Defunct
98-646: The Moral Majority was an American political organization and movement associated with the Christian right and the Republican Party in the United States . It was founded in 1979 by Baptist minister Jerry Falwell Sr. and associates, and dissolved in the late 1980s. It played a key role in the mobilization of conservative Christians as a political force and particularly in Republican presidential victories throughout
196-459: A 501(c)(4) organization, is the successor to the original Christian Coalition created in 1987 by religious broadcaster and former presidential candidate Marion Gordon "Pat" Robertson . This US Christian advocacy group includes members of various Christian denominations , including Baptists (50%), mainline Protestants (25%), Roman Catholics (16%), and Pentecostals (10% to 12%) among communicants of other churches. On April 30, 1987,
294-756: A 1979 meeting, they urged televangelist Jerry Falwell Sr. to found the Moral Majority (a phrase coined by Weyrich). This was the period when the New Christian Right arose. Joining Falwell in the Moral Majority was Ed McAteer, who the same year, founded the Religious Roundtable in Memphis , Tennessee . Falwell also brought in Tim LaHaye , leader of a clergy group opposed to gay rights and John Birch Society figure, as an organizer. Falwell and Weyrich founded
392-644: A 2007 interview with the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel that after he mentioned the term "moral majority", Falwell "turned to his people and said, 'That's the name of our organization. ' " Weyrich would then engineer a strong union between the Republican Party and many culturally conservative Christians. Soon, Moral Majority became a general term for the conservative political activism of evangelists and fundamentalists such as Pat Robertson, James Robison , and Jerry Falwell. Howard Schweber, Professor at
490-528: A U.S. Supreme Court ruling. The cancellation of the campaign in the middle of its run led to nearly a dozen lawsuits by creditors and the bankruptcy of its fund-raising company. Without a fund-raising company supporting it, the Christian Coalition went into sharp decline financially. In March 2001, the Christian Coalition of America was sued by its African-American employees, who alleged racial discrimination. The District Court issued an injunction against
588-493: A constitutionally protected right in the 1973 Roe v. Wade ruling was the driving force behind the rise of the Christian Right in the 1970s. Changing political context led to the Christian Right's advocacy for other issues, such as opposition to euthanasia and campaigning for abstinence-only sex education . Ralph Reed , the chairman of the Christian Coalition, stated that the 1988 presidential campaign of Pat Robertson
686-637: A few years Falwell was favorably positioned to launch the Moral Majority. The impetus for the Moral Majority was the struggle for control of an American conservative Christian advocacy group known as Christian Voice during 1978. Robert Grant , Christian Voice's president, said in a news conference that the religious right was a "sham... controlled by three Catholics and a Jew ." Following this, Paul Weyrich , Terry Dolan , Richard Viguerie (the Catholics) and Howard Phillips (the Jew) left Christian Voice. During
784-774: A major factor in the decision to disband the organization. Falwell offered an optimistic public opinion about the Moral Majority's dissolution. Disbanding the Moral Majority in 1989 in Las Vegas , Falwell declared, "Our goal has been achieved... The religious right is solidly in place and [...] religious conservatives in America are now in for the duration." The Moral Majority sought to mobilize conservative Americans to become politically active on issues they thought were important. A variety of tactics were used to garner support. These tactics included direct-mail campaigns, telephone hotlines, rallies, and religious television broadcasts. Although
882-476: A natural choice for the Moral Majority's support. Although Robertson's political platforms were extremely similar to the ones the Moral Majority supported, Falwell gave his organization's endorsement to contender George H. W. Bush instead. Falwell's decision highlighted the rivalry between Falwell and Robertson as televangelists but also revealed the deep-seated tension that still persisted between competing evangelical traditions – Falwell's fundamentalist tradition
980-476: A phase of decline. After Reagan's two terms in office, donations were decreasing, because after eight years of Christian Right-supported leadership, the nation was no longer seen as in the same state of supposed moral peril as it was when Reagan first took office. The Moral Majority's financial base seriously eroded by the time it became part of the Liberty Federation; its financial difficulties ultimately were
1078-611: A powerful force for political Christianity today. The role of the media for the Religious right has been influential in its ability to connect Christian audiences to the larger American culture while at the same time bringing and keeping religion into play as both a political and a cultural force. The political agenda of the Christian right has been disseminated to the public through a variety of media outlets including radio broadcasting, television, and literature. Religious broadcasting began in
SECTION 10
#17328523814721176-436: A single issue within their respective states. The Moral Majority engaged in political activity in a variety of ways, including national media campaigns and grassroots organization aimed at supporting particular candidates in elections and using mail and phone calls to reach office-holders. The Moral Majority's initial political actions were aimed at supporting Jesse Helms ' proposed legislation on school prayer . Before long,
