Fruit Company 's workforce, and he proved adept at this work. His new superior officer Boris Martínez was a fervent anti-communist, and enforced strict discipline on Noriega. Reports have suggested that he continued to pass intelligence to the U.S. during this period, about the plantation workers' activities. In 1967 the administration of U.S. President Lyndon B. Johnson concluded that Noriega would be
20670-408: The transition. The issue had been highlighted by a blue-ribbon commission headed by Ambassador Sol Linowitz . Several individuals associated with that commission would play major roles in the Carter administration's Latin America policy, including Linowitz himself and NSC Senior Director Robert A. Pastor . Negotiations were resumed on February 15, 1977, and were completed by August 10 of that year. On
20829-468: The treaty increased considerably after the Suez Crisis , and events in 1964 precipitated a complete breakdown in relations between the U.S. and Panama. On January 9 of that year, Panamanian students entered the canal zone to fly the Panamanian flag next to the American flag, per a 1963 agreement to defuse tension between the two countries. Panamanians watching the event began rioting after the students raising
20988-420: The triumph of Arnulfo Arias in the elections and a few days after the swearing in of the same, there was a meeting between Arias and the high officers of the National Guard, General Vallarino, Colonels Pinilla and Urrutia and Lieutenant Colonel Torrijos, to agree on Vallarino's retirement, in return Arias would respect the law of the ladder. President Arnulfo Arias Madrid assumed on October 1, 1968, on October 10,
21147-401: The vote in a referendum held on October 23, 1977. To allow for popular discussion of the treaties and in response to claims made by opponents of the treaty in the U.S. that Panama was incapable of democratically ratifying them, restrictions on the press and on political parties were lifted several weeks prior to the vote. On the day of the vote, 96% of Panama's eligible voters went to the polls,
21306-501: The winner regardless of the actual result. Duque knew he had been badly defeated and refused to go along. The next day, Endara, Arias Calderón, and Ford rolled through the old part of the capital in a triumphant motorcade, only to be intercepted by a detachment of Noriega's paramilitary Dignity Battalions . Arias Calderón was protected by a couple of troops, but Endara and Ford were badly beaten. Images of Ford running to safety with his guayabera shirt covered in blood were broadcast around
21465-401: The world. When the 1984–1989 presidential term expired, Noriega named a longtime associate, Francisco Rodríguez , acting president. The U.S. recognized Endara as the new president. Noriega's decision to void the election results led to another coup attempt against him in October 1989. A number of Noriega's junior officers rose up against him, led by Lieutenant Colonel Moisés Giroldi Vera, but
21624-490: Was Moreno, died of tuberculosis when he was a child, and Noriega was brought up by a godmother in a one-room apartment in the slum area of Terraplén. Both of his parents were dead by the time he was five years old. Noriega was educated first at the Escuela República de México, and later at the Instituto Nacional, a well-regarded high school in Panama City that had produced a number of nationalist political leaders. He
21783-452: Was a Panamanian politician and military officer who was the de facto ruler of Panama from 1983 to 1989. He never actually served as president of Panama, instead ruling as an unelected military dictator through puppet presidents. Amassing a personal fortune through drug trafficking operations by the Panamanian military , Noriega had longstanding ties with American intelligence agencies before
21942-511: Was armed with Russian AK-47 and AKM rifles and rocket-propelled grenade launchers RPG-2 , RPG-7 and RPG-18 , in addition to U.S. weapons such as the M16-A1 , M-60 machine guns and . 45 caliber service pistols. The following are notable units of the PDF: The PDF's four battalions consisted of 600 to 700 men. A fifth battalion, "Atlantica", based around 8th Infantry/Military Police Company,
22101-413: Was at least in part because wealthy individuals worried that their wealth would be seized by Noriega's administration. The military government of Torrijos had maintained its power in large part by extracting resources from Panama's expanding service sector, particularly its illicit portions. According to political scientist Steve Ropp, Torrijos was a "gifted politician with a genuine concern for improving
