143-515: The Dartmouth Review is a conservative newspaper at Dartmouth College in Hanover, New Hampshire , United States. Founded in 1980 by a number of staffers from the college's daily newspaper, The Dartmouth , the paper is most famous for having spawned other politically conservative U.S. college newspapers that would come to include the Yale Free Press , Carolina Review , The Stanford Review ,
286-666: A federal republic under the rule of law . Conservative philosophy also derives in part from the classical liberal tradition of the 17th, 18th, and 19th centuries, which advocated laissez-faire economics (i.e. economic freedom and deregulation ). Louis Hartz argues that socialism has failed to become established in the United States because of Americans' widespread acceptance of an enduring, underlying Lockean consensus. While historians such as Patrick Allitt (born 1956) and political theorists such as Russell Kirk (1918–1994) assert that conservative principles have played
429-406: A "Rally Against Hate" to promote racial solidarity and condemn what was assumed to be a deliberate act of anti-Semitism. News of the campus controversy quickly attracted attention from national news outlets, including The New York Times , The Wall Street Journal , and The National Review . In response to assertions that the paper was racist, Pritchett commissioned two independent reports, one from
572-432: A Conservative Party. They soon merged it into the state Democratic Parties. All of the major American political parties support republicanism and the basic classical liberal ideals on which the country was founded in 1776, emphasizing liberty, the rule of law, the consent of the governed , and that all men were created equal. Political divisions inside the United States often seemed minor or trivial to Europeans, where
715-612: A balance between federal government and states' rights . Apart from some right-libertarians , American conservatives tend to favor strong action in areas they believe to be within government's legitimate jurisdiction, particularly national defense and law enforcement while opposing government intervention in social issues such as healthcare and the environment . Social conservatives —many of them religious—often oppose abortion and same-sex marriage . They often favor prayer in public schools and government funding for private religious schools . Like most political ideologies in
858-657: A balanced budget. They argue that low taxes produce more jobs and wealth for everyone, and, as President Grover Cleveland said, "unnecessary taxation is unjust taxation". A recent movement against the inheritance tax labels such a tax as a " death tax ." Fiscal conservatives often argue that competition in the free market is more effective than the regulation of industry and is the most efficient way to promote economic growth . The Republican Party has taken widely varying views on protectionism and free trade throughout its history. Others, such as some libertarians and followers of Ludwig von Mises , believe all government intervention in
1001-470: A black professor's Music 2 class, led many on campus to accuse its editors of racism. Some student groups joined with concerned faculty members and administrators to condemn the editorial stances of the publication and denounce "its particular breed of journalism." During this period, the paper weathered many episodes of controversy and faced down several lawsuits, threats, and instances of vandalism. Despite this hostile reception, however, it continued to build
1144-481: A book called Interviews with Betty Friedan containing interviews with Friedan for The New York Times , Working Women and Playboy , among others. Focusing on interviews that relate to Friedan's views on men, women and the American Family, Sheman traced Friedan's life with an analysis of The Feminine Mystique . Friedan (among others) was featured in the 2013 documentary Makers: Women Who Make America , about
1287-629: A consistent and vocal advocate for a number of social and political positions. In addition to defending the traditions and customs of what many consider to be "the old Dartmouth," the paper has long supported students' rights to free speech, the fraternity system, a Western core curriculum, Dartmouth's undergraduate focus, and more stringent academic standards. It has also criticized affirmative action policies, academic multiculturalism, and administrative restrictions on alumni involvement in issues of college governance. After The Dartmouth Review first gained notoriety for opposing affirmative action policies in
1430-540: A crime or exclusively a doctor's choice or anyone else involved, and helped form NARAL (now NARAL Pro-Choice America ) at a time when Planned Parenthood wasn't yet supportive. Alleged death threats against her speaking on abortion led to the cancellation of two events, although subsequently one of the host institutions, Loyola College, invited her back to speak on abortion and other homosexual rights issues and she did so. Her draft of NOW's first statement of purpose included an abortion plank, but NOW didn't include it until
1573-404: A critical force behind a series of governance fights in which the school's alumni attempted to reassert their influence over the trustee selection process. In what came to be known as the "Lone Pine Revolution," a plurality of alums succeeded in independently nominating and electing four trustees who were critical of the college's stance on issues concerning free speech, athletics, alumni rights, and
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#17328588229161716-458: A jewelry store in Peoria, and Miriam wrote for the society page of a newspaper when Friedan's father fell ill. Her mother's new life outside the home seemed much more gratifying. As a young girl, Friedan was active in both Marxist and Jewish circles; she later wrote how she felt isolated from the latter community at times, and felt her "passion against injustice ... originated from my feelings of
1859-452: A large office on Hanover 's Main Street. As a result of these reforms, the rejuvenated paper gained national attention for its coverage of campus protests that disrupted the school's prospective student weekend. After representatives from a number of interest groups forced their way into the "Dartmouth Dimensions" show and began protesting racism, elitism, and other social ills, The Review became
2002-423: A lasting effect on mainstream campus debates. Since 1980, dozens of similar publications, including The Yale Free Press , The Stanford Review , The Harvard Salient , The California Review , The Princeton Tory , and The Cornell Review , have been founded at peer institutions and credited The Dartmouth Review as a guiding influence. Outside of the academy, the paper has also had an important impact on
2145-412: A lot of paradoxes in his work, and offered some answers to women desirous of further education. The "Problem That Has No Name" was described by Friedan in the beginning of the book: The problem lay buried, unspoken, for many years in the minds of American women. It was a strange stirring, a sense of dissatisfaction, a yearning [that is, a longing] that women suffered in the middle of the 20th century in
2288-400: A loyal following among many students and alumni and gained a national reputation for its high-quality writing and energetic style. In its first decade of activity, The Dartmouth Review published several notable articles and led student opposition to a number of the administration's policies. After the paper launched an editorial campaign that used a survey of national tribal leaders to defend
2431-491: A major role in U.S. politics and culture since 1776, they also argue that an organized conservative movement with beliefs that differ from those of other American political parties did not emerge in the U.S. at least until the 1950s. The recent movement conservatism has its base in the Republican Party , which has adopted conservative policies since the 1950s; Southern Democrats also became important early figures in
