The Wari ( Spanish : Huari ) were a Middle Horizon civilization that flourished in the south-central Andes and coastal area of modern-day Peru , from about 500 to 1000 AD.
68-525: Wari , as the former capital city was called, is located 11 km (6.8 mi) north-east of the modern city of Ayacucho , Peru. This city was the center of a civilization that covered much of the highlands and coast of modern Peru . The best-preserved remnants, beside the Wari Ruins , are the recently discovered Northern Wari ruins near the city of Chiclayo , and Cerro Baúl in Moquegua . Also well-known are
136-698: A lapis lazuli and ceramic figurines, incense burners and a ceremonial medallion from the lake floor. The artifacts are representative of the lavishness of the ceremonies and the Tiwanaku culture. When a topographical map of the site was created in 2016 by the use of a drone, a "set of hitherto unknown structures" was revealed. These structures spanned over 411 hectares, and included a stone temple and about one hundred circular or rectangular structures of vast dimensions, which were possibly domestic units. Between 2005 and 2007 various types of aerial surveillance methods were used by UNESCO to create an aerial picture of
204-517: A "half Andean Cross "-shaped structure that is 257 m wide, 197 m broad at its maximum, and 16.5 m tall. At its center appears to have been a sunken court. This was nearly destroyed by a deep looters excavation that extends from the center of this structure to its eastern side. Material from the looter's excavation was dumped off the eastern side of the Akapana. A staircase is present on its western side. Possible residential complexes might have occupied both
272-422: A center of pre-Columbian religious ceremonies for both the general public and elites. For example, human sacrifice was used in several pre-Columbian civilizations to appease a god in exchange for good fortune. Excavations of the Akapana at Tiwanaku revealed the remains of sacrificial dedications of humans and camelids. Researchers speculate that the Akapana may also have been used as an astronomical observatory. It
340-562: A form of human sacrifice . Wari ruins Huari or Wari is an archaeological site located near the town of Quinua , 22 km northeast of the city of Ayacucho , in the Ayacucho Region , Peru at an elevation between 2600 and 2900 meters. It was the capital city of the Huari Empire and one of the largest urban settlements in ancient Peru. Huari was founded ca. 400 AD and gained prominence around 550 AD. At its height,
408-527: A number of small villages in Peru's Carahuarazo Valley in approximately 600 A.D., during the empire's initial expansion. The incursion caused a number of the valley's existing villages to be abandoned, with one partially destroyed to make room for a Wari administrative center known as Jincamocco. The Wari introduced terracing agriculture to the area, shifting the staple crops of the valley from tubers to both tubers and maize . Wari storage structures have been found in
476-467: A powerful driving force in the social life of the Wari. Multiple instances of camelid remains found in the province of Cotocotuyoc point toward the usage of such animals as symbols of social capital, especially because they were uncommon in the area. Some camelid remains were found devoid of cut marks and stacked on top of human bones, leading researchers to think they were intentionally not fully eaten to display
544-562: A site of ancient alien intervention. These claims are entirely unsubstantiated. The Kalasasaya is a large courtyard more than 300 feet long, outlined by a high gateway. It is located to the north of the Akapana and west of the Semi-Subterranean Temple. Within the courtyard is where explorers found the Gateway of the Sun. Since the late 20th century, researchers have theorized that this was not
612-480: A system of proportions. Many theories for the skill of Tiwanaku's architectural construction have been proposed. One is that they used a luk’ a, which is a standard measurement of about sixty centimeters. Another argument is for the Pythagorean Ratio. This idea calls for right triangles at a ratio of five to four to three used in the gateways to measure all parts. Lastly, Protzen and Nair argue that Tiwanaku had
680-419: A system set for individual elements dependent on context and composition. This is shown in the construction of similar gateways ranging from diminutive to monumental size, proving that scaling factors did not affect proportion. With each added element, the individual pieces were shifted to fit together. As the population grew, occupational niches developed, and people began to specialize in certain skills. There
748-577: A temple and terraced mound. Evidence of similar types of cranial vault modification in burials between the Omo site and the main site of Tiwanaku is also being used for this argument. Today Tiwanaku has been designated as a UNESCO World Heritage Site , administered by the Bolivian government. Recently, the Department of Archaeology of Bolivia (DINAR, directed by Javier Escalante) has been conducting excavations on
