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Irish Council Bill

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The Irish Council Bill (or Irish Councils Bill ; long title A Bill to provide for the Establishment and functions of an Administrative Council in Ireland and for other purposes connected therewith ) was a bill introduced and withdrawn from the UK Parliament in 1907 by the Campbell-Bannerman administration . It proposed the devolution of power, without Home Rule , to Ireland within the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland . A partly elected Irish Council would take control of many of the departments thitherto administered by the Dublin Castle administration , and have limited tax-raising powers. The bill was introduced by Augustine Birrell , the newly appointed Chief Secretary for Ireland , on 7 May 1907. It was rejected by the United Irish League (UIL) at a conference in Dublin on 21 May, which meant the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP) aligned to the UIL would oppose it in Parliament. Henry Campbell-Bannerman announced on 3 June that the government was dropping the bill, and it was formally withdrawn on 29 July.

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35-613: In 1893, the Second Home Rule Bill was rejected by the House of Lords . Whereas Irish nationalists like the IPP and UIL wanted full Home Rule with a legislature , this was opposed by Irish unionists , who also opposed any devolution scheme that might evolve into Home Rule. The Irish Reform Association and Sir Antony MacDonnell , the Under-Secretary for Ireland , unsuccessfully proposed

70-586: A Legislative Council and a Legislative Assembly. Whereas the First Home Rule Bill provided for no Irish MPs at Westminster, the 1893 Bill allowed for the eighty Irish MPs to sit in Westminster; this would have been a reduction from the 103 MPs who were then in the United Kingdom House of Commons. The Bill's second reading was passed by the House of Commons on 21 April 1893 by 347 votes to 304;

105-630: A devolution scheme in 1904–1905. In a speech in Stirling in November 1905, Henry Campbell-Bannerman , about to take office as Liberal prime minister, promised "an instalment of representative control" for Ireland while implying no Home Rule. In 1906 James Bryce as Chief Secretary for Ireland began work with MacDonnell on a bill along the lines of the Stirling speech. When IPP leaders John Dillon and John Redmond were apprised of it, they were "as much alienated by

140-568: A fact revealed (possibly accidentally) in what became known as the Hawarden Kite . Though his 1886 Home Rule Bill had caused him to lose power after members of his party left to form the Liberal Unionist Party , once re-appointed prime minister in August 1892 Gladstone committed himself to introducing a new Home Rule Bill for Ireland. The Irish Parliamentary Party had divided in 1891 on

175-744: A short distance from the residence of the Lord Bishop of Meath at Ardbraccan House . The decision to require the Lord Lieutenant to live full-time in Ireland necessitated a change in living arrangements. As the location of the Viceregal Court, the Privy Council and of various governmental offices, Dublin Castle became a less than desirable full-time residence for the viceroy, vicereine and their family. In 1781

210-726: The Act of Union 1800 , with many of those who changed sides and supported the Union in Parliament awarded peerages and honours for doing so. The Lord Lieutenant was advised in the governance by the Irish Privy Council , a body of appointed figures and hereditary title holders, which met in the Council Chamber in Dublin Castle and on occasion in other locations. The chief constitutional figures in

245-545: The Second Home Rule Bill ) was the second attempt made by Liberal Party leader William Ewart Gladstone , as Prime Minister of the United Kingdom , to enact a system of home rule for Ireland. Unlike the first attempt, which was defeated in the House of Commons , the second Bill was passed by the Commons but vetoed by the House of Lords . Gladstone had become personally committed to the granting of Irish home rule in 1885,

280-726: The Williamite Wars of 1690 until the Partition of Ireland in 1922. This spanned the Kingdom of Ireland (1541–1800) and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland (1801–1922). The office, under its various names, was often more generally known as the Viceroy , and his wife was known as the vicereine . The government of Ireland in practice was usually in the hands of the Lord Deputy up to

315-604: The final (third) reading was passed on 1 September 1893 by 301 to 267. However, in the House of Lords the second reading was defeated on 8 September 1893 by 419 votes to 41. This was a major stumbling block for the Irish MPs because the House of Lords was controlled by the Conservative Party and there would be little chance of it getting passed by them. Gladstone retired soon afterwards. Some historians now suggest that Gladstone

350-544: The " Russellite Unionists ", supported the bill and alleged most unionists opposed it because it would end Protestant Ascendancy in the senior ranks of the Irish civil service . The antipathy within the UIL and from nationalists more generally forced Redmond's hand and he proposed the rejection motion at the UIL convention, which was overwhelmingly carried MacDonnell retired shortly after the bill's failure. The Liberal Party decided there