2574-683: A major role in the history of American feminism. Justine Blau was also greatly influenced by Friedan. In Betty Friedan: Feminist Blau wrote of the feminist movement's influence on Friedan's personal and professional life. Lisa Fredenksen Bohannon, in Woman's work: The story of Betty Friedan , went deep into Friedan's personal life and wrote about her relationship with her mother. Sandra Henry and Emily Taitz ( Betty Friedan, Fighter for Woman's Rights ) and Susan Taylor Boyd ( Betty Friedan: Voice of Woman's Right, Advocates of Human Rights ), wrote biographies on Friedan's life and works. Journalist Janann Sheman wrote
2717-600: A monarchy, an established church, or a hereditary aristocracy. American conservatism is best characterized as a reaction against utopian ideas of progress and European political philosophy from before the end of World War II . Russell Kirk saw the American Revolution itself as "a conservative reaction, in the English political tradition, against royal innovation". In the 2022 book The Right: The Hundred-Year War for American Conservatism , Matthew Continetti noted that
2860-749: A more militaristic , interventionist foreign policy aimed at promoting democracy abroad, which stands in stark contrast to Paleoconservatisms more isolationist foreign policy. Neoconservatives often name communism and Islamism as the biggest threats to the free world. They often oppose the United Nations for interfering with American unilateralism. National conservatism focuses on upholding national and cultural identity . National conservatives strongly identify with American nationalism , patriotism , and American exceptionalism , while opposing internationalism , globalism , and multiculturalism . The movement seeks to promote national interests through
3003-600: A picture of Dean of the College Charlotte Johnson and the Director of the Greek Letter Organizations and Societies office, Wes Schaub, posed in the style of American Gothic . The issue criticized the college's new alcohol and walkthrough policies as unsafe and invasive, predicting they would force the college's fraternities to shut their doors to freshmen in an effort to reduce liability. Later that year,
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#17328588229163146-568: A professor of history at Mount Holyoke College , wrote: Here was no lover of government by plutocracy, no dreamer of an America filled with factions and hard-packed cities. Here was a man who loved America as it was and had been, one whose life was a doughty testament to the trials and glories of ordered liberty. Here ... was the model of the American conservative. Betty Friedan Betty Friedan ( / ˈ f r iː d ən , f r iː ˈ d æ n , f r ɪ -/ ; February 4, 1921 – February 4, 2006)
3289-479: A resolution that framed abortion in more feminist terms that was introduced in the Minneapolis regional conference resulting from the same White House Conference on Families, believing it to be more polarizing, while the drafters apparently thought Friedan's formulation too conservative. As of 2000, she wrote, referring to "NOW and the other women's organizations" as seeming to be in a "time warp", "to my mind, there
3432-614: A smaller government is known as starve the beast . Activist Grover Norquist is a well-known proponent of the strategy and has famously said, "My goal is to cut government in half in twenty-five years, to get it down to the size where we can drown it in the bathtub." The argument in favor of balanced budgets is often coupled with a belief that government welfare programs should be narrowly tailored and that tax rates should be low, which implies relatively small government institutions. Neoconservatism emphasizes foreign policy over domestic policy. Its supporters, mainly war hawks , advocate
3575-559: A space to respond. After Baldwin was rebuffed, he and three other staffers went to speak with Professor Cole personally. When Cole saw them, however, he became enraged and began berating and physically threatening Review editor John Sutter. In the confrontation that followed, Cole repeatedly poked at Sutter's eyes, grabbed the paper's photographer, and ripped the flashbulb off of his camera. When prompted for an apology, Cole beckoned at Sutter and told him to "come and take it from me." On February 26, Dartmouth's Committee on Standards charged
3718-446: A steady flow of "prescription and prejudice". Kirk's use of the word "prejudice" here is not intended to carry its contemporary pejorative connotation: a conservative himself, he believed that the inherited wisdom of the ages may be a better guide than apparently rational individual judgment. Through much of the 20th century, a primary force uniting the varied strands of conservatism, and uniting conservatives with liberals and socialists,
3861-526: A string of incidents perceived as racist as well as the college's apologies for them. In an interview with the Associated Press , the Dartmouth Review editor-in-chief described the issue as a response to "the overdramatic reaction to events this term." Editors subsequently issued statements expressing their regret and called the cover a mistake. In fall of 2012, The Dartmouth Review ran a cover with
4004-406: A strong national defense , gun rights , capital punishment , and a defense of Western culture from perceived threats posed by communism , Islamism and moral relativism . American conservatives may question epidemiology , climate change , and evolution more frequently than moderates or liberals . In the United States, " conservative " is often used very differently from the way it
4147-568: A strong antiwar stance and occasionally causing controversy. She graduated summa cum laude and Phi Beta Kappa in 1942 with a major in psychology . She lived in Chapin House during her time at Smith. In 1943 she spent a year at the University of California, Berkeley on a fellowship for graduate work in psychology with Erik Erikson . She became more politically active, continuing to mix with Marxists (many of her friends were investigated by
4290-534: A study of human experience. On this point we are, without reservations, on the conservative side. According to Peter Viereck , American conservatism is distinctive because it was not tied to a monarchy, landed aristocracy, established church, or military elite. Instead American conservatives were firmly rooted in American republicanism , which European conservatives opposed. They are committed, says Seymour Martin Lipset , to
4433-560: A survey of college graduates, focusing on their education, subsequent experiences and satisfaction with their current lives. She started publishing articles about what she called "the problem that has no name", and got passionate responses from many housewives grateful that they were not alone in experiencing this problem. The shores are strewn with the casualties of the feminine mystique. They did give up their own education to put their husbands through college, and then, maybe against their own wishes, ten or fifteen years later, they were left in
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4576-410: A tomahawk on its cover. Inside, the editors included several articles that criticized the college's apologies for a string of incidents that many Native Americans found offensive. After many campus groups expressed their outrage, the paper's leadership apologized for the cover and admitted that it was a mistake. In the last few years, The Review has focused on the administration's policies concerning
4719-536: Is a form of democratized Whig constitutionalism plus the free market . The point of difference comes with the influence of social liberalism ". American conservatives tend to support Christian values , moral absolutism , and American exceptionalism , while opposing abortion , euthanasia , and some LGBT rights (depending on the politicians). They tend to favor economic liberalism , and are generally pro- business and pro- capitalism , while opposing communism and labor unions . They often advocate for
4862-419: Is a large and mainstream ideology in the Republican Party and nation. As of 2021, 36 percent of Americans consider themselves conservative, according to polling by Gallup, Inc. Conservatism in the United States is not a single school of thought. According to American philosopher Ian Adams, all major American parties are " liberal and always have been. Essentially they espouse classical liberalism , that
5005-513: Is all about." While opposing all repression, she wrote, she refused to wear a purple armband as an act of political solidarity, considering it not part of the mainstream issues of abortion and child care . But in 1977, at the National Women's Conference, she seconded a lesbian rights resolution "which everyone thought I would oppose" in order to "preempt any debate" and move on to other issues she believed were more important and less divisive in
