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82-471: The online broadcaster had begun as People's Station in 2004 after two outspoken pro-democratic talk-show hosts Wong Yuk-man and Albert Cheng were fired by Commercial Radio Hong Kong . It changed its name to Hong Kong Reporter in 2005 and merged with the then chairman of the League of Social Democrats , Wong Yuk-man's internet radio station MyRadio in 2008. In 2010, the two groups parted ways. Hong Kong Reporter

164-527: A Chinese nationalistic theme. They organised its alternative 4 June rally in Tsim Sha Tsui . The alternative event attracted 200 people in 2013 and 7,000 in 2014, compared with 180,000 and 150,000 respectively for the main event. On 3 July 2014 during a Q&A session of the Legislative Council, Wong was accused of intentionally hurting Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying by hurling a glass at him in

246-716: A bid to escape the charges. Wong called on his supporters to be "well-prepared for a long struggle" against the government and said he feared for the day when local courts would be "manipulated by the Communist Party." Wong decided to challenge the Democratic Party in the 2011 District Council elections . People Power put forward 62 candidates, many of whom ran in constituencies against Democratic Party candidates. The party won just one seat, in Fung Cheung, where its candidate Johnny Mak Ip-sing did not face another candidate from

328-688: A broader background. The former Secretary for Security Regina Ip , who was in charge of introducing the Basic Law Article 23 stood in the Hong Kong Island by-election in 2007 against the former Chief Secretary Anson Chan supported by the pro-democrats. Despite her defeat, she was able to be elected in the 2008 Legislative Council election , and formed the middle class and professional oriented New People's Party in 2011. Some pro-Beijing legal professionals who ran as independents, such as Priscilla Leung , Paul Tse and Junius Ho were elected to

410-494: A late Saturday night slot (with significantly fewer listeners). In less than a year, the programme was cancelled and Wong was effectively and controversially taken off-air. This event was significant for Hong Kong as it meant that there was no longer any outspoken and critical radio talk show host on any Hong Kong radio station. During his time off-air, he continued to run his beef noodle restaurant in Mongkok . In 2006, he co-founded

492-627: A long rivalry with the pro-Kuomintang bloc . After the Sino-British Joint Declaration was signed in 1984, affirming Chinese sovereignty over Hong Kong from 1997, the traditional leftists realigned itself and unofficially formed a loose " United Front " with the conservative pro-business elites to counter the emergence of the pro-democracy camp in the 1990s and ensure a smooth transition of the Hong Kong sovereignty in Beijing's interest. Since

574-515: A march from Wan Chai to Central , Wong Yuk-man and Albert Chan organised their supporters to break through a police cordon, occupied a major road in Central and scuffled with the police, bringing traffic to a standstill. Wong and Chan were later arrested for unlawful assembly. They were later convicted in April 2013. Eastern Court magistrate Joseph To Ho-shing accused Wong of being "untrustworthy" and lying in

656-598: A master's degree in history, Wong worked as a journalist and taught at Chu Hai College. He first made his name in the early 1990s when he co-hosted Asia Television 's controversial and hugely popular political commentary programme News Tease . He savaged pro-Beijing politicians until the show was axed after 64 episodes in 1994, allegedly under pressure from the mainland authorities. In 1990, Wong used his entire savings – HK$ 500,000 – to launch News File magazine, but it closed down within two years and left him heavily in debt. On 18 March 1996, he established Mad Dog Daily ,

738-411: A month (US$ 130), but with a means test introduced. Wong believed that this turned what was a gesture of respect to elderly people into welfare and was disrespectful to old people. Wong interrupted Tsang's speech and threw a bunch of bananas at him. The three LSD members were ejected from the chamber for the act. The incident triggered much debate amongst scholars, commentators, fellow politicians, and