1274-469: A time period labeled the New Christian Right . While the platform also opposed abortion and leaned towards restricting taxpayer funding for abortions and passing a constitutional amendment which would restore protection of the right to life for unborn children, it also accepted the fact that many Americans, including fellow Republicans, were divided on the issue. Since about 1980, the Christian right has been associated with several institutions including
1372-511: Is also known as the New Christian Right (NCR) or the Religious Right , although some consider the religious right to be "a slightly broader category than Christian Right". John C. Green of the Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life states that Jerry Falwell used the label religious right to describe himself. Gary Schneeberger, vice president of media and public relations for Focus on
1470-552: Is regarded as the originator of the process. Members of and organizations associated with the Christian right, such as the Discovery Institute , created and popularized the modern concept of intelligent design, which became widely known only with the publication of the book Of Pandas and People in 1989. The Discovery Institute, through their intelligent design initiative called the Center for Science and Culture , has endorsed
1568-420: Is warier of the political spectrum and much of the resources of his group are devoted to other aims such as media. However, as a private citizen, Dobson has stated his opinion on presidential elections; on February 5, 2008, Dobson issued a statement regarding the 2008 presidential election and his strong disappointment with the Republican party's candidates. In an essay written in 1996, Ralph Reed argued against
1666-515: The Bruderhof Communities , Schwarzenau Brethren , River Brethren and Apostolic Christians ) are theologically, socially, and culturally conservative; however, there are no overtly political organizations associated with these Christian denominations , which are usually uninvolved, uninterested, apathetic, or indifferent towards politics. Evangelical theologian and pastor Tim Keller stated that conservative Christianity (theology) predates
1764-633: The Christian Coalition of America has used the Internet to inform the public, as well as to sell merchandise and gather members. The Christian right strongly advocates for a system of educational choice, using a system of school vouchers , instead of public education. Vouchers would be government funded and could be redeemed for "a specified maximum sum per child per years if spent on approved educational services". This method would allow parents to determine which school their child attends while relieving
1862-543: The Internal Revenue Service , ending its long-running battle with that agency regarding its tax exempt status . As a result, the IRS has recognized the coalition as a 501(c)(4) tax-exempt organization, the first time in the agency's history that it has granted a letter of exemption to a group that stated in its application that it would distribute voter guides directly in churches. The consent decree enforces limitations on
1960-774: The Moral Majority , the Christian Coalition , Focus on the Family , the Alliance Defending Freedom the Family Research Council and the American Center for Law & Justice . While the influence of the Christian right is typically traced to the 1980 Presidential election, Daniel K. Williams argues in God's Own Party that it had actually been involved in politics for most of the twentieth century. He also notes that
2058-529: The moral absolutist tone of Christian right leaders, arguing for the Republican Party Platform to stress the moral dimension of abortion rather than placing emphasis on overturning Roe v. Wade. Reed believes that pragmatism is the best way to advocate for the Christian right. Overtly partisan actions by churches could threaten their 501(c)(3) tax-exempt status due to the Johnson Amendment of
SECTION 20
#17328523814722156-803: The religious right , are Christian political factions characterized by their strong support of socially conservative and traditionalist policies. Christian conservatives seek to influence politics and public policy with their interpretation of the teachings of Christianity . In the United States, the Christian right is an informal coalition which was formed around a core of conservative Evangelical Protestants and conservative Roman Catholics . The Christian right draws additional support from politically conservative mainline Protestants , Orthodox Jews , and Mormons . The movement in American politics became dominant in American conservatism starting in
2254-458: The state atheism espoused by communist countries, secularization came to be seen by many Americans as the biggest threat to American and Christian values, and by the 1980s Catholic bishops and evangelicals had begun to work together on issues such as abortion. The alienation of Southern Democrats from the Democratic Party contributed to the rise of the right, as the counterculture of
2352-719: The teach the controversy approach . According to its proponents, such an approach would ensure that both the strengths and weaknesses of evolutionary theory were discussed in the curriculum. This tactic was criticized by Judge John E. Jones III in Kitzmiller v. Dover Area School District , describing it as "at best disingenuous, and at worst a canard." Christian Coalition of America Newspapers Journals TV channels Websites Other Economics Gun rights Identity politics Nativist Religion Watchdog groups Youth/student groups Miscellaneous Other The Christian Coalition of America ( CCA ),