5148-498: Is far too much focus on abortion. ... [I]n recent years I've gotten a little uneasy about the movement's narrow focus on abortion as if it were the single, all-important issue for women when it's not." She asked, "Why don't we join forces with all who have true reverence for life, including Catholics who oppose abortion, and fight for the choice to have children?" She joined nearly 200 others in Feminists for Free Expression in opposing
5291-400: Is in him to be". The restrictions of the 1950s, and the trapped, imprisoned feeling of many women forced into these roles, spoke to American women who soon began attending consciousness-raising sessions and lobbying for the reform of oppressive laws and social views that restricted females. The book became a bestseller, which many historians believe was the impetus for the " second wave " of
5434-485: Is traditional for the final page to include "Gordon Haff's Last Word," a compilation of quotes related to the issue's central theme, and "Barrett's Mixology, a humorous (and often anonymous) satire written in the form of a cocktail recipe. The Review also makes a habit of publishing letters from its subscribers as well as a number of cartoons and caricatures donated by supportive alumni. Founded as an advocate of conservative ideas on Dartmouth's campus, The Review has been
5577-490: Is typically 12 to 16 pages in length and includes upwards of 25,000 words in original content. On the first or second page, a letter from the editor-in-chief appears next to the masthead and below a slogan borrowed from the Scottish Highlanders : nemo me impune lacessit ( no one threatens me with impunity ). The remainder of each issue contains articles written by regular staffers and the occasional guest contributor. It
5720-524: Is used in Europe. Following the American Revolution , Americans rejected the then core ideals of European conservatism, which were based on landed nobility , hereditary monarchy , established churches , and powerful armies. Conservatives in the United States historically view individual liberty within the bounds of conservative values as the fundamental trait of democracy . They typically believe in
5863-549: The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission to stop ignoring, and start treating with dignity and urgency, claims filed involving sex discrimination. They successfully campaigned for a 1967 Executive Order extending the same affirmative action granted to blacks to women, and for a 1968 EEOC decision ruling illegal sex-segregated help want ads, later upheld by the Supreme Court. NOW was vocal in support of
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6006-552: The FBI ). In her memoirs, she claimed that her boyfriend at the time had pressured her into turning down a Ph.D. fellowship for further study and abandoning her academic career. After leaving Berkeley, Betty became a journalist for leftist and labor union publications. Between 1943 and 1946 she wrote for Federated Press and between 1946 and 1952 she worked for the United Electrical Workers ' UE News . One of her assignments
6149-504: The First Women's Bank and Trust Company . In 1970 NOW, with Friedan leading the cause, was instrumental in the U.S. Senate's rejection of President Richard M. Nixon 's Supreme Court nominee G. Harrold Carswell , who had opposed the 1964 Civil Rights Act granting (among other things) women workplace equality with men. On August 26, 1970, the 50th anniversary of the Women's Suffrage Amendment to
6292-823: The Harvard Salient , The California Review , the Princeton Tory , and the Cornell Review . Past staffers have gone on to occupy positions in the Reagan, Bush, and Trump administrations, write for multiple publications, and author political books. Some of the most notable include Pulitzer Prize-winner Joseph Rago and Hugo Restall of The Wall Street Journal , James Panero of The New Criterion , author Dinesh D'Souza , talk show host Laura Ingraham , and Hoover Institution research fellow Peter Robinson . Author, columnist, and former Nixon and Reagan speechwriter Jeffrey Hart
6435-612: The National Women's Political Caucus . Friedan was also a strong supporter of the proposed Equal Rights Amendment to the United States Constitution that passed the United States House of Representatives (by a vote of 354–24) and Senate (84–8, with 7 not voting) following intense pressure by women's groups led by NOW in the early 1970s. Following Congressional passage of the amendment, Friedan advocated ratification of
6578-592: The New Hampshire Human Rights Commission and the other from the Anti-Defamation League of B'Nai B'irth , to investigate The Review ' s treatment of Jewish religious and social matters since its inception. Neither organization "[found] any hint of bigotry or prejudice" and concluded that the Hitler quote was most likely inserted as a deliberate act of sabotage. The paper also worked with
6721-483: The New Hampshire Superior Court ruled in favor of The Review staffers and ordered the administration to "forthwith reinstate the plaintiffs… as full time students at Dartmouth College." He also noted that although the college's own judicial proceedings were rife with procedural flaws, he found "no persuasive evidence that Dartmouth [had] retaliated against or otherwise pursued disciplinary action against
6864-461: The Pornography Victims' Compensation Act . "To suppress free speech in the name of protecting women is dangerous and wrong," said Friedan. "Even some blue-jean ads are insulting and denigrating. I'm not adverse to a boycott, but I don't think they should be suppressed." In 1968, Friedan signed the " Writers and Editors War Tax Protest " pledge, vowing to refuse tax payments in protest against
7007-662: The Third Reich . Entitled "Ein Reich, Ein Volk, Ein Freedman," the piece suggested that Dartmouth's first Jewish president had used his charisma to seek "'a Final Solution ' to the Conservative Problem" and was actively persecuting Review staffers for their political beliefs. Many student groups, faculty members, and alumni criticized the editors' decision to publish the article and accused
7150-452: The nuclear family . There are two overlapping subgroups of social conservatives: the traditional and the religious. Traditional conservatives strongly support traditional codes of conduct, especially those they feel are threatened by social change and modernization. Religious conservatives focus on conducting society based on the morals prescribed by fundamentalist religious authorities, rejecting secularism and moral relativism . In
7293-546: The women's movement in the United States, and significantly shaped national and world events. Friedan originally intended to write a sequel to The Feminine Mystique , which was to be called Woman: The Fourth Dimension , but instead only wrote an article by that title, which appeared in the Ladies' Home Journal in June 1964. Friedan published six books. Her other books include The Second Stage , It Changed My Life: Writings on
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#17328588229167436-509: The 1960s Friedan was critical of polarized and extreme factions of feminism that attacked groups such as men and homemakers. One of her later books, The Second Stage (1981), critiqued what Friedan saw as the extremist excesses of some feminists. Friedan was born Bettye Naomi Goldstein on February 4, 1921, in Peoria, Illinois , to Harry and Miriam (Horwitz) Goldstein, whose secular Jewish families were from Russia and Hungary. Harry owned
7579-468: The 1964 Civil Rights Act to enforce more job opportunities among American women met with fierce opposition within the organization. Siding with arguments from the group's African American members, many of NOW's leaders accepted that the vast number of male and female African Americans who lived below the poverty line needed more job opportunities than women within the middle and upper class. Friedan stepped down as president in 1969. In 1973, Friedan founded