820-512: A number of innovative actions to Hong Kong politics. On 15 October 2008, during Hong Kong Chief Executive Donald Tsang 's delivery of the Annual Policy Address, Wong and his colleagues Leung Kwok-hung and Albert Chan interrupted Tsang's speech and heckled. Tsang suggested that the HK$ 625 a month (US$ 80) Old Age Allowance paid to all senior citizens aged 65 or above be raised to HK$ 1000

902-455: A peak by hosting two weekly shows for Commercial Radio Hong Kong ; had three weekly slots on Radio Television Hong Kong , both on television and radio; and appeared on prime-time TV at least once a week. In 2003, Wong converted to Christianity during the SARS epidemic in Hong Kong. He was attracted to liberation theology after his contact with the least-privileged in society during the crisis. He

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984-432: A protest. Wong was charged of common assault. He claimed that he was first intentionally throwing papers towards a location where no one was standing, and he switched to throwing water only when there were not many documents left on the table. He said the glass was released accidentally as security guards were pulling him back. He was later convicted on 19 October 2016. On 27 September 2018, Wong Yuk-man's assault conviction

1066-426: A reconciliation of the two camps. In late 2012, some pro-Leung advocacy groups with the allegations of Beijing's financial supports began to emerge such as Voice of Loving Hong Kong , Caring Hong Kong Power and Hong Kong Youth Care Association, which launched counter-protests against the pan-democrats. The Leung Chun-ying administration with its hardline stance on the growing movement for Hong Kong independence after

1148-533: A spontaneous reaction to the excesses of the pan-democracy camp, as Hong Kong's silent majority who wish for a prosperous, harmonious society and who reject the "social violence" of the pan-democrats. Describing themselves as apolitical and independent of outside powers, these groups use various tactics to counter the pan-democrats, including counter rallies and marches in opposition to pan-democrat ones, counter petitions, and making accusations of campaign fund fraud and irregularities against pan-democrat politicians to

1230-551: A studio camera and uploaded to YouTube – have become some of the most-watched videos in Hong Kong. "Wong Yuk-man Channel" has subsequently become a twice-weekly radio programme, now extended from one hour to 1½ hours. In 2008, he was appointed a trustee of the Chinese University of Hong Kong . Wong Yuk-man refused to co-operate with the other pan-democratic parties Democratic Party and the Civic Party and strongly criticised

1312-514: A tabloid with a clear "Anti-communism" and "Anti- Tung " stance. However, the paper suffered from a low sales volume, which Wong jokingly blamed on its "journalistic integrity" and refusal to participate in sensationalist journalism . After the Asian financial crisis , it transformed into a magazine in October 1997, and then was suspended shortly afterwards. As a result, Wong had to bear debts that amounted to

1394-442: A total of 15 million HKD. He repaid this debt in a matter of years by working on talk shows and other TV programmes. In 2000, Wong established "CyberHK", an IT company that was also unsuccessful, falling victim to the dot-com bubble of 2001 and putting Wong into debt again. To settle the debts, Wong concentrated on his radio talk shows, writing articles for newspapers, and running his beef noodle restaurant. His popularity hit

1476-574: Is a stub . You can help Misplaced Pages by expanding it . Wong Yuk-man Raymond Wong Yuk-man ( Chinese : 黃毓民 ; born 1 October 1951) is a Hong Kong author, current affairs commentator and radio host. He is a former member of the Legislative Council of Hong Kong (LegCo), representing the geographical constituency of Kowloon West . He worked in Commercial Radio Hong Kong and hosted many popular phone-in programmes. Also, He

1558-508: Is a founder and chairman of Mad Dog Daily from 1996 until its closure in 2022. He was the head of Department in the Faculty of Communication and Journalism of Chu Hai College in Tsuen Wan , Hong Kong, from which he also holds a Master's degree in history. He is a populist and a former chairman of the League of Social Democrats (LSD). He is known for his outspoken manner, harsh criticism of

1640-630: Is a political alignment in Hong Kong which generally supports the policies of the Beijing central government and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) towards Hong Kong. The term "pro-establishment camp" is regularly in use to label the broader segment of the Hong Kong political arena which has the closer relationship with the establishment , namely the governments of the People's Republic of China (PRC) and