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#1732851985512816-579: A young camelid and thirty-two guinea pigs were found buried in a "lineage house" in the city of Conchopata, ten kilometers from the capital city of Wari. The complete nature of the remains, as well as the age of the camelid, point toward the animals being sacrificed at the end of the Ayachuco valley's rainy season. The Wari are particularly known for their textiles, which were well-preserved in desert burials. The standardization of textile motifs serves as artistic evidence of state control over elite art production in
884-466: Is 5 m tall. Identical 20-meter-wide projections extend 27.6 meters north and south from the northeast and southeast corners of the Pumapunku. Walled and unwalled courts and an esplanade are associated with this structure. A prominent feature of the Pumapunku is a large stone terrace; it is 6.75 by 38.72 meters in dimension and paved with large stone blocks. It is called the " Plataforma Lítica " and contains
952-528: Is a Pre-Columbian archaeological site in western Bolivia , near Lake Titicaca , about 70 kilometers from La Paz , and it is one of the largest sites in South America. Surface remains currently cover around 4 square kilometers and include decorated ceramics, monumental structures, and megalithic blocks. It has been conservatively estimated that the site was inhabited by 10,000 to 20,000 people in AD 800. The site
1020-513: Is correct. The Gateway of the Sun and others located at Pumapunku are not complete. They are missing part of a typical recessed frame known as a chambranle , which typically have sockets for clamps to support later additions. These architectural examples, as well as the Akapana Gate, have unique detail and demonstrate high skill in stone-cutting. This reveals a knowledge of descriptive geometry . The regularity of elements suggests they are part of
1088-452: Is in almost direct contrast with Tiwanaku where there was a more open architectural plan that could easily accommodate multiple people at once. A form of architecture distinctive to Wari was the use of D-shaped structures. These structures were commonly used for temples and were relatively small at only 10 meters. Using administrative centers like their temples, the Wari greatly influenced the surrounding countryside. Scholars were able to look at
1156-417: Is in the city of Conchopata where the remains of more than 200 individuals have been found. This city is located about 10 km from the capital city. Prior to its excavation, the city was believed to be that of potters, but the burials studied instead showed that there were servants, middle-class, elite, and even perhaps low kings or governors occupying the city. Further investigations on a random selection of
1224-461: The Puquina language is most likely to have been the language of Tiwanaku. The dating of the site has been significantly refined over the last century. From 1910 to 1945, Arthur Posnansky maintained that the site was 11,000–17,000 years old based on comparisons to geological eras and archaeoastronomy . Beginning in the 1970s, Carlos Ponce Sanginés proposed the site was first occupied around 1580 BC,
1292-495: The Wari culture . The Wari and Tiwanaku civilizations shared the same iconography, referred to as the "Southern Andean Iconographic Series". The relationship between the two civilizations is presumed to be trade based or military based. The Wari aren't the only other civilization that Tiwanaku could have had contact with. Inca cities also contained similar types of architecture Infrastructure seen in Tiwanaku. From this it can be expected that
1360-515: The suka kollus , accurate dating of the civilization's growth and influence, and evidence for a drought-based collapse of the Tiwanaku civilization. Archaeologists such as Paul Goldstein have argued that the Tiwanaku empire ranged outside of the altiplano area and into the Moquegua Valley in Peru. Excavations at Omo settlements show signs of similar architecture characteristic of Tiwanaku, such as
1428-417: The Akapana, made of andesite , is estimated to weigh 65.7 tons . Tenon stone blocks in the form of puma and human heads stud the upper terraces. The Akapana East was built on the eastern side of early Tiwanaku. Later it was considered a boundary between the ceremonial center and the urban area. It was made of a thick, prepared floor of sand and clay, which supported a group of buildings. Yellow and red clay
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#17328519855121496-456: The Gateway of the Sun called Southern Andean Iconographic Series can be seen on several stone sculptures, Qirus , snuff trays and other Tiwanaku artifacts. The unique carvings on the top of the Gate of the sun depict animals and other beings. Some have claimed that the symbolism represents a calendar system unique to the people of Tiwanaku, although there is no definitive evidence that this theory
1564-454: The Inca to reconstruct some of the architecture of the Wari. Along the Inca highway system, several Wari provincial sites were found, suggesting that the Wari used a similar road network. They also created new fields with terraced field technology, which the Inca also drew inspiration from. Based on remains from multiple Wari sites, archaeologists have determined that feasts and offerings of food were