7722-680: The 1980s preached traditional moral and religious social values. The history of American conservatism has been marked by tensions and competing ideologies. During the era of Ronald Reagan , a coalition of ideologies was formed that was known as "the Three Leg Stool " — the three legs being social conservatives (consisting of the Christian right and paleo-conservatives ), war hawks (consisting of interventionists and neoconservatives ), and fiscal conservatives (consisting of right-libertarians and free-market capitalists ), with overlap between
7865-592: The American conservative movement has been fractured for a century. Political conservatives have emphasized an identification with the Founding Fathers of the United States and the U.S. Constitution . Scholars of conservative political thought "generally label John Adams as the intellectual father of American conservatism". Russell Kirk points to Adams as the key Founding Father for conservatives, saying that "some writers regard him as America's most important conservative public man". In 1955, Clinton Rossiter ,
8008-696: The Civil Rights Act of 1964 ; at the Third National Conference of State Commissions on the Status of Women they were prohibited from issuing a resolution that recommended the EEOC carry out its legal mandate to end sex discrimination in employment. They thus gathered in Friedan's hotel room to form a new organization. On a paper napkin Friedan scribbled the acronym "NOW". Later more people became founders of NOW at
8151-611: The Constitution , Friedan organized the national Women's Strike for Equality , and led a march of an estimated 20,000 women in New York City. While the march's primary objective was promoting equal opportunities for women in jobs and education, protestors and organizers of the event also demanded abortion rights and the establishment of child-care centers. Friedan spoke about the Strike for Equality: All kinds of women's groups all over
8294-524: The DNC Friedan played a very prominent role and addressed the convention, although she clashed with other women, notably Steinem, on what should be done there, and how. One of the most influential feminists of the twentieth century, Friedan (in addition to many others) opposed equating feminism with lesbianism. As early as 1964, very early in the movement, and only a year after the publication of The Feminine Mystique , Friedan appeared on television to address
8437-453: The Dartmouth faculty against the publication and its supporters. After Professor Cole's representation was unable to demonstrate that there were any factual inaccuracies or generalizations in the piece, he decided to dismiss his libel suit in June 1985. In May 1984, The Dartmouth Review published an editorial that contained various anecdotes from a Gay Students' Association meeting. The event
8580-495: The Green" spokeswoman Debbie Stone was reported as acknowledging that the committee was "partly a project of the Dartmouth Review ." The news of the shanties' demise provoked campus-wide uproar and received immediate censure from President McLaughlin . Ten out of the twelve individuals involved were affiliated with The Review , leading to the paper being blamed for the incident. Charges of racism were levied against its editors because
8723-560: The Hanover Police Department to identify the culprit and conduct a thorough internal investigation. Although the inquiry named several suspects, no one has ever officially established who inserted the Hitler quote into the masthead. The November 28, 2006, issue of The Dartmouth Review featured an image of an Indian brandishing a scalp with the headline: "The Natives are Getting Restless!" The paper contained multiple pieces criticizing both Native American students' complaints about
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#17328588229168866-608: The Indian mascot, support for the defunct symbol became so strong that undergraduates unfurled banners at home football games and proclaimed its return. Earlier that same year, the paper conducted an investigation into the Gay Students' Association (GSA) and its use of college funds. It attempted to reveal improprieties, but the administration did not withdraw its financial support of the GSA or reform its internal controls and standards in response to
9009-518: The October 1966 NOW Organizing Conference. Friedan, with Pauli Murray , wrote NOW's statement of purpose; the original was scribbled on a napkin by Friedan. Under Friedan, NOW fiercely advocated the legal equality of women and men. NOW lobbied for enforcement of Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Equal Pay Act of 1963 , the first two major legislative victories of the movement, and forced
9152-506: The Repeal of Abortion Laws , renamed National Abortion Rights Action League after the Supreme Court had legalized abortion in 1973. In 1970 Friedan led other feminists in derailing the nomination of Supreme Court nominee G. Harrold Carswell , whose record of racial discrimination and antifeminism made him unacceptable and unfit to sit on the highest court in the land to virtually everyone in
9295-547: The Republican national platform, other editors set about removing him from his position. In response, Fossedal resolved to start an alternative weekly paper of his own. With the help of Professor Hart and other like-minded conservatives, this is what he ultimately did in May 1980. When Fossedal left The Daily Dartmouth , he took a number of the paper's younger staffers with him. In the years that followed, this group of writers would form
9438-484: The Southern " Bible Belt " and in recent years played a major role in the political coalitions of George W. Bush and Donald Trump . Fiscal conservatism has ideological roots in capitalism , limited government , free enterprise , and laissez-faire economics. Fiscal conservatives typically support tax cuts , reduced government spending , free markets , deregulation , privatization , minimal government debt , and
9581-468: The United States is based on a belief in individualism , traditionalism , republicanism , and limited federal governmental power in relation to U.S. states . Conservatism is one of two major political ideologies of the United States with the other being liberalism . Conservative and Christian media organizations and American conservative figures are influential, and American conservatism
9724-469: The United States , conservatism originates from republicanism , which rejects aristocratic and monarchical government and upholds the principles of the 1776 U.S. Declaration of Independence ("that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the Pursuit of Happiness") and of the U.S. Constitution , which established
9867-491: The United States, this translates into hard-line stances on moral issues, such as opposition to abortion , LGBT rights , feminism , pornography , comprehensive sex education , and recreational drug use . Religious conservatives often assert that America is a Christian nation , calling for laws that enforce Christian morality . They often support school prayer , vouchers for parochial schools , and restricting or outlawing abortion . Social conservatives are strongest in
10010-533: The United States. Each suburban [house]wife struggled with it alone. As she made the beds, shopped for groceries ... she was afraid to ask even of herself the silent question – "Is this all?" Friedan asserted that women are as capable as men for any type of work or any career path against arguments to the contrary by the mass media, educators and psychologists. Her book was important not only because it challenged hegemonic sexism in US society but because it differed from
10153-511: The Vietnam War. Friedan cofounded WoMen Against Gun Violence with Ann Reiss Lane in 1994. Friedan is credited for starting the contemporary feminist movement and writing a book that is one of the cornerstones of American feminism. Her activist work and her book The Feminine Mystique have been a critical influence to authors, educators, writers, anthropologists, journalists, activists, organizations, unions, and everyday women taking part in
10296-543: The Women's Movement , Beyond Gender and The Fountain of Age . Her autobiography, Life so Far , was published in 2000. She also wrote for magazines and a newspaper: In 1966 Friedan co-founded, and became the first president of the National Organization for Women . Some of the founders of NOW, including Friedan, were inspired by the failure of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission to enforce Title VII of
