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175-648: Between 1960 and 1971, the Carlists published a monthly magazine named Montejurra . On 9 May 1976, during the Spanish Transition , far right-wing gunmen supported by the Spanish secret services , killed two people at a ceremony held by the left-wing Carlist Party . This became known as the Montejurra Incidents . The Carlist Party organizes an annual gathering at Montejurra, where Carlists and other leftists honor

350-461: A corporative basis. Traditionalism is an ultra-reactionary doctrine; it rejects concepts such as democracy, human rights, constitution, universal suffrage, sovereignty of the people, division of powers, religious liberty, freedom of speech, equality of individuals, and parliamentarism. The doctrine was adopted as the theoretical platform of the Carlist socio-political movement, though it appeared also in

525-419: A praetorian praxis, while the one of the 1920s was far closer to an authoritarian paradigm. Technically speaking territorial entities were just one out of many types of intermediary bodies making up a society; indeed in early Traditionalist writings they did not enjoy particular prominence and according to some scholars they were rather ignored. Traditionalist embracement of separate local legal identities

700-472: A Borbón-Parma family bulletin. From 1960 to 1971 members of the family 673 times appeared on photos, on average 6 times per issue. Not all of them received equal treatment: prince Carlos Hugo remained on the forefront with 220 photos, his wife Irene earned 194 pictures, his sisters featured 152 times, his father and the Carlist king Don Javier was photographed 67 times and his mother 40 times; in comparison,

875-463: A Traditionalist doctrine. According to some scholars Traditionalism as political option for the first time emerged represented by minority deputies at the 1812 Cortes of Cádiz ; a document considered by some the first political lecture of Traditionalism is the 1814 Manifiesto de los Persas , the following ones to be mentioned having been the 1822 Manifiesto del Barón de Eroles and the 1826 Manifiesto de los Realistas Puros . However, discussing

1050-581: A bulwark of traditionalism; pundits like Miguel Ayuso dwell upon Russia “the only Christian global power” and speak against attempts “to strangulate Russia”. Upon outbreak of the Russian-Ukrainian war CT and CTC sided with Moscow and their media endorse Russian perspective. Don Sixto has long advocated return to “Russia’s historic frontiers”. Spanish Traditionalism is a political theory with over 200 years of history; Traditionalists had to formulate their response to novelties like Declaration of

1225-607: A civil war, to become known as the First Carlist War . Don Carlos issued a number of manifiestos; they fell short of outlining a political vision and tended to focus on advertising his succession claims, though they also lambasted his opponents as masonic conspirators pitted against religion, monarchy, fueros and traditional liberties. Most of the former realistas sided with Don Carlos and politically his faction immediately assumed firmly ultraconservative flavor, directed against slightest manifestations of Liberalism embraced by

1400-503: A community strictly adhering to Christian principles. An ideal political regime is supposed to be means of achieving this objective; a Traditionalist monarchy is hence referred to as a katechon , the entity upholding Christianity and fighting the antichrist. Such a monarchy – and the Spanish one in particular – is also supposed to be missionary, as it is focused on spread of Christianity. Some Traditionalist theorists considered this feature

1575-594: A confederation. It is fairly frequent to encounter Traditionalist references to the Spains, "Las Españas", at times divided into "peninsulares" and "ultramarinas", as a principal multi-state point of reference and as a fatherland, though over time they became more and more of a cultural reference, pointing to tradition of Hispanidad. Within this perspective the imperial dimension is ignored or rejected, with focus not on conquest and subordination, but rather on community and shared values. At this point Hispanic cultural tradition

1750-438: A corporative basis. The Traditionalist doctrine starts with philosophical acknowledgement that God is the beginning of all things, not only as a creator but also a lawmaker. According to the theory, mankind emerged as a result of divine will and developed only when adhering to divine rules, since the truth is accessible to a man only by means of Revelation . As humanity was maturing people were organizing their communities, and

1925-785: A corporative pattern; Traditionalists preferred to name it an organic representation. Differently defined intermediary bodies were free to find their own way of appointing their representatives along differently defined structural patterns. This mechanism was pitted against representation exercised by means of individual popular suffrage, a faulty Liberal concept invented to serve either bourgeoisie or "plebe", exploiting atomization of individuals, unavoidably leading to corruption, partidocracía, oligarchy and caciquismo while failing to represent social interests properly. However, some Traditionalists embraced an idea of non-corporative elections, though usually highly limited by census requirements. The bodies usually named as those gathering representatives of

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2100-405: A far-reaching approach and suggest that it confuses Traditionalism with Spanish political tradition. According to a somewhat competitive perspective antecedents of Traditionalism can be identified no sooner than in the 18th century, as their emergence was conditioned by experience of discontinuity between the past and the present. The first manifestations of pre-Traditionalist thought were born –

2275-574: A federation of geographical entities, professional groupings or functional associations, each of them governing itself as opposed to a society regulated by increasingly homogeneous, universal rules. In the early 19th century this resembled more of a patchy feudal structure pitted against uniformity-driven modernization projects, in the early 21st century it seems rather comparable to devolution, subsidiarity and neo-medievalism in their post-modern incarnation. Social sovereignty should also not be confused with national sovereignty. In Traditionalist thought nation

2450-763: A few graduates from the Pamplona Instituto de Periodismo of Universidad de Navarra joined; they were led by Fernando García Romanillos. Since early 1968 until the last issue José Maria Echarri Loidi was listed as "administrator". There are almost 200 names appearing as contributors, though some might be pen-names of the same individuals; about 150 authors contributed no more than 3 pieces and about 10 signed at least 10 articles. There are two authors who stand out: Raimundo de Miguel and Pedro J. Zabala. Both contributed above 30 pieces, mostly major articles tackling key political issues, and both started to publish in Montejurra in

2625-479: A follower of Gil, others believe that Traditionalism achieved its most-refined embodiment in the Mellista thought. Gil remained a scholar with impact mostly in academic realm; following death in 1908 his work was soon eclipsed by that of de Mella, who gained high profile as deputy and politician and became sort of a celebrity. Politically Gil remained in-between Integrism and mainstream Carlism. De Mella for some 25 years

2800-521: A formation set up during the Republic years in the early 1930s, was according to different authors either an eclectic synthesis of various Traditionalist schools, or political menendezpelayismo, or neo-Traditionalism – especially in case of Ramiro Maeztu – or a blend of Traditionalism and Maurras -inspired nationalism. It remained politically competitive to re-united Carlism, which having gathered together Jaimistas, Mellistas and Integristas operated under

2975-475: A glamour magazine, with extensive stories from aristocratic feasts or leisure events, be it the Borbón-Parmas in ski resorts on during yachting ventures. Massive coverage of Carlos Hugo's wife and sisters, all in their 20s, demonstrates that Montejurra editors were conscious that photos of young females rendered the content more attractive to many readers. Until the mid-1950s Carlism remained in opposition to

3150-483: A king, his powers are limited and he is not considered free to declare his own understanding of these limitations at will; he is supposed to take into account the opinion of cuerpos intermedios. Exact mechanism of this process was described at varying levels of granularity and at times in somewhat contradictory terms; according to some theorists representatives of the society were merely to be consulted, according to some their say should have been formally incorporated into

3325-470: A man does not exist in isolation. Traditionalists pitted their vision of society principally against the Liberal one, supposed to be based on erroneous principle of individuals and their liberties, exercised in pursuit of their own self; the concept of "human rights" is dismissed. Another key difference between Traditionalist and non-Traditionalist, especially Liberal visions of society, stemmed from an idea of

3500-605: A national sovereignty and this of a social contract. A state, as a function of society, is considered not a voluntaristic and contractual being which needs to be acknowledged in a formal deal; its principles are defined by traditional Fundamental Laws which are not an agreement, but a result of development occurring in line with natural order. In case of some theorists the above principles were approached somewhat flexibly; few Traditionalists tended to view constitutional document as embodiment of traditional development and contributed to their drafting. In case of Spanish Traditionalists

3675-851: A natural child of liberal demagogy and Don Juan , who took part in the Munich opposition congress of 1962, was lambasted as compromised by his democratic companions. In 1965-1968 democracy was referred to 12-15 times in every issue, during this phase in increasingly ambiguous usage. Finally, since 1969 "democracy" became a dominating theme featuring 23-25 times per issue, already clearly as an objective pursued; if qualified, it appeared no longer as "orgánica" but rather as "carlista", "autárquica", "nueva", "social", "directa", "del pueblo" and similar. The democratic vision pursued has never been clearly specified, though it appeared to be distinct from all existing models, also these of Western Europe, as demonstrated by professed "antipartidismo" of Carlism. As key component of