2450-502: The 1920s through the radio. Between the 1950s and 1980s, TV became a powerful way for the Christian right to influence the public through shows such as Pat Robertson's The 700 Club and The Family Channel (now Freeform ). The Internet has also helped the Christian right reach a much larger audience. These organizations' websites play a strong role in popularising the Christian right's stances on cultural and political issues, and inform interested viewers on how to get involved. For example,
2548-494: The 1960s provoked fear of social disintegration . In addition, as the Democratic Party became identified with a pro-abortion rights position and with nontraditional societal values, social conservatives joined the Republican Party in increasing numbers. In 1976, U.S. President Jimmy Carter received the support of the Christian right largely because of his much-acclaimed religious conversion. However, Carter's spiritual transformation did not compensate for his liberal policies in
2646-561: The 1970s, their internal mobilization as "shared anti-gay sentiment aided in solidifying a collective set of grievances and ideologies, in establishing a collective identity of constituents, and in constructing a hostile enemy against which the conservative Christian activists were to fight". The Moral Majority refrained from directly speaking out against gays, feminists, and pro-abortion parties and instead used "pro-family" rhetoric to articulate their point. For example, instead of coming out directly against homosexuality and gay families, leaders of
2744-548: The 1980 election. Also, in 1981, the Moral Majority mobilized delegates to the Virginia Republican state nominating convention in order to support Guy Farley, an evangelical candidate for lieutenant governor. Nationally, the Moral Majority encouraged electoral participation among its members and used registration drives to register church-goers to vote, with the logic that Moral Majority members would be likely to vote for Moral Majority-endorsed candidates, thus strengthening
2842-532: The 1980s. Defunct Newspapers Journals TV channels Websites Other Economics Gun rights Identity politics Nativist Religion Watchdog groups Youth/student groups Miscellaneous Other The origins of the Moral Majority can be traced to 1976 when Baptist minister Jerry Falwell Sr. embarked on a series of "I Love America" rallies across the country to raise awareness of social issues important to him. These rallies were an extension of Falwell's decision to go against
2940-503: The CCA was ranked by Fortune magazine as the 7th most powerful political organization in America. After a disagreement with Robertson, Hodel left in January 1999 and Tate soon followed. Robertson took over the presidency. Later in 2001 he turned it and the chairmanship over to Roberta Combs, the group's executive vice president and former state chairman of South Carolina, when he officially left
3038-498: The Christian Coalition applied to become a tax-exempt charitable organization with the Internal Revenue Service . Forty-nine state chapters formed as independent corporations within their states, including the Christian Coalition of Texas. A handful, including the Christian Coalition of Texas, successfully obtained tax-exempt status as social-welfare organizations . After ten years, the Internal Revenue Service declined
Moral Majority - Misplaced Pages Continue
3136-538: The Christian Coalition was incorporated in Richmond, Virginia . The following year, after a well-funded but unsuccessful campaign for President , Pat Robertson , a religious broadcaster and political commentator, used the remainder of his campaign resources to jump-start the formation of the Christian Coalition's voter-mobilization effort. Americans for Robertson accumulated a mailing list of several million conservative Christians interested in politics. This mailing provided
3234-518: The Christian Coalition's application for charitable status because it engaged in political activities. In response, the Christian Coalition of Texas was renamed the Christian Coalition of America, and the organization relocated in order to work nationwide. In 1990, the national Christian Coalition, Inc., headquartered in Chesapeake, Virginia , began producing non-partisan voter guides which it distributed to conservative Christian churches. Complaints that
3332-535: The Christian Coalition. The case was settled and the African-American plaintiffs received a payment. In November 2002, Combs downsized the staff and moved the organization's offices from Washington, D.C., to a suburb of Charleston, South Carolina . The coalition reduced its lobbyists in Washington from a dozen to one. The Christian Coalition was later sued for $ 1,890 by Reese & Sons Enterprises of Maryland,
3430-574: The Christian right (politics). Keller asserted that being a theological conservative does not require a person to be a political conservative, and that some political progressive views around economics, helping the poor, the redistribution of wealth , and racial diversity are compatible with theologically conservative Christianity. Conservative writer Rod Dreher has stated that a Christian can be theologically conservative while still holding left-wing economic views or even socialist views . In 1863, representatives from eleven Christian denominations in
3528-572: The Christian right had previously been in alliance with the Republican Party in the 1940s through 1960s on matters such as opposition to communism and defending "a Protestant-based moral order". Similarly, scholar Celestini Carmen traces the John Birch Society (JBS)'s focus on culture war issues and rhetoric of apocalypticism , conspiratorialism , and fear to the rise of the Christian right through JBS members and Christian right activists Tim LaHaye , Phyllis Schlafly , and others. In light of