10439-461: The actions of The Review . Many alumni and national media outlets were critical of this decision and faulted Freedman for not conducting a fact-finding mission before assuming that the Hitler quote was a deliberate ploy. Despite this blowback, however, the incident severally damaged the reputation of the publication and led to the resignation of several key editors. It would be years before staff recruitment and fundraising fully recovered. Throughout
10582-501: The admitted bias of several members of the panel, all four staffers sought to appeal their punishments, but their requests were denied by the administration. In response, both Baldwin and Sutter sought a legal injunction before a full-scale jury trial to readmit them at the start of the following term. In what became a closely followed case that drew national media attention from outlets such as The National Review , The Wall Street Journal , and The New Republic , Judge Bruce Mohl of
10725-468: The amendment in the states and supported other women's rights reforms: she founded the National Association for the Repeal of Abortion Laws but was later critical of the abortion-centered positions of many liberal feminists. Regarded as an influential author and intellectual in the United States, Friedan remained active in politics and advocacy until the late 1990s, authoring six books. As early as
10868-735: The belief in America's "superiority against the cold reactionary monarchical and more rigidly status-bound system of European society". In terms of governmental economic policies, American conservatives have been heavily influenced by the classical liberal or libertarian tradition as expressed by Friedrich Hayek and Milton Friedman , and a major source of influence has been the Chicago school of economics . They have been strongly opposed to Keynesian economics . Traditional ( Burkean ) conservatives tend to be anti-ideological, and some would even say anti-philosophical, promoting, as Russell Kirk explained,
11011-459: The case, Polenz was acquitted of all charges and permitted to re-enroll at the college. In January 1986, a number of Dartmouth undergraduates formed the committee to Beautify the Green and used sledgehammers to dismantle the shanties that had been erected in the center of the campus as part of a campaign to promote institutional divestment of South African assets. The timing of the "attack", as The New York Times and other media referred to it,
11154-527: The civil rights and feminist movements. Friedan's impassioned testimony before the Senate helped sink Carswell's nomination. In 1971 Friedan, along with many other leading women's movement leaders, including Gloria Steinem (with whom she had a legendary rivalry) founded the National Women's Political Caucus . In 1972 , Friedan unsuccessfully ran as a delegate to the 1972 Democratic National Convention in support of Congresswoman Shirley Chisholm . That year at
11297-566: The college's Inter-Fraternity Council moved to impose such a measure for the following school year. Blake Neff, a member of the class of 2013 who had written for The Dartmouth Review, served as the head writer for Tucker Carlson Tonight until it emerged that he had made anonymous posts on the message board AutoAdmit that featured racist, sexist, and homophobic content. He resigned from Fox News in July 2020. Throughout its history, The Dartmouth Review has met opposition for its controversial use of
11440-418: The college's President John Sloan Dickey until the late 1970s. The inaugural debate was between former reviewer Dinesh D'Souza and Bill Ayers . As of 2016, the paper has more than 40 writers and business associates on staff and produces sixteen issues a year. In the years since 1980, the basic layout of The Review has remained largely unchanged. Published in a black-in-white, broadsheet format, each issue
11583-418: The college's name. As a result, requiring a political organization to strike "Dartmouth" from its title would be seen as a selective infringement on free speech and would set a dangerous precedent for future abuse. Critics have charged that the paper is more provocative than effective, though the staff asserts that the combination of its investigative journalism and its consistent advocacy of issues relating to
11726-415: The college's name. Many critics of the paper have claimed that because it does not have any institutional affiliation with Dartmouth and because its social stances are perceived to be inimical to the values of the school, the paper should be forced to change its name. For its part, The Review has resisted such charges by reminding opponents that many of Hanover's independent shops and businesses have adopted
11869-431: The college. In February 1988, The Dartmouth Review published an editorial in which its editors criticized several courses for their lack of academic rigor. Among them was Dr. William Cole's Music 2 class. Prior to the completion of the piece, then Editor-in-Chief Christopher Baldwin informed Professor Cole of the paper's intent to publish anecdotes from his course and that, should he desire it, The Review would give him
12012-653: The conservative movement as a whole. As Peter Robinson relates: The Dartmouth Review has produced alumni who have gone on to distinguish themselves in the fields of journalism, politics, and law. Dartmouth Review alumni include: Conservatism in the United States Defunct Newspapers Journals TV channels Websites Other Economics Gun rights Identity politics Nativist Religion Watchdog groups Youth/student groups Miscellaneous Other [REDACTED] [REDACTED] Conservatism in
12155-521: The core of The Dartmouth Review ' s early leadership and include some of the organization's most famous alumni. Among them were Benjamin Hart, Keeney Jones, Gordon Haff, and Dinesh D'Souza. Peter Robinson , who had graduated the previous spring and was then studying at Oxford University , became an early correspondent and supporter of the paper's efforts. In June 1980, The Dartmouth Review published its first issue. Distributed to graduating students before
12298-428: The country will be using this week on August 26 particularly, to point out those areas in women's life which are still not addressed. For example, a question of equality before the law; we are interested in the equal rights amendment. The question of child care centers which are totally inadequate in the society, and which women require, if they are going to assume their rightful position in terms of helping in decisions of
12441-435: The curriculum, governance, and free speech have led to changes at the college. Some have credited its writings for the resilience of the fraternity system, reforms to club and activity funding, and greater alumni involvement in internal policy formation. The fact that early contributors like Peter Robinson could later be elected to Dartmouth's Board of Trustees testifies to the paper's ability to influence public opinion and have
12584-529: The curriculum. Among them were Peter Robinson, a member of the Class of 1979 and an early contributor to The Dartmouth Review , and Todd Zywicki , a member of the class of 1988 and a vocal critic of the Freedman administration. The two would later observe that their campaigns were aided immensely by The Dartmouth Review and its favorable coverage of them. In 2006, the paper sparked campus-wide controversy for its decision to publish an issue with an Indian brandishing
12727-638: The demolition had occurred the evening after Martin Luther King Jr. 's birthday. Student activists barricaded themselves in the President's office with demands that the Dean of the college issue a public repudiation of the paper and host teach-ins about racial tolerance. In response, the administration canceled classes on the following Friday and filed disciplinary charges against the twelve perpetrators. After an internal judicial review found them all guilty of violating
12870-469: The discovery was made, then Editor-in-Chief Kevin Pritchett recalled every issue that had not already been distributed, publicly apologized for what had occurred, and pledged to conduct "a thorough investigation into the source of the sabotage." Rather than work with the paper as the editors had requested, however, President Freedman and the rest of the administration publicly censured The Review and organized