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3850-500: A new stage under the direction of the well-known Navarrese architect and earlier member of the Pamplona city council Eugenio Arraiza Vilella; in his youth an active Carlist and later a Carlist put up with Francoist Spain , he was wealthy enough to provide initial financing and prestigious enough to act as a front-man. It is not clear to what degree the initiative was co-ordinated with the party leadership or co-financed by Carlist structures;

4025-415: A non-Carlist incarnation. Traditionalism has never exercised major influence among the Spanish governmental strata, yet periodically it was capable of mass mobilization and at times partially filtered into the ruling practice. Spanish Traditionalism is one of the oldest continuously proclaimed political doctrines in the world, its origins traced back to the late 18th century. In terms of intellectual grandeur

4200-420: A number of restrictions, aimed at preventing dynastic propaganda. When in the mid-1960s it became clear that Carlos Hugo was losing the race for Franco's favors to Juan Carlos , Montejurra became increasingly adamant; this in turn produced problems in censorship, and the second half of the decade was marked by escalating tension. Following the 1968 expulsion of Carlos Hugo Montejurra became openly critical of

4375-557: A particular model and did not embrace the term "socialismo"; instead, it opted for "sociedalismo". Montejurra was clearly a monarchist monthly and within limits permitted by the Francoist censorship it constantly exploited officially adopted auto-definition of Spain as "monarquía", invariably in relation to the Borbón-Parma dynasty. Other features of the existing regime were getting de-emphasized, though not challenged. From time to time

4550-514: A platform of first coexistence and then competition between the Traditionalists and the Progressists, with the latter taking the upper hand around 1968. In the former case selected orthodox threads would have been a camouflage and a lever enabling later a left-wing turn. In the latter case orthodox threads would have been present due to initially highly heterogeneous and balanced composition of

4725-429: A political theorist himself, Víctor Pradera , who kept supporting Primo and turned into one of his key political advisors. Perhaps never before and never afterwards stood any Traditionalist closer to the source of power than Pradera did in the mid-1920s, supplying the dictator with memoranda advocating features of Traditionalist regime; to some authors he became a reference point for primoderiverismo , even though in

4900-455: A private monthly, though it is not clear whether its owner, Eugenio Arraiza Vilella, from the onset acted as a front-man for semi-legal Carlist structures; at later stages ownership was transferred to a dedicated company. Initially the periodical operated with rather vague authorization on part of the administration, later it was granted a formal license from the censorship office. Having assumed professional and technologically advanced shape, since

5075-456: A qualification, pointing that a Traditionalist monarchy is to be ruled by a king and various lay intermediary bodies, not by a religious hierarchy, and that the state and the Church have to remain two distinct institutions. Traditionalist theorists emphatically confirmed that a state must be based on Christian orthodoxy, that politics and religion are inseparable in terms of their principles and that

5250-399: A rather hybrid periodical, with elements from different ends of media spectrum combined; they ranged from sophisticated theoretical political monthly, to cultural or religious journal, illustrated news magazine, militant fanzine down to people or even celebrity review . The single thread which clearly dominated throughout the entire Montejurra lifetime and which dwarfs all other subjects

5425-409: A reservation that Traditionalists are not enemies of the state. In fact, they saw state as a structure secondary and subordinate to a society and were careful to lambast all cases of reverting the order, be it "estadolatría moderna" of Hobbes and Machiavelli or totalitarian 20th century regimes. The state is supposed to be a lightweight superstructure over the existing social structures, sort of

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5600-558: A rubric titled Estampas de la Cruzada ; however, also the Third and the First Carlist War received extensive treatment, Carlist kings and leaders presented as icons of Spanish history. Historical threads in Montejurra were published with contemporary objectives in mind, though it is not clear whether authors like Romero Raizabal were conscious of this long-term strategy. References to glorious past served as means of sustaining mobilization among

5775-466: A social contract, a concept deemed absurd as by default subject to rejection; the Traditionalist society was formed in course of historical development. One more point of contention was that a Traditionalist society was united by common orthodoxy – this is, a Roman Catholic one – while a Liberal society was merely a technical mechanism allowing compromise between many normative moral systems. Finally,

5950-481: A society of societies; it is not embodiment of sovereignty in Bodinian sense, but rather a combined function of social components making it up. In most precise description available, a state can only exercise those rights which can not be effectively exercised by intermediary bodies governing various social structures, typically tasks related to foreign policy, defense, money, justice etc.; the state's governing principle

6125-456: A society; their efforts, typical for the mid-19th century, are summarized as attempts to fuse capitalist impulse with hierarchical structures of predominantly rural society. Gradually private property got fully embraced as a cornerstone of especially the rural economy, with mid-size family holdings in Vascongadas and Navarre presented as an ideal economic milieu. However, it has never marginalized

6300-582: A source of royal legitimacy. The original political sin of a man was defined as looking for law beyond Revelation, which led to human usurpation. Attempts to define own rules – the Traditionalist reading goes – produced emergence of illegitimate political regimes; examples are despotic tyrants who claimed own legitimacy or societies, who declared themselves the ultimate source of power. At this point Carlist theorists advanced their own dynastic theory, denying legitimacy to descendants of Fernando VII. Monarchy not always has been treated in Traditionalist thought with

6475-462: A specific category, e.g. across all the provinces; fueros are entity-specific, which means that one province might enjoy some establishments which are not in force in another province. This mechanism reflects a theory that fueros are legal embodiments of local identity which goes far beyond juridical regulations; it is composed of common history, culture and habits. Traditionalism has always struggled to make sure that its understanding of local identity

6650-441: A step ahead of the Church". In practical terms it amounted to tacit endorsement of the new outlook; in 1969 the key theoretical pundit of Montejurra , Zabala, claimed openly that "religious liberty is the first fundamental right of a man". However, even in the very late 1960s authors like Alvaro d’Ors published articles advancing a traditionalist vision. Almost every issue of Montejurra contained one or few pieces dwelling on

6825-519: A substitute for own Traditionalist socio-economic recipe, in the first half of the 20th century some pundits have already declared that there was no other possible way of production than capitalism, though they might have also advocated redistribution of wealth as means to solve social problems. During Francoism key Carlist theorists lamented vertical sindicates as pathetic distortion of the gremial system, but it seems that apart from Juanistas, also they accepted "premisas del neocapitalismo", at least in

7000-417: A vision did not seem necessarily compatible with the theory of unshared royal sovereignty. Traditionalist theories tried to sort out the problem by different workarounds; one of them was that society is not sharing power, but rather is represented in front of the power. In line with the prevailing Traditionalist reading, representation should be channeled by cuerpos intermedios along what is usually considered

7175-468: A would be dictatorial regime, acceptable in case everything else fails and an apocalyptic Socialist threat is eminent, a clear echo of the 1848 events in Paris . Unlike Balmes, Donoso was read and known across Europe, including politicians like Metternich . Though in the official Spanish diplomatic service, Donoso held no important state jobs, built no strictly political following and his impact on daily politics

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7350-487: Is theocentrist ; it stems from acknowledgement that the entire human order must be based on God as taught by the Roman Catholic Church. God – with particular emphasis on Jesus Christ – is considered the beginning, the means and the objective of politics. This general concept was neared with various detail, though a widely adopted claim is that the purpose of politics is to establish a social kingship of Jesus Christ,

7525-403: Is Traditionalist approach to dictatorship. In principle fiercely hostile to tyrannical or despotic regimes exercising power beyond appropriate limits, some Traditionalist theorists acknowledged the sovereign right to coerce and agreed – usually as a last resort applicable in extremis – to dictatorial rule. Some have even developed own theories of dictatorship; the one of the 1840s was resemblant of

7700-542: Is a Spanish political doctrine formulated in the early 19th century and developed until today. It understands politics as implementing Catholic social teaching and the social kingship of Jesus Christ , with Catholicism as the state religion and Catholic religious criteria regulating public morality and every legal aspect of Spain. In practical terms it advocates a loosely organized monarchy combined with strong royal powers, with some checks and balances provided by organicist representation, and with society structured on