1632-609: The Inca took some inspiration from the city of Tiwanaku and other early civilizations in the Andean basin. The structures that have been excavated by researchers at Tiwanaku include the terraced platform mound Akapana , Akapana East, and Pumapunku stepped platforms, the Kalasasaya , the Kantatallita, the Kheri Kala, and Putuni enclosures, and the Semi-Subterranean Temple. The Akapana is
1700-461: The Kalasasaya are almost all reconstructed. The reconstruction was not sufficiently based on evidence. The reconstruction does not have as high quality of stonework as was present in Tiwanaku. Early visitors compared Kalasasaya to Englands Stonehenge . Ephraim Squier called it "American Stonehenge". Before the reconstruction, it had more of a "Stonehenge"-like appearance as the filler stones between
1768-459: The Kalasasaya is estimated to weigh 26.95 metric tons. Within many of the site's structures are impressive gateways; the ones of monumental scale are placed on artificial mounds, platforms, or sunken courts. One gateway shows the iconography of a front-facing figure in Staff God pose. This iconography also is used on some oversized vessels, indicating an importance to the culture. The iconography of
1836-576: The Puma Punku. Alan Kolata of the University of Chicago conducted research at Tiwanaku in the late 1900s from which he made descriptions of the City and its structure and culture in his book The Tiwanaku. He later published Valley of The Spirits which described more aspects of Tiwanaku culture such as astrology and mythology. John Wayne Janusek of Vanderbilt University spent time in the late 1900s as well at
1904-419: The Tiwanaku, have a complex belief system similar to the cosmology of several other Andean civilizations. They believe in the existence of three spaces: Arajpacha, the upper world; Akapacha, the middle or inner world; and Manqhaoacha, the lower world. Often associated with the cosmos and Milky Way, the upper world is considered to be where celestial beings live. The middle world is where all living things are, and
1972-404: The Wari became dominant in much of the territory of the earlier Moche and later Chimu cultures. The reason for this expansion has been debated; it is believed to have been driven by religious conversion, the spread of agricultural knowledge (specifically terrace agriculture ), or military conquest. Militarism and the associated threat/violence that comes with it has consistently played a part in
2040-417: The Wari intended to return, someday when the rains returned. By the time this happened, though, the Wari had faded from history. In the meantime, the dwindling residents of the Wari cities ceased all major construction. Archaeological evidence shows significant levels of interpersonal violence, suggesting that warfare and raiding increased amongst rival groups upon the collapse of the Wari state structure. With
2108-474: The Wari ruins of Pikillaqta ("Flea Town"), a short distance south-east of Cuzco en route to Lake Titicaca . However, there is still a debate whether the Wari dominated the Central Coast or the polities on the Central Coast were commercial states capable of interacting with the Wari people without being politically dominated by them. Archaeological evidence points toward the Wari empire taking control of
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2176-402: The Wari state. Surviving textiles include tapestries, hats and tunics for high-ranking officials. There are between six and nine miles of thread in each tunic, and they often feature highly abstracted versions of typical Andean artistic motifs, such as the Staff God . It is possible that these abstract designs served "a mysterious or esoteric code to keep out uninitiated foreign subjects" and that
2244-411: The architecture of Tiwanaku , which is believed to have been a more federalized state by some scholars (such as John W. Janusek). Wari architecture was most often made of rough fieldstones that had been coated in white plaster. The compounds were usually large, rectangular enclosures with no windows, just a few entries, and the sites had no central place for people to gather for rituals or ceremonies. This
2312-502: The area, seemingly "paired" with some of remaining villages' agricultural sites; these were likely used to store both staple crops. Wari occupation of the Carahuarazo Valley lasted until roughly 800 A.D., leading to the abandonment of most of the valley's sites after that time. Early on, the Wari expanded their territory to include the ancient oracle center of Pachacamac , though it seems to have remained largely autonomous. Later,
2380-596: The artifacts he will find, on behalf of Meiggs, to Washington's Smithsonian Institution and the American Museum of Natural History in New York . Ber’s expedition was cut short by the violent hostility of the local population, instigated by the Catholic parish priest, but von Grumbkow’s early pictures survive. In the 1960s, the Bolivian government initiated an effort to restore the site and reconstruct part of it. The walls of