22260-404: Was aware that Noriega was selling intelligence on the U.S. to Cuba while he was working for it. Noriega also undertook a number of activities while nominally working for the CIA that served his own ends at the expense of the U.S. government. Journalist Frederick Kempe wrote in 1990 that Noriega had been linked to a series of bombings targeting the U.S. territory in the Panama Canal Zone during
22419-510: Was captured along with 400 other police and coup soldiers and sent to Fuerte Cimarrón, the basic military training school in Panama, and then sent to the Tinajitas Prison and Coiba , where many were tortured and subsequently executed. General Manuel Antonio Noriega then ordered all the barracks to deliver any weapons of heavy caliber, which were stored in containers under the custody of the G-2 under
22578-514: Was composed of 38 aircraft T-35 Pillán , Cessna , Twin Otter , CASA CN-235 , called by the FAP in codename "Elektra", used for paratrooper and infantry forces, CASA C-212 Aviocar , Cessna 208 Caravan and a Boeing 727 . It had around 500 personnel. The National Naval Force (Fuerza de Marina Nacional, FMN) was composed of a small group of patrollers and landing units. It also had a Marine Corps Company. It
22737-574: Was described as an "oddly serious child," a bookish student always neatly dressed by his godmother. During his time in the Instituto Nacional he met his older half-brother Luis Carlos Noriega Hurtado, a socialist activist and also a student at the school: Manuel had not previously met his siblings. Manuel began living with Luis, who introduced him to politics, including recruiting him into the Socialist Party 's youth wing. Luis Noriega would later direct Panama's electoral tribunal. During his time in
22896-423: Was described as doing much of Torrijos's "dirty work". For instance, Noriega ordered the death of Jesús Héctor Gallego Herrera , a priest whose work at an agricultural cooperative was seen as a threat by the government. Gallego's body is reported to have been thrown from a helicopter into the sea. He also made an effort during this period to portray Panama as a hub of enforcement against drug smuggling, possibly as
23055-426: Was forced to close. In May 1984, Noriega allowed the first presidential elections in 16 years. Noriega and Díaz Herrera picked Nicolás Ardito Barletta Vallarino to be the PRD's candidate, with the intention of keeping him under close control. When the initial results showed Arias, who had the support of much of the opposition, on his way to a landslide victory, Noriega halted the count. After brazenly manipulating
23214-497: Was founded on 17 January 1969 and its motto was "Con Bien Viento y Buena Mar" (By good wind and good sea). Its headquarters was Fort Amador . It had two fleets, an Atlantic fleet based at Coco Solo and a Pacific fleet based at the Port of Balboa . It had smaller bases at Cocos Island , Colón Island and Pedregal . It had around 500 personal and operated 8 landing craft, 2 logistics support ships made from converted landing craft, and
23373-578: Was founded on 17 January 1969 and its motto was Desde el Aire, Orden Paz y Lealtad (From the Air, Order Peace and Loyalty). It was headquartered in Tocumen and had bases at Curundú , David , Paitilla and Santiago . It was composed of a squad of helicopters and a squad of fixed-wing aircraft. The helicopter squad was composed of 22 helicopters that were mostly Huey or UH-1N type armed with M60 machine guns and an AS 332 Super Puma Eurocopter. The fixed-wing squadron
23532-416: Was friends with Omar Torrijos, AFL-CIO president George Meany , statesmen Averell Harriman , Dean Rusk , George Ball , Henry Cabot Lodge , and John Sherman Cooper , and former first lady Lady Bird Johnson . More moderate conservatives, including former President Gerald Ford and Henry Kissinger, both made public statements in support of the treaty. Organized efforts to promote the treaties came from
23691-400: Was investigated further. In 1988, Noriega was indicted by federal grand juries in Miami and Tampa on charges of racketeering , drug smuggling, and money laundering . The U.S. launched an invasion of Panama following failed negotiations seeking his resignation, and Noriega's annulment of the 1989 Panamanian general election . Noriega was captured and flown to the U.S., where he was tried on