1722-514: The 2019–20 Hong Kong protests , Safeguard Hong Kong Alliance and Politihk Social Strategic have organised protests either in support of the government's extradition bill or the Hong Kong Police. During the 2012 Chief Executive election campaign , Leung's campaign officers were seen attending a dinner in Lau Fau Shan with Kwok Wing-hung, nicknamed “Shanghai Boy”, an alleged former leader of

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1804-575: The Chief Executive and Legislative Council , in contrast to the more progressive proposal of the pro-democracy activists . Several new political parties, including the New Hong Kong Alliance (NHKA) founded in 1989 by Lo Tak-shing from the conservative wing and the Business and Professionals Federation of Hong Kong (BPF) founded in 1990 by Vincent Lo from the mainstream wing, evolved from

1886-739: The Chief Executive election in 2012 , with the Chief Secretary Henry Tang and the Convenor of the Executive Council, Leung Chun-ying using scandals, dirty tactics and smears on each other. With fierce competition deeply dividing the pro-Beijing camp into the Tang camp and the Leung camp, Leung eventually won the election with the support of the Liaison Office. After the election, Beijing called for

1968-663: The Chinese General Chamber of Commerce and the Hong Kong Chinese Reform Association became the three pillars of the local pro-CCP organs, following the orders of the New China News Agency , the de facto Communist China's representative in Hong Kong. Their rivals were the pro-Nationalist faction , who pledged allegiance to the Nationalist government on Taiwan. The FTU took a leading role in

2050-462: The Chinese Government , and ferocious speeches in defence of the rights of the lower classes ; consequently, he has been given the nicknames Mad Dog ( 癲 狗 ) and "Rogue Professor" ( 流氓 教授 ). He currently hosts "Wong Yuk-man Channel," a popular radio programme on MyRadio, which is a Hong Kong–based internet radio station founded in 2007, and as well as Proletariat Political Institute . Wong

2132-432: The Civic Party and Wong's League of Social Democrats for five members of their representation in the Legislative Council to resign and participate in a by-election, to create a referendum on the implementation of universal suffrage by 2012. In January 2010, Wong, another four lawmakers, Albert Chan , Tanya Chan , Leung Kwok-hung and Alan Leong resigned and participated in the ensuing by-election. On 16 May 2010, he

2214-594: The District Boards election , Urban and Regional Council election and Legislative Council election in 1991. To counter the pro-democracy influence in the legislature, the British-appointed unofficial members of the Legislative Council launched the Co-operative Resources Centre (CRC) in 1991 which transformed into the pro-business conservative Liberal Party in 1993, becoming the arch rival of

2296-585: The Hong Kong 1967 Leftist Riots , which, inspired by the Cultural Revolution in the Mainland, aimed at overthrowing the British colonial rule in Hong Kong. The leftists lost their prestige after the riots for a period of time as the general public was against the violence attributed to the leftists, although the presence of the pro-Beijing Maoist elements remained strong in the universities and colleges throughout

2378-726: The Hong Kong Basic Law Consultative Committee (BLCC) and the Hong Kong Basic Law Drafting Committee (BLDC) as the means of forming a united front . To ensure the post-1997 political system would be dominated by business and professional interests, the Business and Professional Group of the Basic Law Consultative Committee was formed in April 1986 to propose a conservative, less democratic proposal of Group of 89 for electing

2460-528: The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR). Pro-Beijing politicians are labeled "patriots" by pro-Beijing media and "loyalists" by the rival pro-democracy camp . The pro-Beijing camp evolved from Hong Kong's pro-CCP faction, often called "leftists", which acted under the direction of the CCP. It launched the 1967 Hong Kong riots against British colonial rule in Hong Kong and had

2542-536: The Independent Commission Against Corruption . They also make use of mass heckling at pan-democracy forums to silence debate. Outside commentators suspect that these groups are orchestrated by China's Liaison Office in Hong Kong pointing to a use of language that parrots Beijing's and an antipathy to Falun Gong which mirrors Beijing's own political line. Whether directly or not these organisations have received support from Beijing through