13013-691: The divide between the left and the right led to violent polarization, starting with the French Revolution . In 2009, Emory University history professor Patrick Allitt wrote that attitude, not policy, are at the core of differences between liberals and conservatives: Certain continuities can be traced through American history. The conservative 'attitude' ... was one of trusting to the past, to long-established patterns of thought and conduct, and of assuming that novelties were more likely to be dangerous than advantageous. No American party has ever advocated traditional European ideals of "conservatism" such as
13156-501: The door until a startled roommate calmed him down. The following Tuesday, despite repeated warnings from the Dean of the Faculty, he cancelled his class for two sessions and demanded a public apology from The Dartmouth Review . When the editors stood by the content of the story, he sued them for libel and sought over $ 2.4 million in remuneration. In the months that followed, the case garnered considerable national attention and pitted much of
13299-502: The early 1950s, women were allowed inside the Oak Room and Bar during the evenings, but still barred until 3 p.m. on weekdays, while the stock exchanges operated. In February 1969, Friedan and other members of NOW held a sit-in and then picketed to protest this; the gender restriction was removed a few months later. Despite the success NOW achieved under Friedan, her decision to pressure Equal Employment Opportunity to use Title VII of
13442-540: The early 1980s, the paper became the focal point of several legal and political battles that garnered a great deal of attention in the national press. Although The Review has become considerably more moderate in recent years, it retains its reputation for having outspoken views and for actively shaping contemporary campus debates. Examples of controversy from the organization's history include: In March 1982, The Dartmouth Review published an article in which author Keeney Jones criticized affirmative action policies by donning
13585-416: The economy is wasteful, corrupt, and immoral. Fiscal conservatism advocates restraint of progressive taxation and expenditure. Fiscal conservatives since the 19th century have argued that debt is a device to corrupt politics; they argue that big spending ruins the morals of the people, and that a national debt creates a dangerous class of speculators. A political strategy employed by conservatives to achieve
13728-873: The effort to add the Equal Rights Amendment ( ERA ) to the U.S. Constitution . She accepted lesbian sexuality, albeit not its politicization. In 1995, at the United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing, China, she found advice given by Chinese authorities to taxi drivers that naked lesbians would be "cavorting" in their cars so that the drivers should hang sheets outside their cab windows, and that lesbians would have AIDS and so drivers should carry disinfectants, to be "ridiculous", "incredibly stupid" and "insulting". In 1997, she wrote that "children ... will ideally come from mother and father." She wrote in 2000, "I'm more relaxed about
13871-412: The end, Wright's proposal to force the fraternities to go coed was defeated by overwhelming criticism from students and alumni alike. In the aftermath, many cited The Dartmouth Review and its national readership as the key to the opposition's success. Since 2000, the paper has continued to play an important, albeit more moderate, role in the college's political discourse. Between 2001 and 2005, it became
14014-493: The era, we are, without reservations, on the libertarian side. The profound crisis of our era is, in essence, the conflict between the Social Engineers, who seek to adjust mankind to scientific utopias, and the disciples of Truth, who defend the organic moral order. We believe that truth is neither arrived at nor illuminated by monitoring election results, binding though these are for other purposes, but by other means, including
14157-622: The fact the media was, at that point, trying to dismiss the movement as a joke and centering argument and debate around whether or not to wear bras and other issues considered ridiculous. In 1982, after the second wave, she wrote a book for the post-feminist 1980s called The Second Stage , about family life, premised on women having conquered social and legal obstacles. She pushed the feminist movement to focus on economic issues, especially equality in employment and business as well as provision for child care and other means by which both women and men could balance family and work. She tried to lessen
14300-528: The feminist movement. Allan Wolf, in The Mystique of Betty Friedan writes: "She helped to change not only the thinking but the lives of many American women, but recent books throw into question the intellectual and personal sources of her work." Although there have been some debates on Friedan's work in The Feminine Mystique since its publication, there is no doubt that her work for equality for women
14443-636: The first campus publication to cover the event and release full-length stories on its website. In the incident's aftermath, the paper was supportive of campus reform efforts but remained critical of the administration for canceling classes on the following Wednesday and for not punishing the students who were involved. In the months since, the paper has begun publishing commentary on national political events and their reception by various student constituencies on campus. The Dartmouth Review also launched its inaugural Great Issues debate, modeled after Dartmouth College's lauded Great Issues Lecture Series which ran under
14586-409: The focuses on abortion, as an issue already won, and on rape and pornography, which she believed most women did not consider to be high priorities. When she grew up in Peoria, Illinois , she knew only one gay man. She said, "the whole idea of homosexuality made me profoundly uneasy." She later acknowledged that she had been very square, and was uncomfortable about homosexuality. "The women's movement
14729-659: The four students involved with "harassment, violating the right to privacy, and disorderly conduct." An attempt by The Review ' s editors to file similar charges against Cole and the African American students who subsequently threatened them was blocked by Dean of the college, Edward Shanahan. In the judicial proceedings that followed, the committee voted to separate Baldwin and Sutter from Dartmouth for six terms, suspend photography editor, John Quilhot, for two, and place Review contributor Sean Nolan on disciplinary probation for four. Because of perceived procedural errors and
14872-402: The fraternities, governance, free speech, and student life. After President Jim Kim announced an unpopular new meal plan in the spring of 2011, The Review took the lead in criticizing its deficiencies and suggesting more cost-effective alternatives. The paper was also quick to defend Dartmouth against allegations of "institutionalized hazing" brought by Andrew Lohse and The Rolling Stone in
15015-537: The full-time homemaker role which Friedan deemed stifling. In her book, Friedan described a depressed suburban housewife who dropped out of college at the age of 19 to get married and raise four children. She spoke of her own 'terror' at being alone, wrote that she had never once in her life seen a positive female role-model who worked outside the home and also kept a family, and cited numerous cases of housewives who felt similarly trapped. From her psychological background she criticized Freud 's penis envy theory, noting
15158-605: The general emphasis of 19th- and early 20th-century arguments for expanding women's education , political rights , and participation in social movements . While "first-wave" feminists had often shared an essentialist view of women's nature and a corporatist view of society, claiming that women's suffrage , education, and social participation would increase the incidence of marriage , make women better wives and mothers, and improve national and international health and efficiency , Friedan based women's rights in what she called "the basic human need to grow, man's will to be all that