2448-536: The burials from the site have shown that 26 percent of both male and female adult crania studied had at least one posterior wound, while only females had been subject to anterior wounds. The different levels of violence based on sex is evidence of some type of systematic hierarchy. During its expansion period, the Wari state established architecturally distinctive administrative centers in many of its provinces, but they often did not have formal planning as many other Andean cities did. These centers are clearly different from
2516-544: The city was inhabited by around 70,000 people from different cultures, making it the center of a new religion that synthesized the beliefs of those various peoples. The city was abandoned ca. 1000 AD. The archaeological site spans an area of 2000 hectares, and comprises several areas or neighborhoods. Buildings are made of stone and mudbrick, and painted in red and white. Many of the structures had residential, administrative or religious purposes. Tiwanaku Tiwanaku ( Spanish : Tiahuanaco or Tiahuanacu )
2584-637: The collapse of the Wari, the Late Intermediate Period is said to begin. Little is known about the details of the Wari administrative structure, as they did not appear to use a form of written record. Instead, they used a tool called khipu , or "knot record." Despite being most widely known for its use in Inca accounting, many scholars believe that the earliest use of it as a recording tool happened in Wari. Archaeologists, however, still rely on homogeneous administrative architecture and evidence of significant social stratification to help better understand
2652-512: The complex sociopolitical hierarchy of Wari. The discovery in early 2013 of an undisturbed royal tomb, El Castillo de Huarmey , offers new insight into the social and political influence of the Wari during this period. The variety and extent of the burial items accompanying the three royal women indicate a culture with significant material wealth and the power to dominate a significant part of northern coastal Peru for many decades. Another example of burials helping to establish social stratification
2720-539: The expansion and maintenance of ancient empires with Wari being of no exception. Evidence of the violence present in Wari culture is most visible at the city of Conchopata. As a result of centuries of drought, the Wari culture began to deteriorate around 800 AD. Archeologists have determined that the city of Wari was dramatically depopulated by 1000 AD, although it continued to be occupied by a small number of descendant groups. Buildings in Wari and in other government centers had doorways that were deliberately blocked up, as if
2788-621: The feast's host's wealth, in a process known as ritual wasteful consumption. The Wari worshipped the Staff god , a chief deity in many Andean cultures. Some of the oldest depictions of the Staff god appear on Wari textiles and pottery urns, estimated to be over 3,000 years old. Some scholars believe that the Wari Staff god was a predecessor of the three Incan principle gods, Sun, Moon, and Thunder. The Wari practiced animal sacrifice. Complete skeletal remains of
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2856-429: The gateway's original location. Near the courtyard is the Semi-Subterranean Temple; a square sunken courtyard that is unique for its north-south rather than east-west axis. The walls are covered with tenon heads of many different styles, suggesting that the structure was reused for different purposes over time. It was built with walls of sandstone pillars and smaller blocks of Ashlar masonry. The largest stone block in
2924-424: The geometric distortions made the wearer's chest appear larger to reflect their high rank. The Wari also produced highly sophisticated metalwork and ceramics, with similar designs to the textiles. The most common metals used were silver and copper, though gold Wari artifacts also survive. The most common metal objects were qiru , bowls, jewelry, mummy bundle masks, mantle pins, and sheet figures who demonstrate how
2992-515: The lack of ceramic styles from earlier periods. Tiwanaku began its steady growth in the early centuries of the first millennium AD. From approximately 375 to 700 AD, this Andean city grew to significance. At its height, the city of Tiwanaku spanned an area of roughly 4 square kilometers (1.5 square miles) and had a population greater than 10,000 individuals. The growth of the city was due to its complex agropastoral economy, supported by trade. The site appeared to have collapsed around 1000 AD, however
3060-408: The large stone pillars were all looted. As noted, the Gateway of the Sun, now in the Kalasasaya, is believed to have been moved from its original location. Modern, academically sound archaeological excavations were performed from 1978 through the 1990s by University of Chicago anthropologist Alan Kolata and his Bolivian counterpart, Oswaldo Rivera. Among their contributions are the rediscovery of
3128-403: The largest stone block found in the Tiwanaku site. According to Ponce Sangines, the block is estimated to weigh 131 metric tonnes. The second-largest stone block found within the Pumapunku is estimated to be 85 metric tonnes. Scattered around the site of the Puma Punku are various types of cut stones. Due to the complexity of the stonework the site is often cited by conspiracy theorists to be