3626-477: The Christian right supported the aims of the temperance movement . Since the late 1970s, the Christian right has been a notable force in both the Republican Party and American politics when Baptist pastor Jerry Falwell and other Christian leaders began to urge conservative Christians to involve themselves in the political process. President Jimmy Carter's backing of the Equal Rights Amendment led to
3724-486: The Christian right's power within the American political system is attributed to their extraordinary turnout rate at the polls. The voters that coexist in the Christian right are also highly motivated and driven to get out a viewpoint on issues they care about. As well as high voter turnout, they can be counted on to attend political events, knock on doors and distribute literature. Members of the Christian right are willing to do
3822-454: The Family , states that "[t]erms like 'religious right' have been traditionally used in a pejorative way to suggest extremism. The phrase 'socially conservative evangelicals' is not very exciting, but that's certainly the way to do it." Evangelical leaders like Tony Perkins of the Family Research Council have called attention to the problem of equating the term Christian right with Evangelical Protestants . Although evangelicals constitute
3920-625: The Internal Revenue Code. In one notable example, the former pastor of the East Waynesville Baptist Church in Waynesville, North Carolina "told the congregation that anyone who planned to vote for Democratic Sen. John Kerry should either leave the church or repent ". The church later expelled nine members who had voted for Kerry and refused to repent, which led to criticism on the national level. The pastor resigned and
4018-482: The Liberty Federation's larger jurisdiction. In 1987, Falwell retired as the formal head of the Moral Majority, and was succeeded by Jerry Nims, although he maintained an active and visible role within the organization. The same year, a major effort which Falwell made to bring scandal-ridden Jim Bakker 's PTL ministries out of financial trouble proved unsuccessful. By the end of Ronald Reagan 's presidential administration, Christian Right organizations were generally in
Moral Majority - Misplaced Pages Continue
4116-439: The Moral Majority became heavily invested in presidential elections and national politics; although at the state level branches of the Moral Majority continued to pursue specific issues at lower levels of government. As far as elections, state Moral Majority chapters tended to deliberately focus their efforts towards particular candidates. For example, state chapters participated in campaigns to oust liberal members of Congress during
4214-415: The Moral Majority became one of the largest conservative lobby groups in the United States and at its height, it claimed more than four million members and over two million donors. These members were spread among about twenty state organizations, of which Washington State's was the largest. The Moral Majority was incorporated into the Liberty Federation in 1985, remaining a distinct entity but falling under
4312-433: The Moral Majority defined a family as "two heterosexual parents", which appealed to many conservatives. Later, as the organization gained more influence in the 1980s, their rhetoric became more explicit in their stance on gay rights as they characterized the movement as an attack on the American family. Jerry Falwell Sr. expressed that because gay people were rejected by most of society , they had no choice but to prey on
4410-411: The Moral Majority experienced friction with other evangelical leaders and organizations as well as liberal leaders and organizations. For example, Bob Jones particularly sought to challenge the public position of the Moral Majority and was known to make public statements that the Moral Majority was an instrument of Satan. Such rivalries affected the Moral Majority's grassroots efforts. In South Carolina,
4508-546: The Moral Majority had no presence because Bob Jones University 's religious network had already organized the state's independent Baptists. The tension between Falwell and Pat Robertson also affected the Moral Majority. On the ideologically opposed side, Norman Lear 's liberal organization People for the American Way was formed with the specific intention of opposing the platforms of the Moral Majority and other Christian Right organizations. In November 2004, Falwell revived
4606-543: The Moral Majority in June 1979. According to former Arkansas governor Mike Huckabee , who was Texas evangelist James Robison 's communications director at the time, Robison's "Freedom Rally" at the Dallas Convention Center was the genesis of the Moral Majority. The Moral Majority was predominately a Southern-oriented organization of the Christian Right, although its state chapters and political activity extended beyond
4704-665: The Moral Majority leadership during his campaign and appointed the Rev. Robert Billings, the Moral Majority's first executive director, to be a religious advisor to the campaign. Later, Reagan appointed Billings to a position in the Department of Education . This appointment was particularly significant for the Moral Majority, which had lobbied on education policy issues, especially those regarding private schools. The Moral Majority maintained their support for Reagan's 1984 reelection campaign and, alongside other Christian Right organizations, influenced
4802-427: The Moral Majority may have actually had a negative effect on Reagan's campaign. 1988 was the last presidential election for which the Moral Majority was an active organization. With Reagan having reached his two-term limit, the Republican nomination was open to a variety of primary contenders. The evangelical minister and televangelist Pat Robertson sought the Republican nomination and would have been, at first glance,