15301-678: The injustice of anti-Semitism". She attended Peoria High School , and became involved in the school newspaper. When her application to write a column was turned down, she and six other friends launched a literary magazine called Tide, which discussed home life rather than school life. Friedan attended the women's Smith College in 1938. She won a scholarship prize in her first year for outstanding academic performance. In her second year, she became interested in poetry and had many poems published in campus publications. In 1941, she became editor-in-chief of SCAN (Smith College Associated News). The editorials became more political under her leadership, taking
15444-415: The legalization of abortion, an issue that divided some feminists. Also divisive in the 1960s among women was the Equal Rights Amendment , which NOW fully endorsed; by the 1970s, women and labor unions opposed to ERA warmed up to it and began to support it fully. NOW also lobbied for national daycare. NOW also helped women get equal access to public places, which they sometimes did not have. For example, by
15587-411: The lurch by divorce. The strongest were able to cope more or less well, but it wasn't that easy for a woman of forty-five or fifty to move ahead in a profession and make a new life for herself and her children or herself alone. Friedan then decided to rework and expand this topic into a book, The Feminine Mystique . Published in 1963, it depicted the roles of women in industrial societies , especially
15730-476: The movement's history. In 1937, Southern Democrats formed the congressional conservative coalition , which played an influential role in Congress from the late 1930s to the mid-1960s. In recent decades, Southern conservatives voted heavily Republican. Conservatism in the United States is not a single school of thought. Barry Goldwater in the 1960s spoke for a " free enterprise " conservatism. Jerry Falwell in
15873-474: The nationwide Women's Strike for Equality on August 26, the 50th anniversary of the Nineteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution granting women the right to vote . The national strike was successful beyond expectations in broadening the feminist movement; the march led by Friedan in New York City alone attracted over 50,000 people. In 1971, Friedan joined other leading feminists to establish
16016-705: The next year. In 1980, she believed abortion should be in the context of "the choice to have children", a formulation supported by the Roman Catholic priest organizing Catholic participation in the White House Conference on Families for that year, though perhaps not by the bishops above him. A resolution embodying the formulation passed at the conference by 460 to 114, whereas a resolution addressing abortion, ERA and "sexual preference" passed by only 292–291 and that only after 50 opponents of abortion had walked out and so hadn't voted on it. She disagreed with
16159-438: The organization and its leaders sought to achieve this greater degree of professionalism by publishing suggested revisions to administrative policy, investigative reports on fraternity controversies, and interviews with notable conservatives like William F. Buckley Jr. It also gained notoriety within some campus circles for its vocal support of Dartmouth's disused Indian mascot and its criticism of affirmative action policies. In
16302-411: The paper began printing on a weekly basis and released a revised statement of purpose from editor Dinesh D'Souza. In his words, The Review ' s mission was "to become what it was set-up to become: a responsible, bold publication of conservative opinion" and a prodigious source of "unbiased, reliable articles [written] without fear of administrative clamps." Throughout its first few months of activity,
16445-411: The paper's credo. Although then editor-in-chief Kevin Pritchett immediately recalled the issue and apologized to all who had been offended, the incident fueled further accusations that the paper and its editors were racist. In response to popular demands from students and faculty members alike, President Freedman and the administration organized a "Rally Against Hate" to promote campus unity and censure
16588-435: The paper's investigation. At this time, the paper also leveraged its burgeoning reputation to conduct interviews with several political and cultural leaders. Among them were Betty Friedan , Ralph Nader , Czeslaw Milosz , Abbie Hoffman , Richard Nixon , Donald Rumsfeld , Bobby Seale , Charlton Heston , Allen Ginsberg , Charlie Daniels , Gennifer Flowers , and Norman Podhoretz . Due in large part to these features and
16731-550: The persona of a disaffected African American student. Entitled "Dis Sho' Ain't No Jive, Bro," it was written entirely in Ebonics and included such excerpts as "white folk be itchin' to be puttin' us back into [fetters]" and "we not be includin' dat Uncle Tom, Tom Sowell , in dis." In response, several campus groups and faculty members voiced concerns about the stereotypical nature of the column and its potential effects on race relations at Dartmouth. The Review ' s editors defended
16874-464: The piece by pointing out that writers like Mark Twain and Damon Runyon had previously used racial dialects in social satire and that, since many claim jive is a viable alternative to traditional English, the article was the equivalent of publishing a feature in French, Spanish, or Latin. In May 1982, The Dartmouth Review cofounder Benjamin Hart was delivering copies of the paper's latest issue when he
17017-408: The plaintiffs on account of their association with The Dartmouth Review. ". When Professor Cole resigned from faculty in the fall of 1990, he would cite this incident and his checkered history with the paper as one of the reasons for his departure. In October 1988, The Dartmouth Review published a column by James Garrett that compared the administration of College President James Freedman to that of
17160-516: The preservation of traditional cultural values , restrictions on illegal immigration , and strict law and order policies. In the United States, there has never been a national political party called the Conservative Party. Since 1962, there has been a small Conservative Party of New York State . During Reconstruction in several states in the South in the late 1860s, the former Whigs formed
17303-431: The protestors remained in their wooden structures and refused to stage their demonstration elsewhere. When negotiations with College administrators reached an impasse, a band of twelve undergraduates took matters into their own hands and drove a flat-bed onto the Green, dismantled three of the four shanties, and sent the lumber off to a local charity. Former Editor-in-Chief of The Dartmouth Review and "Committee to Beautify
17446-539: The publication and issued statements "deploring [its] particular breed of journalism." Following the attack, Benjamin Hart sought treatment at Mary Hitchcock Hospital and was released after receiving a tetanus shot. In January 1983, The Dartmouth Review published an article by Laura Ingraham criticizing Professor William Cole's Music 2 course and judging his curriculum to be "one of Dartmouth's most academically deficient." In response, Professor Cole visited Ingraham's campus dorm room and, finding her absent, pounded on
17589-450: The publication of anti-Semitism. The staff, a quarter of whom were Jewish at the time, defended the column as an instance of "shock journalism" and issued an apology to those they had offended. In the fall of 1990, an issue of The Dartmouth Review appeared not with the traditional quote from Theodore Roosevelt in the masthead but with several lines of text from Hitler's Mein Kampf . When
17732-415: The rallies and demonstrations that will be taking place all over the country. Others will be writing things that will help them to define where they want to go. Some will be pressuring their Senators and their Congressmen to pass legislations that affect women. I don't think you can come up with any one point, women will be doing their own thing in their own way. Friedan founded the National Association for
17875-423: The rest of President Freedman's tenure, the paper remained a vocal presence within the campus debate and was a consistent critic of the administration's affirmative action, governance, and free speech policies. After President Freedman retired and was replaced by James Wright in 1998, The Review became embroiled in yet another controversy as it spearheaded popular opposition to a proposed fraternity reform plan. In