3196-456: The lower world is where life itself is inverted. As the site has suffered from looting and amateur excavations since shortly after Tiwanaku's fall, archeologists must attempt to interpret it with the understanding that materials have been jumbled and destroyed. This destruction continued during the Spanish conquest and colonial period, and during 19th century and the early 20th century. Other damage
3264-416: The mountains and Lake Titicaca. The lake level of Lake Titicaca has fluctuated significantly over time. The spiritual importance and location of the lake contributed to the religious significance of Tiwanaku. In the Tiwanaku worldview, Lake Titicaca is the spiritual birthplace of their cosmic beliefs. According to Incan mythology, Lake Titicaca is the birthplace of Viracocha , who was responsible for creating
3332-412: The northeast and southeast corners of this structure. Originally, the Akapana was thought to have been developed from a modified hill. Twenty-first-century studies have shown that it is an entirely man-made earthen mound , faced with a mixture of large and small stone blocks. The dirt comprising Akapana appears to have been excavated from the "moat" that surrounds the site. The largest stone block within
3400-583: The period of the site, certain buildings changed purposes, causing a mix of artifacts found today. Detailed study of Tiwanaku began on a small scale in the mid-nineteenth century. In the 1860s, Ephraim George Squier visited the ruins and later published maps and sketches completed during his visit. German geologist Alphons Stübel spent nine days in Tiwanaku in 1876, creating a map of the site based on careful measurements. He also made sketches and created paper impressions of carvings and other architectural features. A book containing major photographic documentation
3468-480: The positions of the sun, moon, Milky Way and other celestial bodies well enough to give them a significant role in their architecture. Aymara legends place Tiwanaku at the center of the universe, probably because of the importance of its geographical location. The Tiwanaku were highly aware of their natural surroundings and would use them and their understanding of astronomy as reference points in their architectural plans. The most significant landmarks in Tiwanaku are
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#17328519855123536-456: The reasoning behind this is still open to debate. Recent studies by geologist Elliott Arnold of the University of Pittsburgh have shown evidence of a greater amount of aridity in the region around the time of collapse. A drought in the region would have affected local systems of agriculture and likely played a role in the collapse of Tiwanaku. The people of Tiwanaku held a tight relationship with
3604-499: The residential area outside the monumental core, has provoked controversy amongst local archaeologists. The program was directed by Gary Urton , of Harvard, who was an expert on quipus , and Alexei Vranich of the University of Pennsylvania . The controversy was over allowing a team of untrained students to work on the site, even under professional supervision. It was so important that only certified professional archaeologists with documented funding were allowed access. The controversy
3672-453: The site of Tiwanaku recording findings of the excavations going on. In 2008 he published Ancient Tiwanaku which described his findings on the architecture, agriculture and other aspects of Tiwanaku life. Jean-Pierre Protzen was an architecture professor of the University of California at Berkeley and spent much of his life studying the architecture of Tiwanaku. In 2013, he published The Stones of Tiahuanaco which gives great descriptions of
3740-466: The site's oldest radiocarbon date. This date is still seen in some publications and museums in Bolivia. Since the 1980s, researchers have recognized this date as unreliable, leading to the consensus that the site is no older than 200 or 300 BC. More recently, a statistical assessment of reliable radiocarbon dates estimates that the site was founded around AD 110 (50–170, 68% probability), a date supported by
3808-480: The site. Lidar, aerial photography, drones, and terrestrial laser scanning were all used in this process. Data concluded from this research includes topographical maps that show the principal structures at the site along with mapping of multiple structures in the Mollo Kuntu area. Over 300 million data points were placed from these methods and have helped redefine main structures that have not fully been excavated such as
3876-574: The sun, moon, people, and the cosmos. In the Kalasasaya at Tiwanaku, carved atop a monolith known as the Gate of the Sun , is a front-facing figure holding a spear-thrower and snuff. Some speculate that this is a representation of Viracocha. However, it is also possible that this figure represents a deity that the Aymara refer to as “Tunuupa” who, like Viracocha, is associated with legends of creation and destruction. The Aymara , who are thought to be descendants of