7875-409: Is allowed, though confessions other than Roman Catholicism are admitted if practiced in private. The Traditionalist vision of religion and Church was incompatible either with Conservative, Liberal or Christian Democratic principles, lambasted as anti-Christian and revolutionary. In the mid-20th century it also proved incompatible with the official Vatican outlook, and release of Dignitatis Humanae

8050-473: Is also a term accepted by many Traditionalists, as even the key of them auto-defined themselves as federalists, advocated regional federalism and declared Spain a federation of regions; some were longing rather for a confederation. Others, however, were cautious and viewed federative solutions as technocratic, let alone a specific trend within Spanish Liberalism which embraced federative solutions; this

8225-518: Is at times adopted also by present-day scholars. A scholar considered by some the greatest figure of late 19th century Traditionalism is Marcelino Menéndez Pelayo , who published most of his key works in the 1880s and 1890s. Historian of political thought and literary critic rather than a political theorist himself, he championed Traditionalism as a cultural approach, defined as constant defense of orthodoxy based on Catholicism though embodied in vastly different locals realms of Hispanidad . Erudite to

8400-404: Is combined with missionary role of the Spanish monarchy, rendering one of the cornerstones of Traditionalist ideario, Patria, rather vague and definitely not tantamount to a state. Society did not elicit major interest of early Traditionalist theorists, or at least their interest was not formulated in terms of society, formatted rather as a discourse on tradition forming the community; it was in

8575-487: Is considered comparable to Balmes or Donoso. Together they formed a group which left a clear mark on politics of the late Isabelline era, mounting a last-minute attempt to save the crumbling monarchy by reformatting it along Traditionalist, anti-Liberal lines. Having seen their efforts frustrated by the early 1870s most of the Neos neared Carlism in the first ever Traditionalist organization, named Comunión Católico-Monárquica . In

8750-426: Is even more so in case of cantonalism , a theory advanced briefly in the mid-19th century by radical Liberal Left. Autonomous solutions were in principle rejected as reflecting the erroneous top-down logic and putting a state before a local entity; some also viewed autonomy of Catalonia or Basque Country as anti-foral because fueros were province-specific. In practice Traditionalists remained highly divided; both in

8925-496: Is known that initially the Arraiza family provided either all or most of the funding, yet it is not clear whether during first years of operation Montejurra was getting such a heavy financial burden that the family suggested ownership transfer to a sociedad anonima company. Nevertheless, in the mid-1960s the monthly might have seemed fairly successful; its technical standard improved dramatically, issues contained more and more pages and

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9100-430: Is literally referred to as "absolute" rule, which prompted some historians to conclude that Traditionalism was a branch of Absolutism; many others, however, underline that the two should not be confused. Neither rejection of division of powers nor the theory of unshared political sovereignty led to the doctrine of unlimited royal powers; quite to the contrary, most Traditionalists – with somewhat less focus on this issue in

9275-479: Is mostly about systematization of existing heritage rather than about proposing own visions of political system, though Ayuso's recent works on public power and constitutionalism form part of normative Traditionalist discourse of politics. An own, detailed and holistic view of Traditionalism-based political organisation for the 21st century Spain was contributed in the late 1990s in a 3-volume opus by Ignacio Hernando de Larramendi , but it made little impact even within

9450-493: Is not clear; at one point the editors hoped to have 20,000 subscribers. The monthly was formatted as a political magazine and evolved from a 4-page text-only bulletin to a 44-page partially color illustrated review; altogether there were 106 issues published. Politically Montejurra was clearly identified as a Carlist periodical. Its launch was related to Carlism adopting a conciliatory position towards Francoism ; following first ambiguous and then increasingly critical stand, since

9625-517: Is not confused with not necessarily identical concepts. The closest one is fuerismo, a term at times adopted by the Traditionalists, similarly focused on fueros but made distinct by its limitation to Vascongadas and Navarre , by downplaying the Spanish link and by revindication of pre-1868, but not earlier laws. Similarly close is regionalismo, though Traditionalists were cautious to endorse only regionalismo foralista and to dismiss regionalism based merely on geographic or economic principles. Federalism

9800-435: Is not possible, though some claimed that while a king enjoys political sovereignty, a society enjoys a separate social sovereignty, understood as capacity to govern itself within limits traditionally developed for its components. Traditionalist concept of monarchic rule embraced a doctrine of integral and undivided public power; division into legislative, executive and judicial branches was rejected. In some writings this

9975-469: Is the one which identifies the roots of Traditionalism with beginnings of Spanish political tradition, the latter embodied in works of Isidore of Seville . Together with works of other minor Spanish Medieval scholars it reportedly enjoyed its climax in the 16th century, from Fernando de Roa to Antonio de Guevara to Juan de Mariana , and laid foundations for Traditionalist understanding of power and politics, derived from Christian and natural order. In

10150-482: Is this of subsidiarity or devolution. According to the Traditionalists a state, and the Spanish state in particular, developed in line with natural law in course of the centuries; it is hence defined by history and tradition. Whenever they refer to a constitution, they usually mean a historical process, not a documented set of agreed principles. The latter is generally deemed not only unnecessary but in fact unacceptable as embodiment of erroneous theories, chiefly this of

10325-517: Is unclear whether Montejurra produced any profit, yet is clear that it was not financial problems which forced closure of the review. While it seems clear that the Arraiza family remained key owners of Montejurra it is not known who initially was actually steering the monthly, be it as editor-in-chief or as a business manager. Until 1966 none of the issues named a director, editor or redactor jefe; editorials were unsigned and emphasis seemed to be on collective work. Historiographic works on Carlism of

10500-628: The First World War most Carlists sympathised with the German Empire , though a sizeable minority section – including the claimant – supported France . The split contributed to major crisis within the movement and its breakup in 1919. In the interwar period Traditionalist press looked with hope towards emerging anti-democratic regimes, especially these of Portugal and Italy , though also in Austria and Germany . Some tentative credit given to Hitler

10675-560: The Isabelline monarchy . Neither defined himself as Traditionalist, and the name is applied retroactively. Politically Balmes sought rapprochement between the Carlists and the Isabellites; due to his somewhat eclectic background and conciliatory efforts, his vision is named "tradicionalismo evolutivo". "Tradicionalismo radical" is the name applied to the opus of vehemently anti-Carlist Donoso Cortés; radical refers mostly to acknowledgement of

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10850-574: The Papal State – defended e.g. by the later claimant Alfonso Carlos – in 1870. At that time Traditionalists began to focus their hopes on Russia , the country which demonstrated somewhat warm feelings towards the Carlists during both civil wars and which was sympathised with already during the Crimean War . The claimant Carlos VII observed the Balkan campaign against Turkey as tsar's special guest; in

11025-467: The Página literaria section. Though Montejurra was directed at the young audience, somewhat lightweight sections on fashion or sports appeared very briefly and were eventually abandoned. Few pages were usually acknowledging recent events within the movement, though popular gatherings and Borbón-Parma activities were clearly preferred to closed meetings of party leaders. One act attracted particular attention:

11200-571: The 1789 events in France which triggered antecedents of Traditionalism, a theory founded on the concept of counter-revolution. Within this perspective it is the revolution, not Absolutism, that formed the key Traditionalist counterpoint of reference. The proponents listed are Lorenzo Hervás Panduro , Francisco Alvarado y Téllez , Diego José de Cádiz and Rafael de Vélez ; their refutations of revolutionary concepts were based on Spanish political tradition and offered first components of what would later become

11375-418: The 17th century it was enriched with concepts related to intermediary bodies, political representation and limitation of royal powers, all thanks to works of Juan Fernández de Madrano , Tomás Cerdán de Tallada , Agustín de Rojas Villandrando , Juan de Madariaga , Francisco de Sánchez de la Barreda , Juan de Palafox y Mendoza and especially Francisco de Quevedo . Other scholars tend to be skeptical of such

11550-399: The 1840–1850s, Miguel Primo de Rivera in the 1920s and Francisco Franco in the 1940–1950s. Spanish Traditionalism is almost unanimously considered a doctrine born in the 19th century, though there are vastly different views as to what intellectual phenomena could be viewed as its antecedents. Apart from isolated cases of going back to pre-Christian times, the most far-reaching perspective

11725-429: The 1870s it grew to a prominent issue; by the late 19th century re-establishment of the fueros became one of the cornerstones of the entire theory and it remains so until today. The review of Carlist position versus fueros was laid out by Eustaqio Echave-Sustaeta (1912), Teodoro de Arana y Beláustegui (1921), and Justo Garrán Moso (1935). In the full-blown doctrine fueros are considered primary rules constituting