4900-854: The Moral Majority name for a new organization, the Moral Majority Coalition. The intent of the organization is to continue the "evangelical revolution" to help conservative politicians get elected. Referring to the Coalition as a "21st century resurrection of the Moral Majority," Falwell, a father of the modern "religious right" political movement, committed to leading the organization for four years. He died on May 15, 2007. Christian right Defunct Newspapers Journals TV channels Websites Other Economics Gun rights Identity politics Nativist Religion Watchdog groups Youth/student groups Miscellaneous Other The Christian right , otherwise referred to as
4998-414: The Moral Majority operated for only a decade, it rapidly became a visible political force and was relatively effective in its mobilization goals. According to Robert Liebman and Robert Wuthnow , common explanations for this success include: Scholar Carmen Celestini argues that the culture war issues, conspiratorialism , apocalypticism , and fear emphasized in the John Birch Society were key aspects in
SECTION 50
#17328523814725096-497: The Moral Majority were financially independent from the national organization and relied on local resources to conduct their activities. Consequently, the national organization encouraged local chapters to cooperate with their policies but had little control over local chapters' activities. Political activity of the Moral Majority divided accordingly, with the national Moral Majority office usually focused on addressing multiple issues through Congress while local branches tended to work on
5194-430: The Moral Majority's political imperative to unify personal and political positions and would instead support the positions of his own party, the Democratic Party. In particular, Carter did not actively oppose his party's general pro-choice platform on abortion, nor did Carter work to bridge the church–state divide, both factors in the Moral Majority's decision to support Ronald Reagan's candidacy in 1980. The Moral Majority
5292-465: The Republican platform for the election, shaping the party's campaign stances on school prayer and abortion. The nation's political climate, however, had changed since Reagan's first campaign. Although Reagan won reelection, the role of the Moral Majority in the victory had changed since 1980. A study of voters in the 1984 election showed that more anti-Moral Majority voters voted for Walter Mondale than pro-Moral Majority voters voted for Reagan, suggesting
5390-541: The South. The number of state chapters grew quickly, with organizations in eighteen states by 1980. The variety of resources available to the Moral Majority at its founding facilitated this rapid expansion, and included Falwell's mailing list from his program, Old Time Gospel Hour . In addition, the Moral Majority took control of the Old Time Gospel Hour 's publication, Journal Champion , which had been distributed to
5488-470: The United States marked a milestone for evangelical Christians. For the first time, a self-professed evangelical Christian had been elected to the nation's highest office, bringing the national awareness of evangelical Christianity to a new level. Despite commonality in religious identification, however, evangelical Christians in general and eventually the newly formed Moral Majority in particular came to be disappointed with Carter's policies. Carter did not share
5586-533: The United States organized the National Reform Association . The organization's goal was to amend the U.S. Constitution to make the country a Christian state . The National Reform Association is one of the first organizations through which adherents from several Christian denominations worked together in an attempt to enshrine Christianity in American government. The Christian Civic League of Maine , founded in 1897, and other early organizations of
5684-918: The University of Wisconsin-Madison, writes that "in the past two decades", "Catholic politicians have emerged as leading figures in the religious conservative movement." An early attempt to bring the Christian right into American politics began in 1974 when Robert Grant , a movement leader, who founded the American Christian Cause to advocate Christian ideological teachings in Southern California. Concerned that Christians overwhelmingly voted for President Jimmy Carter in 1976, Grant founded Christian Voice to rally Christian voters behind socially conservative candidates. Prior to his alliance with Falwell, Weyrich sought an alliance with Grant. Grant and other Christian Voice staff soon set up their main office at
5782-452: The banner of "traditional family values ". The Moral Majority portrayed issues such as abortion, divorce, feminism, gay and lesbian rights, and the Equal Rights Amendment as attacks on the traditional concept and values of American families and tapped into a sense of societal moral decay that resonated with many evangelicals . They also campaigned for the inclusion of prayer in schools and tax incentives for married couples as protection for
5880-633: The basis of the new organization. The coalition had four original directors: Robertson, his son Gordon Robertson, Dick Weinhold, head of the Texas organization, and, Billy McCormack , pastor of the University Worship Center in Shreveport , Louisiana . McCormack had headed the Louisiana division of Americans for Robertson in 1988 and was also the vice president of the coalition. After its founding,