23850-459: Was issued, through which the Public Force was organized, one of whose components is the National Police. The Executive appointed Colonel Eduardo Herrera Hassan as Director of that Force. Herrera Hassán was then dismissed on charges of conspiracy in August, being replaced Lieutenant Colonel Fernando Quezada, who in turn was dismissed in October of the same year, by opening a public discussion with
24009-406: Was made, the other ploys may have been tried in the early 1970s, according to Dinges. Dinges wrote that beginning in 1972 the U.S. relaxed its efforts at trapping individuals involved with smuggling within the Panama government, possibly as a result of an agreement between Torrijos and U.S. President Richard Nixon . During the early 1970s, Noriega's relationship with the U.S. intelligence services
24168-413: Was planned but never formed. The green uniformed Fuerza Policia was the national law enforcement force providing police and highway patrol duties nationwide. The around 5,000 police personnel were under the jurisdiction of the PDF. The following two " Public Order " companies were formed; 1st Centurions, disbanded after the October coup attempt for not supporting Noriega, and 2nd Doberman, who helped defend
24327-571: Was promoted to the rank of first lieutenant in 1966, and Torrijos found him a job as an intelligence officer in the "North Zone" of the National Guard. Shortly afterward, he returned to the School of the Americas for more training. At the school, Noriega participated in courses on infantry operations , counterintelligence , intelligence, and jungle warfare . He also took a course in psychological operations at Fort Bragg in North Carolina . Noriega's job required him to penetrate and disrupt
24486-445: Was regularized. The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) placed him on its payroll in 1971, while he held his position as head of Panamanian intelligence; he had previously been paid by U.S. intelligence services on a case-by-case basis. Regular payments to him were stopped under the Carter administration, before being resumed and later stopped again under the administration of Ronald Reagan . The CIA valued him as an asset because he
24645-405: Was removed in a quiet coup on March 3, 1982. By general agreement, Paredes was made leader until 1983, after which the military would work together to ensure his election as the president in the election scheduled for 1984. During this period Noriega became a full colonel and the National Guard's chief of staff, effectively the second-highest rank in the country. He reformed the National Guard as
24804-563: Was strongly censored by closing newspapers. The issuance of pamphlets and clandestine writings was developed. On February 24, 1969, Colonel Torrijos with a group of officers who supported in a maneuver as part of the intestine fights stun Colonel Boris Martínez and sent him on a plane to Miami as a military attache which he rejected and never had ties with the military staying to live there as an asylee. By December 1969, while General Omar Torrijos already attended an equestrian competition which his friend Fernando Eleta Almarán had invited his friend,
24963-533: Was the change of the name of the military entity to the Defense Forces of Panama, with the mentality of converting the military police into an army for the joint tasks of the defense of the Panama Canal along with the United States Army . For the reorganization of the military institution, he had the military advice of Israeli intelligence experts and reputed military officers, among them the Argentine Colonel Mohamed Ali Seineldín , veteran of
25122-423: Was traveling by bus from Costa Rica to Panama, witnesses saw him being detained by the PDF after crossing the border. His decapitated body was later found wrapped in a United States Postal Service mail bag showing signs of brutal torture. Noriega was widely believed to be responsible for the murder, and according to Koster and Sánchez, the U.S. had intelligence implicating Noriega. On the day of Spadafora's arrest,
25281-603: Was willing to provide information about the Cuban government and later about the Sandinista government in Nicaragua. Noriega also served as the U.S. emissary to Cuba during negotiations following the Johnny Express incident in December 1971. Noriega was given access to CIA contingency funds, which he was supposed to use to improve his intelligence programs, but which he could spend with little accountability. The contingency funds were as high as US$ 100,000 in some years. The CIA
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