11900-502: The 1880; in case closer references are provided, they usually point to Manifiesto de los Persas , dubbed "un verdadero alegato absolutista". Indeed, its Article 134 contained a lengthy praise of "monarquía absoluta" and "soberano absoluto"; moreover, in the late 1820s Don Carlos by all means seemed far more vehement defender of antiguo régimen than his brother Fernando VII. However, most scholars dwelling on Traditionalism remain at least cautious when discussing its proximity to Absolutism;

12075-754: The 1890s his son Don Jaime – though he frequented the Austrian military academy – joined the Russian army and he later served in combat missions; at the turn of the centuries Carlist pundits like Enrique Gil-Robles hailed Russia as a bulwark of tradition against the onslaught of plutocracy, secularisation and democracy. As new lines of the European conflict were getting increasingly clear more and more Carlists began to look to Germany; its dynamic growth to power and its regime were perceived as counter-proposal to rotten, liberalism-driven, decadent French-British alliance . During

12250-416: The 1920s and 1930s some Traditionalism-leaning theorists and politicians demonstrated sympathy for Maurras-inspired concepts, later on it was generally outwardly and vehemently rejected as Left-wing ideas in disguise. Unlike the questions of monarchy or society, this of a state has usually been played down by Traditionalist writers; the phenomenon has even prompted one of their present-day theorists to make

12425-441: The 1930s and 1970s some supported and some opposed autonomous regulations discussed. The 21st century Traditionalist theorists criticize current praxis of autonomy as increasingly infected with rationalist mentality and positive law. Finally, separatism is mutually viewed as clearly incompatible with Traditionalism; in present-day Spain there is no greater enemy of Traditionalism than independence-minded Basque political movement, and

12600-570: The 1960s and 1970s, their scale and refined in-depth scope contrasting sharply with demise of Traditionalism as a political force. Following the death of Franco, Traditionalism remained on the sidelines of national politics; in the late 1970s numerous Carlist grouplets remained a third-rate extra-parliamentarian force, while Traditionalism-flavored post-Francoist Unión Nacional Española of Gonzalo Fernandéz de la Mora registered few deputies and disintegrated before 1980. Most Traditionalist authors active during late Francoism remained active also after

12775-461: The Carlist gathering in Montejurra was invariably discussed extensively in one or two spring issues, at later stages with major photo coverage. The remaining space was split between smaller feullieton-like contributions, mid-size essays, interviews and larger theoretical pieces. The focus was clearly on Spain and its internal issues, though especially at later stages some attention was dedicated to international politics. In general, Montejurra remained

12950-782: The Carlist outlook religion was one of major threads appearing in Montejurra , invariably presented as Roman Catholic orthodoxy; most issues contained information on religious feasts attended by the Carlists, interviews with hierarchs, photographs related and theoretical essays. However, in course of the decade religion became a challenge. In the early 1960s Montejurra advanced a traditionalist version of Christianity, integral component of Alzamiento Nacional and basis of peace and justice ruling in Spain after 1939; various authors remained skeptical of foreign challenges to "our spiritual patrimony", e.g. posed by foreign tourism, and there were even anti-masonic threads appearing. Christian Democracy , especially

13125-410: The Carlist past; the author who specialized in the topic was Romero Raizabal. Some 130 years of Carlist history provided a vast assortment of episodes to choose from and their treatment in Montejurra did not differ significantly from the usual Carlist approach, with exaltation of patriotic virtues, sacrifice, determination and loyalty. The period featured regularly was the last Civil War , which earned

13300-452: The Carlist political leader José María Valiente was pictured 22 times. Montejurra editors seemed perfectly aware of the consumer society features. Apart from notes from official events like lectures, visits or sermons they formatted the thread as a series of media scoops, e.g. the prince as a miner, parachuter or running with the bulls during the Sanfermines ; at times Montejurra resembled

13475-421: The Carlist pundits. In 1963 some Traditionalist intellectuals grouped around a review Siempre openly raised alarm, presenting the monthly as a vehicle of Hugocarlistas in their bid for power in the movement. Though Montejurra avoided open confrontation with the Traditionalists this time the editorial board stroke back; characteristically, the monthly posed as representative of orthodoxy against heterodoxes, not

13650-413: The Carlists witnessed emergence of their state structure, though short duration, wartime footing and limited geographical scope do not allow definite conclusions. The Carlist version of Traditionalism is already considered about complete at the time, embodied in political manifestos, press propaganda, theoretical works and – last but not least – in popular sentiment, expressed as a motto which keeps defining

13825-551: The Church might and should influence politics, but their prevailing opinion was that the Church should also stay clear of exercising direct political power. However, in terms of praxis Traditionalists advocated a number of arrangements endorsing Church's participation in power structures, be it re-establishment of the Inquisition in the early 19th century or default presence of hierarchs in bodies like Cortes or Royal Council later on. Though distinct and independent as institutions,

14000-451: The Italian way, became a preferred bad boy, constantly and repeatedly charged with distortion of Catholic thought and working for the benefit of Moscow . Vaticanum II brought bewilderment. Initially ironic notes about ecumenism gradually gave way to open and vehement campaign against religious liberty, yet later on Montejurra settled for traditional Carlist doctrine "not a step back and not

14175-429: The Liberal governments. In conditions of Spanish agricultural economy these landholdings were normally accessible to rural masses by means of specific and rather affordable agreements. New bourgeoisie owners reformatted usage of the plots on a purely commercial basis; the result was emergence of Traditionalist "sentimientos radicalmente anticapitalistas", directed against the new "agrarismo militante". Similarly unwelcome

14350-555: The Navarrese city of Estella , site of battles during the 19th-century Carlist wars and since then an icon forming part of the Carlist mythical imagery. Some scholars claim that the predecessor of Montejurra was a bulletin El Fuerista , issued in Pamplona in the late 1950s, though there are no details provided. The periodical was founded in 1960 by the captain of Engineers Tomás Martorell Rosáenz and, after its success, in 1964 it began

14525-652: The Progressist faction within Carlism they ensured that the competing Traditionalists have never managed to gain control of Montejurra , as it happened in 1970 with the Pamplona Carlist daily El Pensamiento Navarro . Because of changing format of the review the lifetime of Montejurra might be divided into 3 phases. The first one lasted from 1960 to mid-1963, when the monthly resembled initially simple and then increasingly ambitious bulletin. Published on 35x25 cm sheets,

14700-413: The Progressist strategy of taking control of the movement. Finally, theoretical essays on Carlist history were calibrated to emphasize threads useful in advancing own ideological agenda and presented Carlism as a movement of social protest. As already in the very early 1960s Montejurra was advancing concepts, threads and rhetoric which raised many eyebrows, the monthly became subject to suspicion among

14875-571: The Rights of Man and of the Citizen of 1789 and the European Constitution of 2004. Traditionalism co-existed with numerous political concepts, maintaining firm position towards some and adopting more erratic course towards the others. Vehement hostility towards theories and political movements deemed revolutionary – especially Liberalism though also Socialism , Communism and Anarchism – remained

15050-553: The Traditionalist camp. On the one hand, the emergent Francoism posed as synthesis of all genuinely Spanish political schools, including Traditionalism; the late Pradera was elevated to one of the founding fathers of the system, and some Traditionalist references were ostentatiously boasted as components of the new Spain. On the other hand, marginalized Carlism went into intra-system opposition and its leaders lambasted Francoism as incompatible with Traditionalist political outlook. The doctrine demonstrated first signs of revitalization in

15225-550: The Traditionalist ideal was a hierarchical sociedad estamental , the concept initially pointing to feudal understanding of the estate system, later developed by different authors with varying degree of detail into more complex systems of social groups, dubbed strata, classes, corporations etc.; they were united either by functional role or by their specific interests. This perspective emphasized hierarchy and roles as opposed to emphasizing mobility, when all individuals are equal and can theoretically fit anywhere. A theory developed in

15400-417: The Traditionalist realm. A rather derogatory term "neotradicionalismo" has been coined to denote 21st century Traditionalist approach to Carlist history. The institutional Traditionalist realm itself is made of a number of institutions, periodicals and other initiatives. Politically it is headed by two groupings, Comunión Tradicionalista Carlista and Comunión Tradicionalista ; the key differences are that