5978-518: The blessing of the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of New York . Under the leadership of Reed and Robertson, the Coalition quickly became the most prominent voice in the conservative Christian movement, its influence culminating with an effort to support the election of a conservative Christian to the presidency in 1996 . In addition, they have encouraged the convergence of conservative Christian ideology with political issues, such as healthcare,
SECTION 60
#17328523814726076-457: The coalition in 1989 as its founding executive director. He remained in the post until August 1997 when he left to enter partisan political consulting, founding his new firm Century Strategies, based near Atlanta, Georgia. Robertson served as the organization's president from its founding until June 1997, when President Reagan 's Cabinet Secretary Donald P. Hodel was named president of the CCA, and former U.S. Representative Randy Tate (R-WA)
6174-499: The coalition. In 2000, the coalition moved from Chesapeake, Virginia , to a large office on Capitol Hill in Washington, D.C. Combs is the current president and CEO of the Christian Coalition of America. She is a founding state director and has been the only woman on the board of directors in the history of the Christian Coalition of America. Since moving to the capital, Combs installed members of her family as high-ranking officials in
6272-441: The core constituency of the Christian right, not all evangelicals fit the description, and a number of Roman Catholics are also members of the Christian right's core base. The problem of description is further complicated by the fact that the label religious conservative or conservative Christian may apply to other religious groups as well. For instance, Anabaptist Christians (most notably Amish , Mennonites , Hutterites ,
6370-458: The development of the Christian right and the embrace of many evangelical conservatives to Republican Party candidates. In response to the rise of the Christian right, the 1980 Republican Party platform assumed a number of its positions, including adding support for a restoration of school prayer . The past two decades have been an important time in the political debates and in the same time frame religious citizens became more politically active in
6468-419: The disparate group of homeschooling families into a cohesive bloc. The number of homeschooling families has increased in the last twenty years, and around 80 percent of these families identify themselves as evangelicals. The main universities associated with the Christian right in the United States are: The media has played a major role in the rise of the Christian right since the 1920s and has continued to be
6566-421: The economic burden associated with private schools. The concept is popular among constituents of church-related schools, including those affiliated with Roman Catholicism. The Protestant members of the Christian right in the United States generally promote the teaching of creationism and intelligent design as opposed to, or alongside, biological evolution. Some supporters of the Christian right have opposed
6664-549: The economy, education and crime. Political activists lobbied within the Republican party locally and nationally to influence party platforms and nominations. More recently James Dobson's group Focus on the Family, based in Colorado Springs, and the Family Research Council in Washington D.C. have gained enormous respect from Republican lawmakers. While strongly advocating for these ideological matters, Dobson himself
6762-496: The electoral work needed to see their candidate elected. Because of their high level of devotion, the Christian right does not need to monetarily compensate these people for their work. Led by Robert Grant advocacy group Christian Voice , Jerry Falwell's Moral Majority, Ed McAteer 's Religious Roundtable Council, James Dobson 's Focus on the Family , Paul Weyrich 's Free Congress Foundation and The Heritage Foundation , and Pat Robertson 's Christian Broadcasting Network ,
6860-486: The group, including her daughter Michele Ammons and son-in-law Tracy Ammons. Michele and Tracy Ammons later divorced. Combs fired her former son-in-law Tracy Ammons after her daughter received a judgement against him for alimony and child support. Combs had filed an affidavit on her behalf on Coalition letterhead. Combs canceled a direct-mail fund-raising campaign run by fund-raiser Bill Sidebottom of Interact Response Communications aimed at fighting child pornography after
6958-589: The headquarters of Weyrich's Heritage Foundation. The alliance between Weyrich and Grant fell apart in 1978. In the late 1980s, Pat Robertson founded the Christian Coalition of America , building from his 1988 presidential run , with Republican activist Ralph Reed , who became the spokesman for the Coalition. In 1992, the national Christian Coalition, Inc., headquartered in Virginia Beach, Virginia, began producing voter guides, which it distributed to conservative Christian churches, both Protestant and Catholic, with
7056-689: The late 1970s. The Christian right gained powerful influence within the Republican party during the presidency of Ronald Reagan in the United States in the 1980s. Its influence draws from grassroots activism as well as from focus on social issues and the ability to motivate the electorate around those issues. It is part of social conservatism in the United States . The Christian right has advanced socially conservative positions on issues such as creationism in public education , school prayer , temperance , Christian nationalism , Christian Zionism , and Sunday Sabbatarianism , as well as opposition to
7154-399: The leadership approved of this inclusion. The Moral Majority was an organization made up of conservative Christian political action committees which campaigned on issues its personnel believed were important to maintaining its Christian conception of moral law. They believed this represented the opinions of the majority of Americans (hence the movement's name). With a membership of millions,