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2624-401: The League of Social Democrats , a self-described social democratic political party which aimed to be a "clear-cut opposition party" and defend the interests of the grassroots. In 2007, he made a comeback to phone-in radio talk show, hosting a weekly political radio programme "Wong Yuk-man Channel" on MyRadio . The show quickly gained popularity and some videos of his broadcasts – captured by

2706-602: The Occupy Central plan, which he strongly disagreed with. From 2013, Wong became increasingly sympathetic to the localist cause. Together with his protege Wong Yeung-tat , they organised memorials for the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989 , as opposed to the main candlelight vigil held by pan-democrats' Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China (HKASPDMC), which they criticised it for having

2788-672: The United Front Work Department , with employees of Chinese companies based in Hong Kong, being asked to sign petitions and attend rallies, and members of hometown societies being paid to do the same. During the 2014 Hong Kong protests , on mid-October 2014, the "love Hong Kong faction" took to wearing a blue ribbon as a counter to the protesters yellow one. It is alleged that it is the "love Hong Kong faction" that has organised counter protests and who attempted to charge through pan-democracy protesters in Causeway Bay. During

2870-498: The financial turmoil . Some LegCo members, including several members of the Democratic Party , and the pro-Beijing media together denounced Wong's actions as violent. Wong, however, stated that he did not cause any physical harm to anyone, nor was it his intention to do so. Demonstrators took to the streets in support of Wong and his actions. Despite criticism, Wong commented that, in contrast to past attitudes, Hong Kong society

2952-440: The handover in 1997, the pro-Beijing camp has become the major supporting force of the Hong Kong government and maintained control of the Legislative Council of Hong Kong (LegCo), having the advantage of indirectly elected functional constituencies . Going into the 2010s, the pro-Beijing camp underwent a period of diversification in which different parties emerged and targeted different voters which resulted in steady increases of

3034-469: The "pro-government camp". In the 1990s when the traditional leftists and business elites unofficially formed the loose " United Front " towards the handover in 1997, "pro-Beijing camp" has become a broader term for the whole segment. The term "pro-government camp" has also been used to describe the same segment which support the SAR government. During the unpopular administration of Chief Executive Tung Chee-hwa ,

3116-434: The 1970s, in which many of the pro-CCP university and college graduates became the backbones of the pro-Beijing camp today. After the Sino-British Joint Declaration in 1984, the pro-CCP organisations became active again, of which many of them were appointed to various positions relating to the transition of the sovereignty of Hong Kong. The Beijing government also appointed many Hong Kong tycoons and professionals to sit on

3198-419: The 2014 Umbrella Revolution was strongly criticised by the pro-democrats and some pro-Beijing moderates. James Tien, a keen supporter of Henry Tang in 2012 became a leading critic of Leung. He was stripped from his Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) office during the 2014 protests after he asked Leung to step down. In the 2015 District Council and 2016 Legislative Council elections,

3280-465: The Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong (DAB) who hosted the town hall meeting invited a group of triad-related individuals to a dinner party and called in supporters to support Leung prior to the meeting. Tang Sui-man, also known as "Four Eyes Man", representative of the villagers from Wang Toi Shan Ho Lik Pui Tsuen, Tsang Shu-wo, also known as "Tall Man Wo", chairman of Ping Shan Heung Rural Committee and

3362-665: The Communist East River guerillas were active in the Pearl River Delta . The Hong Kong and Kowloon Federation of Trade Unions (FTU), an umbrella trade union for the local left-wing unions, was founded in April 1948. After the Communist victory in the Chinese Civil War , the local communists ( 土共 ) remained in their semi-underground status. In the early post-war days, the Hong Kong and Kowloon Federation of Trade Unions,