15575-506: The Western world were neither seen as a would-be ally, even though marriage of the Carlist infant with a Dutch princess caused more horror and bewilderment in the Netherlands than in Spain. The apparent longing for “a third way”, which translated to sympathy for Third World countries , found expression also in fascination with Yugoslavia , nurtured by some currents within Carlism. Following

15750-459: The above cases a concise lecture of competitive political theory was offered; instead, the authors listed consciously exploited multifold differences between the new system and traditional Spanish establishments. Both the above perspectives are rejected by scholars sharing perhaps the most popular theory, namely that one can not speak of Traditionalism prior to the French Revolution . It was

15925-435: The backbone of Traditionalist principles. In case of many other doctrines the relationship is not entirely clear, subject to different opinions of competent scholars, confusion in popular discourse or conscious manipulation in partisan political or cultural debate. There are not infrequent scholarly references to "Carlist absolutism" or "absolutist Traditionalism", usually applied to the early 19th century but at times even to

16100-401: The borders and how to capture the unalterable nucleus. In case of outward-leaning scholarly approaches the theory is defined very broadly and the term "Traditionalist" could be applied generously, also to personalities like Fernando VII or Francisco Franco; some historians see Spanish traditionalism very broadly as a general anti-liberal cultural sentiment. In case of inward-leaning approaches

16275-694: The claimants and named minimalismo and montemolinismo are political strategies rather than theories; the most lasting contribution to Carlist Traditionalism of the era was a so-called double legitimacy theory. In the 1860s the Isabelline and the Carlist versions of Traditionalism drew closer thanks to followers of Donoso called neocatólicos ; the group comprised parliamentarians like Antonio Aparisi Guijarro and Cándido Nocedal , publishers like Gabino Tejado , Eduardo González Pedroso , Antonio Vildósola and Francisco Navarro Villoslada , or academics like Juan Ortí Lara . In terms of intellectual format none of them

16450-474: The closest thing was an 1884 booklet by Felix Sardá y Salvany . It is also the Integrists who first started to use the term Traditionalism as their auto-definition, denying also Traditionalist credentials to the Carlists. The scheme was widely accepted in public discourse, and in the late 19th century Spanish press and politicians applied the Traditionalist denomination chiefly to the Integrists. This nomenclature

16625-537: The company was granted Depósito Legal, an official registration number; it enabled printing contracts with professional companies, in case of Montejurra with the Pamplona-based Gráficas Navarra. One more step on the path to full institutionalization of the review was formal license issued by Ministry of Tourism and Information, the unit running the censorship office. At this point Montejurra changed numbering of its sequential issues, also because it

16800-401: The concept of collective economy, be it in terms of ownership, usage or administration. In rural conditions it resulted in focus on commons like pastures, meadows and forests; in industrial terms it evolved into an attempt to replicate rural family order in the setting of an industrial enterprise, with employers and employees united in a joint management formula. With Rerum novarum accepted as

16975-608: The controlled free-market ambience. Present-day Traditionalist leaders at times admit their "odio al capitalismo" and declare return to the old regime, though its designation remains highly vague; an official party program demonstrates technocratic approach, pointing towards a regulated and common-good oriented free market economy. Throughout almost 200 years of history the Spanish Traditionalists have sympathised with various countries which at different points in time they considered closest to their own ideological blueprint. In

17150-557: The dead. This article about a location in Navarre, Spain, is a stub . You can help Misplaced Pages by expanding it . Montejurra (magazine) Montejurra was a Spanish monthly magazine, published between 1960 and 1971. Based in Pamplona it was distributed mostly in Navarre and Northern Spain, though pre-paid copies sent by mail reached recipients in the entire country. Its circulation

17325-440: The distribution network widened. Overall circulation of Montejurra remains unclear; in 1960 it was published in 5,000 copies, but later at one point the review targeted 20,000 subscribers, in Spanish market conditions of the time a rather satisfactory result for a specialized political monthly. In the mid-1960s Montejurra started to run adverts, usually of companies based in Navarre and Vascongadas , e.g. banks or retailers. It

17500-470: The early 1920s he was withdrawing into privacy. He dismissed the Primo de Rivera dictatorship with contempt as an attempt falling dramatically short of a fundamental change needed. The Jaimists cautiously welcomed the coup as a step in the right direction, but in the mid-1920 they got disillusioned and moved into opposition. It was the disciple of de Mella, de facto intellectual leader of Mellista Traditionalists and

17675-564: The early 1960s usually single out Ramón Massó Tarruella and Pedro J. Zabala Sevilla as key engineers of the propaganda campaign mounted by the Progressist faction of Carlism, yet it is not known whether resident in Madrid , they were in position to steer the Pamplona-based monthly. The first individual singled out as "director" in 1966 was Juan Indave Nuin, a 35-year-old engaged earlier in various Carlist radio and press initiatives. Later in 1966 he

17850-558: The early 19th century most scholars prefer rather to speak of "realistas", "ultras", "apostólicos" or "serviles", and apply the name of Traditionalists to the period starting in the 1830s. Politically, the group tended to swallow their anti-absolutism when supporting Fernando VII in his anti-revolutionary zeal; it was only in the late 1820s that the king started to be viewed as wavering and unreliable, with sympathy gradually shifting to his firmly reactionary brother, Don Carlos . The 1833 death of Fernando VII triggered dynastical crisis and

18025-428: The editorial board. It is not clear whether Traditionalist authors like de Miguel, López Sanz or Romero Raizabal were manipulated by the Progressists pulling the strings, like Massó, Zabala or Clemente, or whether presence of two groups in Montejurra demonstrated the old gradually giving way to the new in Carlism of the 1960s. Traditionalism (Spain) Defunct Traditionalism ( Spanish : tradicionalismo )

18200-403: The era. The monthly helped to educate a generation of young militants who understood Carlism as a socialist movement of protest; it proved instrumental for the Progressist takeover of the movement and gradual marginalisation of the Traditionalists. However, it is not clear whether Montejurra was from the very onset a platform controlled by supporters of prince Carlos Hugo or whether it was rather

18375-566: The extreme politically he neared the Conservatives and briefly served as MP; some scholars refer also to "menendezpelayismo político"; most, however, limit themselves to "menendezpelayismo". Some deny him Traditionalist credentials altogether. Until the very late 1890s political Traditionalism lacked a complete lecture comparable to works of Balmes and Donoso; authors like Luis Llauder Dalmases produced general overviews of smaller scope or systematically contributed minor theoretical pieces to

18550-422: The fall of the bi-polar world the anti-Western sentiment was again on the rise among the Traditionalists. Founded on traditional resentment towards Anglo-Americans and earlier concerns about the emergent consumer society, it was now fuelled also by opposition to cultural revolution marked by LGBT , feminism and woke currents. In the 21st century it converted into fascination with Putin ’s Russia, presented as

18725-503: The fall of the regime; some, like Goytisolo, d'Ors or Canals, published their best known works in the late 1970s, in the 1980s or afterwards. They were joined by a new generation of authors, who started to publish in the last two decades of the 20th century, most of them scholars rather than political theorists and militants; the best known ones are a jurist and philosopher Miguel Ayuso Torres , historian Andrés Gambra Gutierrez and philosopher José Miguel Gambra Gutierrez . Their contribution

18900-526: The first complete lecture of Traditionalism at all, preceding those of Balmes and Donoso – is supposed to be the 1843 work of Magín Ferrer . Other authors who ventured to offer a more systematic lecture, like Vicente Pou , did not make a major impact. Discussing ongoing politics Carlist Traditionalism focused on negative points of reference, opposing Liberalism and its incarnations like constitutionalism, electoral system, ongoing secularization of state, desamortización and centralization. Concepts attributed to

19075-410: The first half of the 19th century – emphatically claimed that a king can rule only within strict limits. They are set principally by 3 factors: natural law as defined in divine order, fundamental laws of Spain and self-government of groups forming the society. A king who reaches beyond limits becomes not only a tyrant but also a heretic and may be overthrown. The Traditionalist political doctrine

19250-1107: The former does not admit allegiance to any claimant or dynasty while the latter supports leadership of Sixto Enrique de Borbón , and that the former remains firmly within Vatican-defined orthodoxy while the latter is highly sympathetic towards the FSSX format of Catholicism. Both maintain their websites and social media profiles, issue bulletins, organize various types of public events and at times take part in elections. Key non-political institutions more or less flavored with Traditionalism are Fundación Ignacio Larramendi, Fundación Elías de Tejada, Centro de Estudios Históricos y Políticos General Zumalacárregui, Consejo de Estudios Hispánicos Felipe II, Fundación Speiro and Fundación Luis de Trelles; they issue own periodicals, stage cultural events, organize scientific conferences and remain active in cyberspace. Some of them maintain publishing houses and award prizes. Among numerous ephemeral periodicals and mostly electronic bulletins ( Tradición Viva , Ahora )