3944-448: The terraced platform mound Akapana. The Proyecto Arqueologico Pumapunku-Akapana (Pumapunku-Akapana Archaeological Project, PAPA) run by the University of Pennsylvania , has been excavating in the area surrounding the terraced platform mound for the past few years, and also conducting Ground Penetrating Radar surveys of the area. In former years, an archaeological field school offered through Harvard 's Summer School Program, conducted in
4012-459: The tunics were worn. Ceramics were typically polychrome and frequently depicted food and animals. Conchopata appears to have been the ceramic center of Wari culture given the high quantities of pottery tools, firing rooms, pit kilns , potsherds , and ceramic molds. In one of the D-shaped temples at Conchopata, there were large smashed chicha vessels on the floor and human heads placed as offerings as
4080-459: Was accompanied by hierarchical stratification within the state. Some authors believe that the elites of Tiwanaku lived inside four walls that were surrounded by a moat. This theory is called "Tiwanaku moat theory". This moat, some believe, was to create the image of a sacred island. Inside the walls were many images devoted to human origin, which only the elites would see. Commoners may have entered this structure only for ceremonial purposes since it
4148-490: Was an increase in artisans, who worked in pottery, jewelry, and textiles. Like the later Inca, the Tiwanaku had few commercial or market institutions. Instead, the culture relied on elite redistribution. That is, the elites of the state controlled essentially all economic output but were expected to provide each commoner with all the resources needed to perform his or her function. Selected occupations include agriculturists, herders, pastoralists, etc. Such separation of occupations
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#17328519855124216-605: Was charged with nationalistic and political undertones. The Harvard field school lasted for three years, beginning in 2004 and ending in 2007. The project was not renewed in subsequent years, nor was permission sought to do so. In 2009 state-sponsored restoration work on Akapana was halted due to a complaint from UNESCO . The restoration had consisted of facing the platform mound with adobe , although researchers had not established this as appropriate. In 2013, marine archaeologists exploring Lake Titicaca's Khoa reef discovered an ancient ceremonial site and lifted artifacts such as
4284-417: Was committed by people quarrying stone for building and railroad construction, and target practice by military personnel. No standing buildings have survived at the modern site. Only public, non-domestic foundations remain, with poorly reconstructed walls. The ashlar blocks used in many of these structures were mass-produced in similar styles so that they could possibly be used for multiple purposes. Throughout
4352-528: Was constructed so that it was aligned with the peak of Quimsachata , providing a view of the rotation of the Milky Way from the southern pole. Other structures like Kalasasaya are positioned to provide optimal views of the sunrise on the Equinox, Summer Solstice, and Winter Solstice. Although the symbolic and functional value of these monuments can only be speculated upon, the Tiwanaku were able to study and interpret
4420-514: Was first recorded in written history in 1549 by Spanish conquistador Pedro Cieza de León while searching for the southern Inca capital of Qullasuyu . Jesuit chronicler of Peru Bernabé Cobo reported that Tiwanaku's name once was taypiqala , which is Aymara meaning "stone in the center", alluding to the belief that it lay at the center of the world. The name by which Tiwanaku was known to its inhabitants may have been lost as they had no written language. Heggarty and Beresford-Jones suggest that
4488-488: Was home to the holiest of shrines. In many Andean cultures, mountains are venerated and may be considered sacred objects. The site of Tiwanaku is located in the valley between two sacred mountains, Pukara and Chuqi Q’awa . At such temples in ancient times, ceremonies were conducted to honor and pay gratitude to the gods and spirits. They were places of worship and rituals that helped unify Andean peoples through shared symbols and pilgrimage destinations. Tiwanaku became
4556-425: Was published in 1892 by engineer Georg von Grumbkow, With commentary by archaeologist Max Uhle , this was the first in-depth scientific account of the ruins. Von Grumbkow had first visited Tiwanaku between the end of 1876 and the beginning of 1877, when he accompanied as a photographer the expedition of French adventurer Théodore Ber , financed by American businessman Henry Meiggs , against Ber’s promise of donating
4624-416: Was used in different areas for what seems like aesthetic purposes. It was swept clean of all domestic refuse, signaling its great importance to the culture. The Pumapunku is a man-made platform built on an east-west axis like the Akapana. It is a T-shaped, terraced earthen platform mound faced with megalithic blocks. It is 167.36 m wide along its north-south axis and 116.7 m broad along its east-west axis and
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