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3444-647: The DAB on Article 23 and their blind support for the Tung Chee-hwa's administration were strongly criticised and led to their losses in the District Council election . In 2005, veteran civil servant Donald Tsang succeeded the unpopular Tung Chee-hwa stepped down as Chief Executive in Beijing's direction. The pro-government camp supported the Tsang government, even though some traditional leftists questioned Tsang's background in

3526-514: The LSD, handing the chairmanship to Andrew To Kwan-hang . In January 2011, Wong and Albert Chan announced that they were resigning from the League of Social Democrats over differences with his successor Andrew To's leadership over what stance to take towards the Democratic Party after Wong Yuk-man's protege Edward Yum failed in passing a no-confidence motion against To. As two of the party's three legislators,

3608-524: The Legislative Council in recent elections, which were seen receiving support from the Liaison Office , which was viewed growing influence in Hong Kong's domestic affairs. On the other hand, the FTU, which operated as the sister organisation of the DAB, began to run under its own banner, taking a more pro-labour and pro-grassroots stance as compared to the DAB's big-tent position. Two pro-Beijing candidates ran for

3690-464: The Legislative Council upon the founding of the new SAR government in 1997. Since 1997, the pro-Beijing camp has never lost a majority in LegCo, controlling LegCo through a collaboration of the pro-Beijing groups with their support within the functional constituencies . In 2002, Chief Executive Tung Chee-hwa formed a governing alliance with the DAB and Liberal Party, the two largest pro-Beijing parties in

3772-594: The People Power candidates elected was the station's CEO, Raymond Chan Chi-chuen . The station has also been used to direct protesters in the 1 July marches . On 22 March 2013, Stephen Shiu said during his ShiuShiu Podcast that the station would not broadcast any new shows from March 31. It would also stop funding political groups, including People Power and its affiliate, the Proletariat Political Institute . This article about media in Hong Kong

3854-696: The United Democrats. In 1992, the traditional leftists also formed the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment of Hong Kong (DAB) under the direction of the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office . In 1994, a group of businessmen and professionals founded the Hong Kong Progressive Alliance (HKPA) under the direction of the New China News Agency. The large-scale democratisation initiated by then Governor Chris Patten resulted in

3936-544: The camp, co-ordinates the camp on communication and voting (similar to whipping), and draws up the duty roster to avoid quorum not met. Following the election of CY Leung as Chief Executive of Hong Kong , public discontent manifested itself in the form of mass petitions, rallies and demonstrations, so much so that it seemed that a plurality of the Hong Kong public was anti-Leung. In late 2012 pro-Leung advocacy groups began to emerge such as Voice of Loving Hong Kong , Caring Hong Kong Power and Hong Kong Youth Care Association,

4018-475: The colonial civil service. After the setbacks in 2003, the pro-Beijing camp won back seats lost in 2003 in the 2007 District Council election , in which the DAB became the largest victor. The DAB enjoyed another victory in 2011 District Council election . In the Hong Kong legislative election, 2012 , the pro-Beijing camp won more than half of the geographical constituency seats respectively in Hong Kong Island , Kowloon West and New Territories West , narrowing

4100-436: The context of Hong Kong. Some pro-Beijing factions, including the "traditional leftists" who evolved from their Marxist-Leninist and Maoist conviction in the 1960s and 70s often hold a strong sentiment of patriotism and Chinese nationalism . They have had a years-long tradition of following the orders of the CCP, many of whom were also alleged underground members of the Communist Party. Amongst pragmatists, especially among

4182-588: The creation of instability. The pro-Beijing camp evolved from the pro-CCP faction in Hong Kong which existed since the establishment of the CCP. The 1922 Seamen's strike , led by the Chinese Seamen's Union and the 1925–26 Canton–Hong Kong strike , led by various left-wing labour unions, were the two major Communist-related labour movements in the British colony of Hong Kong . During the Japanese occupation of Hong Kong ,