19425-474: The issues contained almost none to few photographs or pictures of rather poor quality, with text layout usually in two columns and the number of pages growing from 4 to 12. The second phase lasted from mid-1963 to late 1964, when Montejurra became more of a review. The sheet size was broadened to 42x32 cm, covers contained a full front-page photo, layout became more dynamic, red color was introduced in headings and graphics and photographs started to be omnipresent;

19600-401: The key points of the theory, with monarchy approached as an ultimate and united social body and not infrequently viewed in transcendent terms. As a king was supposed to top the political structure, in general sovereignty was placed exclusively with him. Most Traditionalists claimed that fragmented sovereignty – e.g. shared with a nation or its representative bodies in constitutional monarchy –

19775-587: The last Traditionalist known to have been killed was the victim of ETA . As a political doctrine the Spanish Traditionalism did not develop its own economic theory. Explicit references are rare, either very general or very fragmented. Wartime experience of Carlist states briefly emergent during Carlist Wars provide little guidance, be it in general economic terms or in terms of detailed questions like fiscal, monetary or trade policy. Massively changing economic conditions from remnants of late feudalism of

19950-481: The last one all members of older generations who lived through the Civil War; they either died before prince Carlos Hugo sealed Progressist domination by setting up Partido Carlista or refused to join it. On the other hand, there were Jose Carlos Clemente and Evaristo Olcina Jiménez, at that time young men who matured during early Francoism; together with Zabala they proved instrumental in building theoretical foundation for

20125-655: The late 18th century to the post-industrial globalization of the early 21st century at various points in time elicited comments applicable to specific conditions, but falling short of a general theory. There are no traceable specific references to economy in early Traditionalist writings, produced during the twilight of Spanish feudalism. The first incursions into the area came upon implementation of revolutionary roots and gradual emergence of bourgeoisie . Some early Traditionalist theorists voiced in defense of certain features of historical regime, especially huge religious landholdings, subject to massive expropriation project launched by

20300-610: The late 1920s he was increasingly disappointed with centralization and the facade quasi-party, Unión Patriótica . There is little agreement about the figure of Angel Herrera Oria , founder and the moving spirit of ACNDP . Some students consider him representative of Catholic Traditionalism rooted in Balmesian and Menendezpelayista schools. Others set him on the antipodes of Traditionalism, noting that minimalist, democratic and accidentalist format of his activity should be rather associated with modern Catholic groupings. Acción Española ,

20475-452: The late 1940s, marked by emergence of a review Arbor and works of Rafael Calvo Serer , joined by Vicente Marrero and Florentino Pérez Embid . Own approaches to Traditionalism were fathered by Eugenio Vegas Latapié , Leopoldo Eulogio Palacios , Eugenio d'Ors Rovira and Manuel Garcia Morente , with a spirit of neotradicionalismo in the Juanista camp championed by José María Pemán . In

20650-573: The late 1960s and breakdown of steered economy in Poland of 1970 . Its social militancy was getting more and more visible. Questions of agrarian reform, discussed mostly by Zabala and Olcina, earned a dedicated rubric and appeared regularly; these theoretical schemes were increasingly boasting of social justice, the working people, their rights and defense against exploitation. New Carlist workers’ organizations, like MOT, were dedicated more and more attention. However, until 1971 Montejurra has never advocated

20825-615: The late 19th century that the question of social fabric emerged on the forefront, which it keeps occupying until today. Its understanding is founded on the concept of organicism: society is formed by a multitude of functional or natural communities – family being the primary and most important component – and is not a set of individuals. These communities are described as joined in a multi-layer structure organized by teleological principles, hierarchic and constantly interfacing with each other. Individuals are first and foremost expressed as members of those communities, not as their own selves, as

21000-477: The late 19th century was that of a social sovereignty. It claimed that communitarian components of the society standing between an individual and a king – named cuerpos intermedios – are fully autonomous and self-governed within their own limits. Neither king nor state nor political administration were entitled to tamper with them and were restrained in their powers by those very autonomous establishments. Effectively, this concept rendered Traditionalist state sort of

21175-500: The level of popular public discourse Traditionalist press have usually denigrated democracy. However, some key theorists admitted that it might be operational at the lowest community level, e.g. in case of a municipio . Moreover, few – at times dubbed "democrats to the core" – did not reject democracy, understanding it as a principle of representation and legal recognition; according to this reading, popular parliamentary elections were rejected as not genuinely democratic. Similarly vague

21350-403: The mechanism of decision making, also to the extent of suspending or blocking royal resolutions; in extreme cases, they were entitled to disobedience or even rejection of an illegitimate ruler. Regardless of the differences, the government was generally deemed responsible to a king rather than to any social representation with monarchy vaguely "moderated" by representatives of the society. Such

21525-441: The mid-18th century the criticism shifted to technocratic mode of governing; Andrés Piquer Arrufat , Nuix de Perpiñá brothers and especially Fernando de Ceballos y Mier confronted rising "despotismo ministerial", perceived as a result of arrogant Enlightenment . Indeed, some scholars emphasize the anti-Enlightenment spirit of 18th-century Traditionalists; others prefer to underline rather their anti-absolutist stand. In none of

21700-652: The mid-1950s a Carlism-related breed of Traditionalist theorists entered the scene and it is they who for the third time brought Traditionalism to its highest intellectual standards. The one who stands out is Francisco Elías de Tejada, mostly a theorist of law, though also historian and theorist of political thought; Rafael Gambra Ciudad is perhaps best described as an anthropologist, Juan Vallet de Goytisolo and Alvaro d'Ors Pérez-Peix made their names as jurists and philosophers and Francisco Canals Vidal excelled as philosopher, theologian and historian. Their numerous works, some of them monumental in size, appeared mostly during

21875-401: The mid-1960s Montejurra entered regular distribution channels. Its commercial performance is not clear; the monthly most likely operated at the verge of profitability. Management was composed of local Pamplona journalists; most among some 200 authors recorded provided few contributions, yet some of them stand out for their systematic writings. The title "Montejurra" referred to a mountain near

22050-511: The mid-1960s the monthly suffered from censorship interventions, eventually to be forcibly closed by administration. Montejurra's editorial board was dominated by members of the Progressist faction and the monthly proved vital in their bid for control of the movement; its dominant thread was promotion of the Borbón-Parma dynasty, and especially prince Carlos Hugo . Montejurra was set up as

22225-414: The mid-1960s. Their prominence demonstrates also coexistence of two political visions: de Miguel was a Traditionalist, Zabala emerged as key theorist of Progressism. Also other major contributors can be classified accordingly. The former group included Francisco López Sanz , Ignacio Romero Raizábal , Antonio Segura Ferns, Inocencio Zalba Elizalde, Antonio Maria Solís García and Ramón Rodon Guinjoan, except

22400-519: The mid-19th century these were mostly states on the Apennine Peninsula ; successive Carlist claimants married women from Borbon and Habsburg branches, ruling in Naples , Modena or Parma . Their suppression of revolutionary risings in 1848–1849 was viewed as triumph over ungodly liberalism; their fall in 1859–1861 was viewed as a fatal blow to European order, the blow completed with abolition of

22575-467: The monthly applauded organic democracy, a model of representation adopted during Francoism, as opposed to "parlamentarismo inoperante" of other Western European states. However, the approach was changing over time, as evidenced by usage of the term "democracy". Until 1964 it appeared seldom, on average 4 times per issue, and usually against suspicious or openly hostile background, e.g. as "so-called democracy"; Zabala dubbed democracy – along totalitarianism –

22750-507: The monthly was controlled by subversive left-wing dissidents, attempted to mount a counter-offensive; during a massive 1966 Carlist congress their formal proposal was that "the Montejurra review is to be considered Carlist, but not a doctrinal authority for Comunión Tradicionalista". The bid failed, yet also later Montejurra did not openly challenge or lambaste the Traditionalists; articles of their top intellectuals like Rafael Gambra were printed in Montejurra as late as in 1968, and until