385-607: The 17th century, and later of the Chief Secretary for Ireland . The Lord Lieutenant possessed a number of overlapping roles. He was Prior to the Act of Union 1800 which abolished the Irish parliament, the Lord Lieutenant formally delivered the Speech from the Throne outlining his Government's policies. His Government exercised effective control of parliament through the extensive exercise of

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420-472: The Act of Union, while later nationalists such as Charles Stewart Parnell sought a lesser measure, known as home rule . All four Home Rule bills provided for the continuation of the office. The Government of Ireland Act 1920 divided Ireland into two devolved entities inside the United Kingdom , Northern Ireland and Southern Ireland . Two institutions were meant to join the two; a Council of Ireland (which

455-455: The Bill having been excluded by Gladstone from its preparation, while the Chief Secretary for Ireland was engaged on other matters, and Gladstone, in the words of a historian, "increasingly disengaged". On 21 April, the Bill's second reading was approved by a majority of 347 to 304. By the third reading on 1 September, 26 of the Bill's 37 clauses had still not been debated. A fist-fight developed on

490-598: The Bill, a mistake over the calculation of how much Ireland should contribute to the British Imperial Exchequer. The error in the calculation was £360,000, a vast sum for the time. The error was discovered during the Committee Stage of the Bill's passage through the Commons and forced a major revision of the financial proposals. The Chancellor of the Exchequer , Sir William Harcourt , was himself alienated from

525-701: The British government bought the former ranger's house in Phoenix Park to act as a personal residence for the Lord Lieutenant. The building was rebuilt and named the Viceregal Lodge. It was not however until major renovations in the 1820s that the Lodge came to be used regularly by viceroys. It is now known as Áras an Uachtaráin and is the residence of the President of Ireland . By the mid-19th century, Lords Lieutenant lived in

560-543: The Castle only during the Social Season (early January to St. Patrick's Day , 17 March), during which time they held social events; balls, drawing rooms, etc. By tradition the coat of arms of each Lord Lieutenant was displayed somewhere in the Chapel Royal in Dublin Castle; some were incorporated into stained glass windows, some carved into seating, etc. The office of Lord Lieutenant, like the British government in Ireland,

595-547: The Irish Parliament (a number of months every two years). However the British cabinet decided in 1765 that full-time residency should be required to enable the Lord Lieutenant to keep a full-time eye on public affairs in Ireland. The post ebbed and flowed in importance, being used on occasion as a form of exile for prominent British politicians who had fallen afoul of the Court of St. James's or Westminster . On other occasions it

630-675: The Irish administration. Instead it was the Chief Secretary for Ireland who became central, with him, not the Lord Lieutenant, sitting on occasion in the British cabinet. The official residence of the Lord Lieutenant was the Viceregal Apartments in Dublin Castle , where the Viceregal Court was based. Other summer or alternative residences used by Lord Lieutenant or Lords Deputy included Abbeville in Kinsealy , Chapelizod House , in which

665-615: The Lord Lieutenant lived while Dublin Castle was being rebuilt following a fire but which he left due to the building being supposedly haunted, Leixlip Castle and St. Wolstan's in Celbridge . The Geraldine Lords Deputy, the 8th Earl of Kildare and the 9th Earl of Kildare , being native Irish, both lived in, among other locations, their castle in Maynooth , County Kildare . Lord Essex owned Durhamstown Castle near Navan in County Meath ,

700-549: The initial Council): The departments of the Irish administration to be transferred to the control of the council were: The possibility was provided for future transfer of authority for: The council would also have some financial powers, with a separate "Irish Treasury" and "Irish Fund". Joseph V. O'Brien describes these as "paltry". The bill would also have abolished the prohibition on Roman Catholics serving as Lord Lieutenant of Ireland . Second Home Rule Bill The Government of Ireland Bill 1893 (known generally as

735-548: The leadership of Charles Stewart Parnell (who died later in 1891), with a majority leaving the Irish National League to form the Irish National Federation , remaining divided until 1900. As with the first bill, the second bill was controversially drafted in secret by Gladstone, who excluded both Irish MPs and his own ministry from participating in the drafting. The decision led to a serious factual error in

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770-425: The opposition benches between Home Rule and Conservative MPs. The Bill, though passed by the Commons with a slimmer majority of 30, had lost much of its credibility. At that time all legislation could be negated by the Conservative Party –dominated House of Lords , and here it failed on a vote of 41 in favour and 419 against. The bill proposed: A bicameral Irish parliament to control domestic affairs, made up of

805-653: The post of Justiciar or Lord Deputy. From the Tudor reconquest of Ireland the post was increasingly given to Englishmen, whose loyalty to the Crown was not doubted. Although it was the faith of the overwhelming majority on the island of Ireland, Roman Catholics were excluded being able to hold the office from Glorious Revolution in 1688 until the Government of Ireland Act 1920 . Until 1767 Lords Lieutenant did not live full-time in Ireland. Instead they resided in Ireland during meetings of