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4264-408: The deterioration of Sino-British relations and led to the emergence of an "unholy alliance" of pro-Beijing businesspeople and leftist loyalists versus the pro-democratic popular alliance. The Liberal Party led by Allen Lee launched a campaign attempting to defeat Patten's proposal which was backed by Beijing despite its eventual failure. Despite this, in the broadened franchise, the pro-Beijing camp

4346-507: The discussion of benefits for the elderly. Indeed, within a week the government raised the fruit money to HK$ 1000 a month and dropped the proposal for means testing. Wong caused another uproar when he attempted to snatch the 2009–10 Budget Report midway through reading by the Financial Secretary John Tsang Jun-Wah , saying that it did not address any policies to help lower class and lower middle class citizens in

4428-484: The election with 777 votes, beating Tsang's 365 votes and retired judge Woo Kwok-hing 's 21 votes. The pro-Beijing camp formed a united front in the 2018 Legislative Council by-election . It took two of the four vacancies left by the 2016 Legislative Council oath-taking controversy , by taking the Kowloon West geographical constituency and Architectural, Surveying, Planning and Landscape functional constituency from

4510-644: The fact that all these groups feature the Chinese character for love in the names has led to these groups to be called the "love Hong Kong faction" ( 愛字派 ; 'love character faction'). The word love in this context is taken from the lexicon of political debate in mainland China, were the slogan "Love China, Love the Party ", is seen as the basis of patriotism, and the demand that any future Chief Executive of Hong Kong must "Love China, Love Hong Kong" ( 愛國愛港 ). These supposedly grassroots organisations present themselves as being

4592-493: The general public. The reception has been mixed with even some pro-democratic politicians condemning the attack. One of the most prominent figures in the pro-democratic camp, Anson Chan , released a formal statement criticising the stunt. On the other hand, the elderly of Hong Kong poured onto the streets in a demonstration of mass support for Wong; some even urged him to do it again. Wong himself has claimed that this controversial move had been successful in raising awareness about

4674-519: The group. The Liberal Democratic Federation of Hong Kong (LDF) consisted of the pro-government elected officeholders in which Maria Tam was the key person was also formed in 1990 in preparation for the first direct elections to the Legislative Council in 1991. The Tiananmen Square protests of 1989 sparked pro-democracy sentiments in Hong Kong. The newly formed democratic party, the United Democrats of Hong Kong , enjoyed landslide victories in

4756-460: The hardcore pro-government parties, mainly the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment of Hong Kong (DAB), were labelled "loyalists" by the pro-democracy camp . In recent years, a more neutral term "pro-establishment camp" is regularly in use, especially in Chinese media. The pro-Beijing camp members are united by the political ideology of being closer to Beijing government , as much out of conviction as of pragmatism, but vary on other issues within

4838-587: The legislature, by inviting the two chairmen, Jasper Tsang and James Tien , to the Executive Council . On 1 July 2003, a peaceful crowd of more than 500,000 protested against the introduction of controversial legislation under Article 23 of the Basic Law . James Tien, chairman of the Liberal Party and member of the Executive Council, forced the government to delay the second reading of the bill. The stance of

4920-524: The local triad Wo Shing Wo . The content of the meeting remained unknown to the public. In a town hall meeting on 11 August 2013 in Tin Shui Wai , where Leung attended, some thug-like supporters of Leung allegedly provoked and beat up protesters. Leung Che-cheung , chairman of the New Territories Association of Societies (NTAS) and Legislative Council member of the Democratic Alliance for

5002-421: The localist Youngspiration by only 424 votes. He blamed his failure on making "too many enemies in his political career" and "not enough effort". He said he would focus on developing the online radio station My Radio. On 14 April 2017, Wong announced his intention to quit politics, not taking part in political affairs, not participating or organising any political groups, and not joining any elections. During

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5084-458: The move left the party and the remaining legislator, Leung Kwok-hung ('Long Hair'), in a difficult position. Wong also said that factional fighting within the party had become so hostile that it was beyond his and Chan's ability to rectify the situation. With Chan, he went on to launch People Power , under which name he continued to sit in Legco. In the 2011 July 1 march after leading activists on