7252-822: The minds of Christian conservatives; according to Jerry Falwell, "Americans have literally stood by and watched as godless, spineless leaders have brought our nation floundering to the brink of death." In 2016, Patricia Miller said that the "alliance between evangelical leaders and the Catholic bishops has been a cornerstone of the Christian Right for nearly twenty years". The Christian Right has engaged in battles over abortion, euthanasia , contraception , pornography , gambling, obscenity , Christian nationalism , Sunday Sabbatarianism (concerning Sunday blue laws ), state sanctioned prayer in public schools , textbook contents (concerning creationism ), homosexuality , and sexual education . The Supreme Court's decision to make abortion
7350-520: The moving company it used for transporting its goods to South Carolina, because of failure to pay the wrapping and packing fee. The coalition lost in court in Richmond, Virginia, and finally paid the movers. Other reported debts have been $ 69,729 owed to its longtime law firm, Huff, Poole & Mahoney PC of Virginia Beach, and Global Direct, a fundraising firm in Oklahoma, sued for $ 87,000 in expenses. From
7448-468: The national group, the Iowa Christian Alliance cited "the current problems facing the Christian Coalition of America". In August 2006, the Christian Coalition of Alabama split from the national group. It later renamed itself Christian Action Alabama. In November 2006, the president-elect of the Christian Coalition of America resigned his post, citing a difference in philosophy over which issues
7546-511: The new Religious Right combined conservative politics with evangelical and fundamentalist teachings. The birth of the New Christian right, however, is usually traced to a 1979 meeting where televangelist Jerry Falwell was urged to create a "Moral Majority" organization. In 1979, Weyrich was in a discussion with Falwell when he remarked that there was a "moral majority" of Americans ready to be called to political action. Weyrich later recalled in
7644-512: The organization should embrace. Reverend Joel Hunter , currently the senior pastor of the Northland Church in Longwood, Florida , was to assume the presidency in January. However, Hunter stated the coalition's leaders resisted his calls to expand their issue base, saying it would not expand the agenda beyond opposing abortion and same-sex marriage. Hunter also said he wanted to focus on rebuilding
7742-475: The organization's electoral efficacy and strengthening its endorsements. Leaders within the Moral Majority asked ministers give their congregants political direction, reminding congregants when to vote, whom to vote for, and why the Moral Majority held particular positions on issues. The Moral Majority, however, is probably best known for its involvement in presidential elections, specifically those of Ronald Reagan. The 1976 election of Jimmy Carter as President of
7840-583: The organization's lead, more than one-fifth of Moral Majority supporters that had supported Carter in 1976 voted for Reagan in 1980. After Reagan's victory, Falwell attributed Reagan's success directly to the Moral Majority and others registering and encouraging church-goers to vote who had never before been politically active. Empirical evidence suggests that Falwell's claim about the role of Christian Right organizations in Reagan's victory has some truth, though difficult to determine definitively. Reagan sought input from
7938-599: The ousted church members were allowed to return. The Alliance Defense Fund , a Christian right group now known as the Alliance Defending Freedom, started the Pulpit Freedom Initiative in 2008. ADF states that "[t]he goal of Pulpit Freedom Sunday is simple: have the Johnson Amendment declared unconstitutional – and once and for all remove the ability of the IRS to censor what a pastor says from
8036-400: The pulpit." Both Christian right and secular polling organizations sometimes conduct polls to determine which presidential candidates will receive the support of Christian right constituents. One such poll is taken at the Family Research Council 's Values Voter Summit. George W. Bush's electoral success owed much to his overwhelming support from white evangelical voters, who comprise 23% of
8134-469: The show's donors. Through the 1980s, Falwell was the organization's best-known spokesperson. By 1982, Moral Majority surpassed Christian Voice in size and influence. The Moral Majority's headquarters were in Lynchburg, Virginia , where Falwell was the presiding minister of the nation's largest independent Baptist church, Thomas Road Baptist Church . Virginia has been a seat of Christian Right politics, being
8232-484: The state where the Christian Coalition 's first headquarters were established. Falwell was at the head of the Moral Majority and maintained an advisory board, constituting the organization's primary leadership. This leadership was drawn mostly from Falwell's fellow members of the Baptist Bible Fellowship . Falwell insisted the Moral Majority leadership also include Catholics and Jews, although not all members of
8330-405: The successful mobilization of the Moral Majority, particularly through Tim LaHaye, a Moral Majority figure and John Birch Society member and speaker. Some issues for which the Moral Majority campaigned included: The Moral Majority successfully campaigned to create an integrated social platform that appealed to most conservative Christians by packaging a variety of previously disparate issues under