840-479: The powers of patronage, namely the awarding of peerages , baronetcies and state honours. Critics accused successive viceroys of using their patronage power as a corrupt means of controlling parliament. On one day in July 1777, Lord Buckinghamshire as Lord Lieutenant promoted 5 viscounts to earls , 7 barons to viscounts, and created 18 new barons. The power of patronage was used to bribe MPs and peers into supporting

875-473: The secrecy surrounding Bryce's scheme as shocked by the inadequacy of its proposals". Birrell replaced Bryce as Chief Secretary in 1907, and improved relations with IPP leaders. Edward Blake was involved in negotiating revisions to the draft bill with Dillon and Redmond. Originally, MacDonnell proposed that two-thirds of the Irish Council would be indirectly elected by the county councils ; as introduced, it

910-411: The viceregal court were: Lords Lieutenant were appointed for no set term but served for "His/Her Majesty's pleasure" (in reality, as long as wished by the British government). When a ministry fell, the Lord Lieutenant was usually replaced by a supporter of the new ministry. Until the 16th century, Anglo-Irish noblemen such as the 8th Earl of Kildare and the 9th Earl of Kildare traditionally held

945-494: The way for more advanced nationalist alternatives like Sinn Féin . William O'Brien wrote in 1923, "It is now obvious enough that, had the Irish Council Bill been allowed to pass, the Partition of Ireland would never have been heard of." The Spectator countered that unionists would never have been reconciled to the 1907 scheme. The Irish Council was to have 107 members, with a term of office of three years (four years for

980-449: Was a stepping stone to a future career. Two Lords Lieutenant, Lord Hartington and the Duke of Portland , went from Dublin Castle to 10 Downing Street as Prime Minister of Great Britain , in 1756 and 1783 respectively. By the mid-to-late 19th century the post had declined from being a powerful political office to that of being a symbolic quasi-monarchical figure who reigned, not ruled, over

1015-429: Was greatly resented by some Irish nationalists , though it was supported with varying degrees of enthusiasm by the minority Irish unionist community. Some Lords Lieutenant did earn a measure of popularity in a personal capacity among nationalists. From the early 19th century, calls were made frequently for the abolition of the office and its replacement by a " Secretary of State for Ireland". A bill to effect this change

1050-491: Was hoped would evolve into a working all-Ireland parliament) and the Lord Lieutenant who would be the nominal chief executive of both regimes, appointing both prime ministers and dissolving both parliaments. In fact only Northern Ireland functioned, with Southern Ireland being quickly replaced by the Irish Free State with its own Governor-General . The Irish Free State (Consequential Provisions) Act 1922 provided that, once

1085-472: Was introduced in Parliament in 1850 by the government of Lord John Russell but was subsequently withdrawn when it became clear that it would receive insufficient support to pass. The office survived until the establishment of the Irish Free State in 1922. Irish nationalists throughout the 19th century and early 20th century campaigned for a form of Irish self-government. Daniel O'Connell sought repeal of

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1120-569: Was no workable middle ground between the Union status quo and Home Rule, and put aside attempts to address Ireland's constitutional status. It was after the 1910 election and the Parliament Act 1911 that the Asquith ministry returned to the issue with the Third Home Rule Bill . Conor Mulvagh suggests the 1907 bill's failure fed into a current of disillusion and malaise in the IPP that opened

1155-518: Was sympathetic but the sudden death of his wife removed him from public debate. The Roman Catholic church in Ireland opposed what it viewed as increased state interference in education. Joseph Devlin and the Ancient Order of Hibernians also opposed it. The Irish Trades Union Congress opposed the proposed council as "a constitutional cripple, more likely than otherwise to hamper and irritate industrial improvement in Ireland". T. W. Russell , head of

1190-408: Was the author of his own defeats on home rule, with his secretive drafting alienating supporters, and enabling serious flaws to appear in the text of his bills. Lord Lieutenant of Ireland Lord Lieutenant of Ireland ( UK : / l ɛ f ˈ t ɛ n ə n t / ), or more formally Lieutenant General and General Governor of Ireland , was the title of the chief governor of Ireland from

1225-557: Was to be three-quarters elected by popular vote. William O'Brien , a nationalist outside the IPP, supported both the 1904 devolution scheme and the 1907 bill as a step in the right direction, or "Home Rule by instalments". The IPP MPs were initially uncertain whether to oppose the bill outright or seek amendments to it. They voted for the first reading on 7 May, Redmond saying, "if this measure fulfilled certain conditions I laid down we should consider it an aid to Home Rule. I do not know whether it does or not till I have examined it." Dillon

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