22925-413: The monthly. None of the sources consulted provides any information on financial standing of Montejurra , its commercial performance or business-related issues in general; hence, all opinions are based on speculations. It is evident that upon launch the monthly was primarily a political, not a commercial venture, and its primary objective was about mobilizing support for Carlism, not to generate profit. It

23100-433: The movement until today: "Dios – Patria – Rey". Complete amalgamation of Traditionalism and Carlism was far from accomplished, the key difference having been the legitimist and dynastic issue. It was first demonstrated by Alejandro Pidal , who without renouncing his fundamentally Traditionalist outlook in the early 1880s agreed to accept Liberal constitutional realm of Restauración as a hypothesis, rendered attractive by

23275-548: The name of Comunión Tradicionalista . Traditionalist references are at times applied to CEDA . Upon the 1935 publication of his key theoretical work Pradera emerged as the new intellectual champion of Traditionalism. Outbreak of the Civil War triggered emergence of some re-definitions of Traditionalism and two major synthetic works by Luis Hernando de Larramendi and Marcial Solana González-Camino . The late 1930s and 1940s, however, contributed rather to general bewilderment in

23450-557: The number of pages was ranging from 8 to 14. The third phase lasted from late 1964 until 1971, when Montejurra assumed shape of a professional magazine, perhaps resemblant of a weekly rather than a monthly. It was re-sized to the original 32x25 cm, full color was introduced to cover and some inside photos, and text was structured in as many as 4 columns; layout gained even more dynamics, with boxes, in-text graphics and introduction of new fonts. Issues usually exceeded 28 pages, at times reaching as many as 44. When launched in 1960 Montejurra

23625-533: The ones which stand out for continuity and quality are Verbo , Anales de Fundación Francisco Elías de Tejada , Aportes and Fuego y Raya . In popular public discourse Traditionalism is represented mostly by an array of electronic services, maintained by individuals, Carlist círculos, various organizations or informal groupings, and formatted as portals, fora, blogs, shared-content sites, news etc. Longevity of Traditionalism poses two major problems for those willing to discuss its theoretical contents: how to define

23800-446: The opposite faction of María Cristina ; in terms of popular support the rural masses were attracted to the camp of Don Carlos mostly by religious zeal and perceived threat of foreign-inspired secularization. However, most present-day scholars refer to his supporters as Carlists; cases of applying the Traditionalist denomination are rather exceptional. Though some students have no doubt that political outlook of Don Carlos and his followers

23975-486: The other way round, and used loyalty to the claimant as a yardstick gauging fidelity to the doctrine. The general strategy of toning down controversies was used also later on and rather than to bank on secessions and defections in the party, Montejurra tended to ignore them. Expulsion of the chief enemy of Progressists, Zamanillo , was passed over in silence, and Zamanillo was mentioned as if nothing had happened as late as in 1964. The Traditionalists, already convinced that

24150-447: The press. This changed at the turn of the centuries thanks to two figures who renovated Traditionalist thought: Enrique Gil Robles and Juan Vázquez de Mella. Both offered complete and similar political visions; the former produced it as a single lengthy treaty accompanied by few minor works and the latter as massive and a rather loose collection of press contributions, parliamentary addresses and booklets. Some scholars consider de Mella

24325-570: The prevailing opinion is that the two offered highly competitive visions. Some relate birth of Traditionalism to mounting dissatisfaction with increasingly absolutist reforms of the 18th century. Some see absolutist references in the Persian Manifesto as linguistic misunderstanding, since the paragraph in question is reportedly clearly aimed against absolute, unlimited monarchical power, standing rather for sovereign execution of undivided powers limited by divine law, justice and fundamental rules of

24500-468: The public discourse Traditionalism was already firmly and explicitly pitted against Liberalism. At that time it was only occasionally and loosely getting associated with Carlism, though "monarquía tradicional" became common reference of Carlist press and politicians. In the 1870s Traditionalism was first tested as operational political concept; during the Third Carlist War territories controlled by

24675-435: The question of public power emerged having been natural result of their advancement. Some Traditionalists presented the process as social structures built from the bottom until topped by institution of a monarchy, some prefer the option that people entrusted power to kings. This way or another, legitimate monarchical power was presented as resulting from human and social development in line with godly spirit, natural law declared

24850-431: The rank and file. They were also supposed to provide sound Carlist credentials to the monthly which was increasingly advancing a new agenda and whose leaders were at times criticized for deviating from the party orthodoxy. Unwavering loyalty to Carlist kings, constantly underlined as a key virtue, remained instrumental in consolidating the ranks behind the Borbón-Parmas; fidelity to the legitimate dynasty played major role in

25025-422: The regime, its veiled institutional outposts barely tolerated by the administration. In 1955-1957 this strategy was replaced with cautious cooperation. Prince Carlos Hugo joined the new platform and his public statements sounded like an offer to Franco, with dynastic hopes vaguely in the background. The rapprochement produced some visible concessions on part of the regime, and green light for a few Carlist periodicals

25200-530: The regime; though "Cruzada" was exalted as late as 1969, tension grew into a war. Turn of the decade brought constant administrative interventions and fines, which climaxed in eventual withdrawal of the license. From the very onset Montejurra devoted attention to social issues like minimum salary, a thread barely characteristic for Carlism so far; particular focus was on the rural milieu and some authors advocated even "expropriación forzosa de los latifundios". In isolated but systematically re-appearing articles

25375-626: The relationship between a state and Spain has been somewhat vague. Given their emphasis on traditional social components and local identities in particular, Spain was not necessarily identified with a Spanish state. Independent political entities existing on the Iberian Peninsula in the Medieval era are deemed part of Spain, which might also be the case of Madrid-controlled territories elsewhere in Europe or Spanish possessions overseas, at times envisioned as

25550-477: The review lambasted greedy capitalism yet ridiculed also "aberración del comunismo y socialismo". Both Marxism and capitalism were denounced as two forms of exploitation of the working people, though when Ya claimed that Montejurra was looking for "a Third Spain", the editors objected. However, indeed also later the monthly seemed equidistant towards capitalist and communist models, publishing articles which denounced both penetration of US capital in Spain of

25725-414: The same emphasis. In general, the focus on royalty decreased over time; while the cornerstone of theories launched in the mid-19th century, in the mid-20th century it gave way to society as an object of primary attention. As exception there were also theorists counted among Traditionalists who remained close to adopting an accidentalist principle. However, it is generally assumed that monarchism formed one of

25900-420: The socialist platform championed by prince Carlos Hugo. Having passed its teething phase and upon reaching a more matured format the issues of Montejurra offered a diversified content. There were fixed components: editorial, letters from the readers and periodically various columns and rubrics dedicated to history, literature, social issues or other topics, usually penned by the same authors – e.g. Clemente run

26075-435: The society were first of all bi-cameral Cortes and then Royal Council. A somewhat unclear question is this of Traditionalism and democracy . Understood in presently prevailing terms the two are clearly incompatible, as the former identified divine order and the latter the people as a source of public power. Also in terms of praxis most Traditionalists generally rejected democracy as unstable and non-functional system and at

26250-408: The state and by no means sort of a privilege, granted by central authority to specific territorial entities. Fueros might be applicable to any sort of entity from a municipio to a region , though some theorists focused rather on smaller provinces and some rather on larger regions. According to Traditionalist reading identical set of specific regulations is not applicable across all entities forming

26425-698: The state and the Church are not supposed to be separate; the Traditionalist monarchy is a confessional state, with Church enjoying political, economic and otherwise support of the state, and the state enjoying pastoral support of the Church. The Church is supposed to retain economic autonomy; expropriations of religious properties, carried out in mid-decades of the 19th century, were viewed as assault on fundamental laws. Certain areas of public life, especially culture and education, were approached as jointly controlled by state and Church, though visions as to specific regulations might have differed. Common public orthodoxy requires that no freedom of religion or freedom of press

26600-439: The success resulting from its format of professionally edited, colored illustrated magazine. Other scholars remain more cautious and though they consider the monthly indeed vital for the Carlists, they note that it did not set the tone but merely followed political direction marked by other party periodicals, especially Información Mensual . It is generally agreed that Montejurra contributed to major transformation of Carlism of

26775-421: The theory enjoyed its climax three times: in the 1840–1850s thanks to works of Jaime Balmes and Juan Donoso Cortés , in the 1890–1900s thanks to works of Enrique Gil Robles and Juan Vázquez de Mella , and in the 1950–1960s thanks to works of Francisco Elías de Tejada and Rafael Gambra . In terms of impact on real-life politics the concept exercised most visible influence during the rule of Ramón Narváez in