8428-433: The teaching of biological evolution , embryonic stem cell research , LGBT rights , comprehensive sex education , abortion , euthanasia , use of drugs , and pornography . Although the term Christian right is most commonly associated with politics in the United States, similar Christian conservative groups can be found in the political cultures of other Christian-majority countries . The Christian right
8526-600: The teaching of evolution in the past, but they did not have the ability to stop it being taught in public schools as was done during the Scopes Trial in Dayton, Tennessee , in which a science teacher went on trial for teaching about the subject of evolution in a public school. Other "Christian right organizations supported the teaching of creationism, along with evolution, in public schools", specifically promoting theistic evolution (also known as evolutionary creationism) in which God
8624-410: The terminology that may be used in the coalition's voter guides. In late 2005, The Washington Post reported that the Christian Coalition was unable to pay its office postage bill to Pitney Bowes . In addition, it had not paid new lawyers in Virginia Beach; the law firm sued the coalition. In March 2006, the Christian Coalition of Iowa renamed itself the Iowa Christian Alliance. In splitting from
8722-402: The time Robertson left the group in 2001 until 2006, the coalition's influence greatly declined. Revenue declined from a high of $ 26.5 million in 1996 to $ 1.3 million in 2004. The organization's 2004 income tax return showed the Christian Coalition to be technically bankrupt, with debts exceeding assets by more than $ 2 million. In 2005, the coalition finally concluded a settlement agreement with
8820-418: The traditional Baptist principle of separating religion and politics, a change of heart Falwell says he had when he perceived what he described as the decay of the nation's morality. Through hosting these rallies, Falwell was able to gauge national support for a formal organization and also raise his profile as a leader. Having already been a part of a well-established network of ministers and ministries, within
8918-436: The traditional family structure. Under this pro-family agenda, they mobilized a large base of supporters with issue-centric dialogue that they proliferated in their network of preachers and mailings. In particular, the anti-homosexual rhetoric that they publicized through fundraising letters and Christian broadcasting had higher contribution rates than other topics. While not explicitly anti-gay in their public platforms during
9016-489: The vote. In 2000 he received 68% of the white evangelical vote; in 2004 that percentage rose to 78%. In 2016, Donald Trump received 81% of the white evangelical vote. The Home School Legal Defense Association was co-founded in 1983 by Michael Farris , who would later establish Generation Joshua and Patrick Henry College , and Michael Smith. This organization attempts to challenge laws that serve as obstacles to allowing parents to home-school their children and to organize
9114-546: The voter guides were partisan led to the denial by the IRS of the Christian Coalition, Inc.'s tax-exempt status in 1999. Later that same year, the coalition prevailed in its five-year defense of a lawsuit brought by the Federal Election Commission . Ralph Reed , an Emory University Ph.D. candidate, whom Robertson had met when the younger man was working as a waiter at an inaugural dinner for George H. W. Bush in January 1989, took control of day-to-day operations of
9212-463: The young and were therefore a threat to children and families. Various Moral Majority members also expressed more extreme opinions, such as Moral Majority commentator Charlie Judd, who argued that "There are absolutes in this world. Just as jumping off a building will kill a person, so will the spread of homosexuality bring about the demise of American culture as we know it". The Moral Majority comprised four distinct organizations: The state chapters of
9310-424: Was a relatively early supporter of Reagan, endorsing him before the Republican convention. According to Jimmy Carter, "that autumn [1980] a group headed by Jerry Falwell purchased $ 10 million in commercials on southern radio and TV to brand me as a traitor to the South and no longer a Christian." Naturally, the Moral Majority continued working on behalf of Reagan after he gained the Republican nomination. Following
9408-412: Was at odds with Robertson's charismatic tradition. By 1987–88, the views of the Moral Majority were challenged widely and the organization started to crumble. With its waning support, critics said "The Moral Majority is neither", meaning the organization was neither moral nor a majority. By 1988, there were serious cash flow problems and Falwell dismantled the organization in 1989. During its existence
9506-435: Was named executive director. Upon announcement of Hodel becoming president of the CCA, Robertson expressed a desire to serve the grassroots activists that made up the coalition. Grover Norquist , Washington insider, president of Americans for Tax Reform , and an old Reed ally, said of the appointments: "What you've got is Reagan and Gingrich . Hodel is a Reagan Republican and Tate is a Gingrich Republican." Late in 1997
9604-679: Was the 'political crucible' that led to the proliferation of Christian Right groups in the United States. Randall Balmer and other scholars on the other hand, have suggested that the New Christian Right Movement's rise was not centered around the issue of abortion, but rather Bob Jones University 's refusal to comply with the Supreme Court's 1971 Green v. Connally ruling that permitted the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) to collect penalty taxes from private religious schools that violated federal laws regarding integration . Much of
#471528