5166-411: The number of seats held in the geographical constituencies between pro-Beijing and pro-democrats to 17 seats and 18 seats respectively. The pro-Beijing camp retained control of the Legislative Council and the DAB remained the largest party with 13 seats in total. Since the late 2000s, the pro-Beijing camp has expanded its spectrum of support from pro-business elites and traditional leftists to those from

5248-561: The outbreak of SARS in 2003, Wong became a Christian and baptized in 2008. He helped Media Evangelism Limited , a Christian media organisation in Hong Kong, advertise its films and programmes. In 2006, Wong recorded songs with the Amazing Grace Worship Music Ministry. His liberal views on gay rights have drawn criticism from Protestant churches. Wong support laws to protect discrimination against gays. He advocated gays should be protected from domestic violence , which

5330-430: The policies of the Beijing, where the seat of the Government of the People's Republic of China is. Therefore, "pro-Beijing camp" is sometimes referred to as "pro-China camp". The faction in the pro-Beijing camp which evolved from the "traditional leftists" was also known as the "pro-communists" ( 親共人士 ), while the business elites and professionals who were appointed by the colonial government before 1997 were called

5412-424: The pro-Beijing camp is mostly concerned with patriotism, social stability and economic prosperity. The pro-Beijing camp generally supports universal suffrage in Hong Kong under Beijing's framework , under which only Beijing-designated "patriots" may govern Hong Kong, although the most conservative faction opposes increased democratic development in Hong Kong with the introduction of universal suffrage and see in it

5494-402: The pro-Beijing, pro-government flagship party, the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong (DAB), accusing the Civic Party of applying double standards in its fight for democracy, and being elitist. Wong ultimately gained a seat in the Legislative Council with the second highest number of votes in his constituency. while Mo lost in the election. Wong Yuk-man introduced

5576-466: The pro-business elites and tycoons who have been absorbed into Beijing's " United Front ", have enjoyed political power and privileges, as well as economic interests, from the present political system and their close ties with the Beijing authorities. Some moderates also hope that in conceding on those issues on which China will not compromise, preserving as much as possible in the way of personal liberties and local autonomy can be achieved. The rhetoric of

5658-403: The pro-democracy camp. Given the poor showing, Albert Chan admitted that the strategy had failed. Nevertheless, he insisted that the party would 'stay the course'. On 20 May 2013, Wong Yuk-man announced his resignation from People Power. It was believed to be related to his earlier split with Stephen Shiu Yeuk-yuen , the owner of the Hong Kong Reporter and People Power's financial support over

5740-434: The pro-democrats and localists scored better-than expected victories over the pro-Beijing camp. In December 2016, Leung Chun-ying announced he would not seek re-election. The two top officials, Chief Secretary for Administration Carrie Lam and Financial Secretary John Tsang emerged as front runners in the 2017 Chief Executive election after Leung's announcement. Both resigned from their posts; while Lam's resignation

5822-416: The pro-democrats and localists. Vincent Cheng of the DAB narrowly defeated Yiu Chung-yim who was disqualified from the Legislative Council in the oath-taking controversy, becoming the first pro-Beijing candidate to win in a single-member district election since the handover. Convenor of the pro-Beijing camp is also known as the "class monitor" by the local media. The convenor usually speaks on behalf of

5904-424: The support. With various positions on specific issues, the camp generally embraces conservative values politically and Chinese nationalistic and patriotic sentiments. However, the unpopular SAR administrations and opposition to Beijing's policies toward Hong Kong have also caused the camp major losses in the 2003 and 2019 elections. The term "pro-Beijing camp" refers to the political alignment which supports

5986-461: The two parties for nominating Alan Leong as Chief Executive candidate in the 2007 election , saying that they are not qualified as democrats. In the 2008 Hong Kong Legislative election , he ran in the Kowloon West constituency on a platform of "Without struggle there is no change". During the campaign he lambasted the Civic Party's Claudia Mo Man-ching in the same way he did the candidates from