26950-426: The theory goes – as opposition to modernizing Borbonic reforms imported from France and resulting in buildup of an absolute monarchy . Initially the critics focused on intended homogenization of state; writers and scholars like Juan Manuel Fernández Pacheco , Narciso Feliú de la Peña and Manuel Larramendi objected to centralization efforts of Felipe V and voiced in favor of traditional local establishments. In

27125-426: The theory is narrowed, generally to Carlism though in some cases even down to its branches. Scaled down to a non-reducible minimum, Traditionalism is politics understood as implementation of social kingship of Jesus Christ; in practical terms it stands for a loosely organized confessional monarchy with strong royal power, with some checks-and-balances provided by organicist representation and with society organized on

27300-414: The turn of the 1950s and 1960s - like La Encina , Información Mensual , Azada y Asta and Esfuerzo Común – it served as key information channel within the movement. Some scholars claim that Montejurra was the most important Carlist publication since the civil war; the claim can hardly be verified, yet it remains clear that no party publication could have compared to Montejurra in terms of popularity,

27475-402: The very first issues contained a sub-title "Boletín de la Juventud Carlista de Navarra", dropped already in 1961. Until November 1964, the magazine remained under the control of the group led by Tomás Martorell; as late as in mid-1963 Arraiza suggested to the then Carlist political leader José María Valiente that a parent company to publish the review be set up as sociedad anónima. The proposal

27650-484: The very late 1960s Montejurra might have seemed "a mosaic" of not necessarily compatible outlooks. Montejurra made little if any impact on the Spanish market in general; it was nowhere near the role of a major discussion platform, performed by monthly reviews like Cuadernos para el Diálogo or El Ciervo . However, it was vital for Carlism of the 1960s. Fairly popular among the young and mid-age generation of party militants, together with other periodicals set up at

27825-453: The very nucleus of Hispanidad, a metaphoric soul of Hispanic cultural tradition. In historiography there are abundant references to theocratic nature of Traditionalism, especially in its Carlist incarnation, and this opinion has even made it to college textbooks, though some scholars demonstrate caution and some reserve the term only for certain branches of Traditionalism. Scholars focusing on Spanish political thought do not confirm such

28000-658: The vision of Catholic Unity; the current he launched is named as Pidalismo. Far more important was the late 1880s secession of the so-called Integrists , headed by Ramón Nocedal . The faction de-emphasized all non-religious threads, including the legitimist one, but unlike the Pidalistas they adopted a vehemently intransigent stand towards the Restoration regime. Though there were many prolific Integrist writers active in their network of periodicals, Integrist version of Traditionalism failed to produce its systematic theoretical lecture;

28175-504: Was a major blow to Spanish Traditionalism. Some of its pundits remained at the verge of breaching loyalty to the popes and there were even signs of Traditionalist anti-clericalism emerging. Until today one of the two Traditionalist political groupings remains highly sympathetic to religious Traditionalism of FSSPX, which proves that though Traditionalism at times approached Ultramontanism , they can by no means by equaled. Non-Catholic Traditionalism has never taken root in Spain; though in

28350-448: Was a marginal concept, deemed originating from revolutionary fallacy and conveying defective theory of legitimacy built from bottom up. If used, the term "nation" stood for community united by common tradition rather than by ethnicity, as people were falling not into various nations but rather into various traditions or, according to some, into various patrias. Though according to Traditionalist reading all political sovereignty rests with

28525-428: Was accepted and such a company has materialized; neither its name nor ownership structure is clear, though it is known that in 1964 Comunión Tradicionalista launched a subscription scheme for shares of the company. It is known that the Arraiza family retained a key position; following the 1968 death of Arraiza Vilella it was his sons, José Fermín and Juan Pedro Arraiza Rodríguez-Monte, who took over. Both sympathetic to

28700-461: Was considered the key Carlist theorist until in 1919 he broke away . The short-lived party he founded was named Partido Católico-Tradicionalista; in popular discourse it was referred to as Mellistas or Tradicionalistas, while the Carlists of the era – still sharing the same Traditionalist outlook – were usually named Jaimistas. Until his death in 1928 de Mella remained the undisputed highest authority on Traditionalist political thought, though since

28875-643: Was enforced, even though the regent-claimant was loosely involved in Resistance and he ended up in the Nazi concentration camp . The Cold War presented the Carlists with a dilemma. As intrinsically anti-revolutionary movement which fought bolshevisation of Spain during the civil war they perceived the Communist block as the arch-enemy. On the other hand, democratic, secular, liberal, left-wing, modern, casual, and initially fiercely anti-Spanish and anti-Portuguese regimes of

29050-415: Was exaltation of the Borbón-Parma family, with veiled perspective of prince Carlos Hugo assuming the Spanish throne constantly in the background. Every single issue contained omnipresent references to family members; as the monthly assumed more technologically advanced format, photographs of the Borbón-Parmas were increasingly dotting the pages. At times it might have appeared that Montejurra was some sort of

29225-445: Was founded on pre-Traditionalist realist antecedents, no Carlist author of the 1830s is credited for developing a Traditionalist outlook. A fully-fledged Traditionalism is usually noted as born in the 1840s and 1850s, fathered by two independently working scholars, Jaime Balmes y Urpiá and Juan Donoso Cortés. Both formulated largely overlapping theoretical systems accommodating traditional Catholicism within constitutional framework of

29400-468: Was granted no official license. As the review was to be based in Pamplona, formally its appearance on the market was made possible by verbal permission from civil governor of Navarre, a decision no doubt consulted earlier with appropriate central authorities in Madrid. This somewhat shaky official standing was changed probably when the review was taken over by a sociedad-anonima-type company in 1963. At that time

29575-470: Was one of them. Until the mid-1960s Montejurra pursued a careful tactics. The monthly underlined the official auto-definition of the system as a representative and social monarchy and tried to stress the royal threads as much as possible. On the other hand, while loyal to Franco the monthly preferred to avoid exaltation of caudillo, to de-emphasize Falangism and to mark its distance to autocratic features. The censorship office remained suspicious and imposed

29750-409: Was proportional to modernizing efforts of Liberal governments, which in course of the 19th century systematically did away with feudalism-rooted territory-specific establishments which prevented homogeneity of a modern state. The subject of fueros, traditional regulations specific to some if not most areas, started to feature in the 1840s in the Carlist rather than non-Carlist breed of Traditionalism; by

29925-488: Was replaced by María Blanca Ferrer García, also in her mid-30s and apart from engagement in various Navarrese press titles also a poet; she held the job until the early 1970. At this point Victorino del Pozo Barbero became her temporary replacement, while the last Montejurra director was Fermina Gil González; no detail is known about her. It is noted that Montejurra twice experienced major staff turnover: in 1964, probably related to marginalisation of Massó, and in 1968, when

30100-505: Was the 1834 abolishment of guilds , bodies advocated even 100 years later. Finally, opposition to doing away with feudalism-rooted local customs, fiscal exemptions or other local tariffs, and popular rather than theoretical hostility to urbanization and industrialization by large pitted Traditionalism against the bourgeoisie realm. Few non-Carlist Traditionalists accepted desamortización and in line with nascent capitalist order declared individual private property an inviolable foundation of

30275-535: Was to be transformed from a monthly to a weekly; in November 1964 instead of issue nr 47 the subsequent one was numbered as the first one. The plan failed and in early 1965 Montejurra soon returned to a monthly format, yet official censorship license allowed standard commercial distribution. Following a series of consorship-imposed fines and interventions, the ministry withdrew the license in April 1971, which forced closure of

30450-492: Was visible but not decisive, related to co-drafting of 1845 constitution , the 1851 concordat and his friendship with Bravo Murillo . Donoso was the first theorist dubbed Traditionalist, the term starting to appear in the public discourse in the early 1850s. The Carlist version of Traditionalism was developed mostly by vast array of periodicals, headed by La Esperanza and its chief, Pedro de la Hoz . The first complete Carlist lecture of Traditionalism – by some considered

30625-627: Was withdrawn following the Dolfuss assassination, but Mussolini was still viewed as an ally; in the mid-1930s some 200 Carlists received military training in Fascist Italy and the Comunión political leader Rodezno signed a related quasi-political agreement. During the Second World War there were both pro- Axis and pro- Allies currents within the organisation; eventually the non-engagement policy

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