18018-408: The school's Code of Conduct and selectively suspended the ten who wrote for The Dartmouth Review , concerns about the apparent bias of the proceedings and witness tampering led to national outrage and calls for a retrial. With help from New Hampshire Senator Gordon Humphrey and Governor John Sununu , the ten students successfully appealed the findings of the panel and were able to remain enrolled at
18161-424: The school's annual commencement exercises, it focused on the college's declining academic standards and the controversy surrounding its recent board of trustees elections. In a series of articles that received attention from many Dartmouth alumni, the editors endorsed write-in candidate John Steel and publicized allegations of improprieties amongst the administration-backed Alumni Council. In the months that followed,
18304-419: The school's prevailing political culture. Out of these conversations, the idea for a new publication was born. As early Review contributor Dinesh D'Souza tells it, the immediate impetus for the founding was a schism at daily campus newspaper which pitted a group of young Reagan-supporters against the organization's progressive editors. After then editor-in-chief Gregory Fossedal began writing in support of
18447-614: The sides . In the 21st century United States, types of conservatism include: In February 1955, in the first issue of National Review , William F. Buckley Jr. explained the standards of his magazine and articulate the beliefs of American conservatives: Among our convictions: It is the job of centralized government (in peacetime) to protect its citizens' lives, liberty and property. All other activities of government tend to diminish freedom and hamper progress. The growth of government (the dominant social feature of this century) must be fought relentlessly. In this great social conflict of
18590-404: The society. The question of a women's right to control her own reproductive processes, that is, laws prohibiting abortion in the state or putting them into criminal statutes; I think that would be a statute that we would [be] addressing ourselves to. So I think individual women will react differently; some will not cook that day, some will engage in dialog with their husband[s], some will be out at
18733-475: The spring of 1982, The Review published a series of editorials that disparaged the administration's affirmative action policies and lamented their effects on Dartmouth's academic rigor. Among them was an article that used a combination of Ebonics and heavy satire to mock common excuses for the deficient classroom performance of many black students. This episode, when combined with the paper's ongoing support of school's controversial Indian mascot and its criticism of
18876-435: The success of its campus activism, The Review received early endorsements from the likes of Ronald Reagan , Jack Kemp , Bill Bennett , and William F. Buckley Jr . Far from being damaged by the controversies, The Dartmouth Review grew throughout its first decade of publication. The 1990s began on a controversial note for The Dartmouth Review when an unknown saboteur slipped an anti-Semitic quote from Adolf Hitler into
19019-485: The whole issue now." In 2022 the board of trustees of the Peoria Public Schools school district considered renaming Washington Gifted School after Friedan, but a board member brought up comments by Friedan perceived to be discriminatory against LGBT people, and so another name, Reservoir Gifted Academy, was chosen for the school. She supported the concept that abortion is a woman's choice, that it shouldn't be
19162-470: The winter of 2012. Since then, it has supported Dartmouth's Greek system against the administration's renewed attempts at reforming it. In 2013, The Dartmouth Review completed a major internal reorganization under J. P. Harrington and Nicholas Desatnick, then Editors-In-Chief and Stuart A. Allan, then President. The Review built a web and social media presence, increased donations, substantially revised editorial and business practices and moved operations into
19305-506: Was 3:00 am, and two Dartmouth students were sleeping inside one of the shanties when the sledgehammer attack began and were "awakened by the sound of hammers and glass shattering." Prior to the event, the shanties had been deemed illegal by the Hanover Police Department and the college had requested that the protesters vacate the Green prior to the traditional festivities of the Dartmouth Winter Carnival . Despite these efforts,
19448-408: Was advertised as being open to the public; however, the reporter in attendance, Teresa Polenz, brought a tape recorder hidden in a Kenya-style handbag and recorded the meeting without the consent or knowledge of those in attendance. Polenz was subsequently charged with violating New Hampshire privacy statutes 644:9 as well as state wire tapping and eavesdropping ordinances. After a five-month review of
19591-543: Was an American feminist writer and activist. A leading figure in the women's movement in the United States, her 1963 book The Feminine Mystique is often credited with sparking the second wave of American feminism in the 20th century. In 1966, Friedan co-founded and was elected the first president of the National Organization for Women (NOW), which aimed to bring women "into the mainstream of American society now [in] fully equal partnership with men.” In 1970, after stepping down as NOW's first president, Friedan organized
19734-594: Was attacked and bitten by a black administrator from the college's alumni center. The Dartmouth faculty voted to censure the actions of The Review and support the alumni center employee who was convicted of assault and sentenced to three months probation. A number of campus groups, including the Afro-American Society, the Alpha Phi Alpha fraternity, and the Undergraduate Council, similarly condemned
19877-521: Was instrumental in The Review ' s founding and served as a long-time board member and advisor. As of 2013, the paper has 10,000 off-campus subscribers, distributes a further 2,000 newspapers on campus, and claims 50,000 unique viewers per month on its website. The history of The Dartmouth Review can be traced to 1980, when a number of campus conservatives met in Jeffrey Hart 's living room to discuss
20020-413: Was not about sex, but about equal opportunity in jobs and all the rest of it. Yes, I suppose you have to say that freedom of sexual choice is part of that, but it shouldn't be the main issue". She ignored lesbians in the National Organization for Women ( NOW ) initially, and objected to what she saw as their demands for equal time. "Homosexuality ... is not, in my opinion, what the women's movement
20163-675: Was opposition to communism, which was seen not only as an enemy of the traditional order but also the enemy of Western freedom and democracy. Between 1945 and 1947, it was the Labour government in the United Kingdom, which embraced socialism, that pushed the Truman administration to take a strong stand against Soviet Communism . Social conservatism in the United States is the defense of traditional family values rooted in Judeo-Christian ethics and
20306-510: Was sincere and committed. Judith Hennessee ( Betty Friedan: Her Life ) and Daniel Horowitz, a professor of American Studies at Smith College , have also written about Friedan. Horowitz explored Friedan's engagement with the women's movement before she began to work on The Feminine Mystique and pointed out that Friedan's feminism did not start in the 1950s but even earlier, in the 1940s. Focusing his study on Friedan's ideas in feminism rather than on her personal life Horowitz's book gave Friedan
20449-659: Was to report on the House Un-American Activities Committee . By then married, Friedan was dismissed from the union newspaper UE News in 1952 because she was pregnant with her second child. After leaving UE News she became a freelance writer for various magazines, including Cosmopolitan . According to Friedan biographer Daniel Horowitz, Friedan started as a labor journalist when she first became aware of women's oppression and exclusion, although Friedan herself disputed this interpretation of her work. For her 15th college reunion in 1957 Friedan conducted
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