6068-483: Was active in mobilising support for the Hong Kong 1 July marches . In 2004, he took a sabbatical from his talk show "Close Encounters of a Political Kind", after being beaten up by gangsters allegedly paid by the Chinese Government , citing "political pressure". Following a self-imposed three-month exile in Canada, he returned to Hong Kong where he was sacked from his weeknight political phone-in radio programme, and moved to

6150-562: Was again defeated by the pro-democracy camp in the 1995 Legislative Council election . The Beijing government argued that the electoral reform introduced by Patten had violated the Joint Declaration, and thus they would scrap the reforms upon resumption of sovereignty. In preparation, a parallel legislature, the Provisional Legislative Council , was set up in 1996 under the control of pro-Beijing camp, and it introduced as

6232-436: Was approved by the central government within days, Tsang's resignation was delayed for a month, which sparked the speculation that Tsang was not Beijing's favoured candidate. With the active lobbying by the Liaison Office, Lam received 580 nominations from the 1,194-member Election Committee , while Tsang struggled to get enough nominations from the pro-Beijing electors and had to rely on the pro-democracy camp. Lam went on to win

6314-745: Was born on 1 October 1951 in British Hong Kong with family roots in Lufeng , Guangdong . Wong's father was a close friend of Heung Chin, a general of Nationalist Party of China and founder of the Sun Yee On , one of the leading triads in Hong Kong. He was under the patronage of the Heung family and was sent abroad to study in Taiwan. After he graduated from the Taiwan-affiliated Chu Hai College with

6396-416: Was closely affiliated with the democratic party League of Social Democrats before Wong Yuk-man quit to form People Power . It was seen as a key platform for young progressive voices and helped to mobilise the supporters of People Power. The station's founder, Stephen Shiu, had threatened to take the station offline if at least three People Power candidates were not elected in the 2012 Legco elections . Among

6478-401: Was conservative and many people did not understand or appreciate his actions. Yet he continued to gain support from a niche of the local population, especially those from the grass-roots, for his relatively radical approach. In late-2009 and early 2010, a debate ensued amidst the pro-democracy camp on a more radical approach towards gaining universal suffrage . An agreement was reached between

6560-1238: Was criticised by evangelical churches. He referred to the Society for Truth and Light , a conservative Christian right organisation, as a "terrorist organisation," and said many of its activities were "nonsense", promoting the " Talibanization " of Hong Kong. He was a guest of the International Day Against Homophobia protest in Hong Kong on 21 May 2009. Pro-Beijing camp High Court District Court Magistrates' Court Special courts and tribunals: Chief Executive Elections Legislative elections District council elections Consular missions in Hong Kong Hong Kong–China relations Hong Kong–Taiwan relations Mainland China Hong Kong (pro-Beijing) Macau (pro-Beijing) Republic of China (Taiwan, pro-Beijing) Mainland China Hong Kong (pro-Beijing) Macau (pro-Beijing) Republic of China (Taiwan, pro-Beijing) Hong Kong (pro-Beijing) Mainland China Hong Kong (pro-Beijing) The pro-Beijing camp , pro-establishment camp or pro-China camp

6642-461: Was overturned. In the 2016 Legislative Council election , he ran a campaign with militant localist camp Civic Passion and Chin Wan to promote their political platform in amending the Basic Law to achieve full autonomy for Hong Kong. He was under attack by his former supporter Ho Chi-kwong, who accused him of his "unethical" political past. He received an unexpected loss, losing to Yau Wai-ching from

6724-440: Was re-elected as a lawmaker in the by-election . The turn-out was only 17.7 percent of registered voters. Wong Yuk-man denounced the Democratic Party for negotiating with Beijing and voting for the reform package which he saw as "selling out democracy" and defecting to the Chinese Communist Party . LSD protesters attacked the Democratic Party in the following 2010 July 1 march . In January 2010, Wong stepped down as Chairman of

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