187-526: The Balibo Five was a group of journalists for Australian commercial television networks who were murdered in the period leading up to the Indonesian invasion of East Timor . The Balibo Five were based in the town of Balibo in East Timor (then Portuguese Timor ), where they were killed on 16 October 1975 during Indonesian incursions before the invasion. Roger East travelled to Balibo soon after to investigate
374-477: A small-scale civil war , the pro-independence Fretilin declared victory in the capital city of Dili and declared an independent East Timor on 28 November 1975. Following the "Balibo Declaration" that was signed by representatives of Apodeti , UDT , KOTA and the Trabalhista Party on 30 November 1975, Indonesian military forces invaded East Timor on 7 December 1975, and by 1979 they had all but destroyed
561-473: A "policy of silence" vis-à-vis Indonesia, a policy that had been recommended by the Ambassador to Indonesia , David Newsom . The administration worried about the potential impact on US–Indonesian relations in the event that a forced incorporation of East Timor was met with a major Congressional reaction. On 8 October 1975, Assistant Secretary of State Philip Habib told meeting participants that "It looks like
748-542: A boiling point in mid-1975 when rumours began circulating of possible power seizures from both independence parties. In August 1975, UDT staged a coup in the capital city Dili , and a small-scale civil war broke out. Ramos-Horta describes the fighting as "bloody", and details violence committed by both UDT and Fretilin. He cites the International Committee of the Red Cross , which counted 2,000–3,000 people dead after
935-618: A charity that donates musical instruments to East Timor, Stewart said the film highlighted the Australian government's lack of action over the deaths of the journalists: "To this day, the one phone call my mother's had from the Government came a couple of weeks after it all happened when someone from the embassy in Jakarta called and asked, 'Where should we send the bill for the coffin? ' " he said. Malcolm Rennie's mother, Minna, later became involved with
1122-554: A colonial power and its own colony, there can hardly be doubt that it applies to force by one sovereign state against another state's colony". On 17 December, Indonesia formed the Provisional Government of East Timor (PSTT) which was headed by Arnaldo dos Reis Araújo of APODETI as president and Lopez da Cruz of UDT. Most sources describe this institution as a creation of the Indonesian military. One of PSTT's first activities
1309-405: A community learning centre. Senior diplomats told the 2007 coroner's inquest of their understanding that "the killing was done by the Indonesian military and that it was deliberate". According to historian Clinton Fernandes : "The five journalists... clearly identified themselves as Australians and as journalists. They were unarmed and dressed in civilian clothes. They had their hands raised in
1496-583: A final wave of violence during which most of the country's infrastructure was destroyed. The Australian-led International Force for East Timor restored order, and following the departure of Indonesian forces from East Timor, the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor administered the territory for two years, establishing a Serious Crimes Unit to investigate and prosecute crimes committed in 1999. Its limited scope and
1683-838: A foreign enemy." Military assistance was accelerated during the Carter administration , peaking in 1978. In total, the United States furnished over $ 250,000,000 of military assistance to Indonesia between 1975 and 1979. Testifying before the US Congress , the Deputy Legal Advisor of the US State Department, George Aldrich said the Indonesians "were armed roughly 90 percent with our equipment. ... we really did not know very much. Maybe we did not want to know very much but I gather that for
1870-450: A form of proxy violence when male relatives who were suspected of being Fretilin were not present. In 1999 researcher Rebecca Winters released the book Buibere: Voice of East Timorese Women , which chronicles many personal stories of violence and abuse dating to the earliest days of the occupation. One woman tells of being interrogated while stripped half-naked, tortured, molested, and threatened with death. Another describes being chained at
2057-547: A founding member of Fretilin, and a brother of its vice-president, Nicolau Lobato. Fretilin responded by appealing successfully to the Portuguese-trained East Timorese military units. UDT's violent takeover thus provoked the three-week long civil war, in pitting its 1,500 troops against the 2,000 regular forces now led by Fretilin commanders. When the Portuguese-trained East Timorese military switched allegiance to Fretilin, it came to be known as Falintil . By
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#17328513509882244-498: A further two and a half years of transition under the auspices of three different United Nations missions, East Timor achieved independence on 20 May 2002. East Timor owes its territorial distinctiveness from the rest of Timor , and the Indonesian archipelago as a whole, to being colonised by the Portuguese , rather than the Dutch ; an agreement dividing the island between the two powers
2431-774: A gun on the table." In Michele Turner's book Telling East Timor: Personal Testimonies 1942–1992 , a woman named Fátima describes watching torture take place in a Dili prison: "They make people sit on a chair with the front of the chair on their own toes. It is mad, yes. The soldiers urinate in the food then mix it up for the person to eat. They use electric shock and they use an electric machine...." The Indonesian government reported in 1977 that several mass graves containing "scores" of people killed by Fretilin had been found near Ailieu and Samé. Amnesty International confirmed these reports in 1985, and also expressed concern about several extrajudicial killings for which Fretilin had claimed responsibility. In 1997 Human Rights Watch condemned
2618-467: A large refugee camp housing 5–6,000 Timorese at Lamaknan near the West Timor border. After setting several houses on fire, Indonesian soldiers massacred as many as 2,000 men, women and children. In March 1977 ex-Australian consul James Dunn published a report detailing charges that since December 1975 Indonesian forces had killed between 50,000 and 100,000 civilians in East Timor. This is consistent with
2805-417: A military-controlled firm, monopolised some of East Timor's most lucrative commercial activities, including sandal wood export, hotels, and the import of consumer products. The group's most profitable business, however, was its monopoly on the export of coffee, which was the territory's most valuable cash crop. Indonesian entrepreneurs came to dominate non-Denok/military enterprises, and local manufactures from
2992-423: A minimum estimate of 102,000 conflict-related deaths in East Timor throughout the entire period from 1974 to 1999, including 18,600 violent killings and 84,200 deaths from disease and starvation; Indonesian forces and their auxiliaries combined were responsible for 70% of the killings. During the first months of the occupation, the Indonesian military faced heavy insurgency resistance in the mountainous interior of
3179-472: A referendum in East Timor in 1999. In March 1976, UDT leader Lopes da Cruz reported that 60,000 Timorese had been killed during the invasion. A delegation of Indonesian relief workers agreed with this statistic. In an interview on 5 April 1977 with the Sydney Morning Herald , Indonesian Foreign Minister Adam Malik said the number of dead was "50,000 people or perhaps 80,000". A figure of 100,000
3366-451: A request for formal integration into Indonesia, which Jakarta described as "the act of self-determination" in East Timor. Indonesia kept East Timor shut off from the rest of the world, except for a few years in the late 1980s and early 1990s, claiming that the vast majority of East Timorese supported integration. This position was followed closely by the Indonesian media such that an East Timorese acceptance of their integration with Indonesia
3553-530: A resolution blaming Portugal and the Timorese political parties for the bloodshed; it was rejected in favour of a draft prepared by Algeria, Cuba, Senegal, and Guyana, among others. This was adopted as GA Resolution 3485 (XXX) on 12 December, calling on Indonesia to "withdraw without delay". Ten days later, the United Nations Security Council unanimously adopted Resolution 384 (1975), which echoes
3740-400: A resolution of the conflict. Although no Timorese leaders were invited to the talks, Fretilin sent a message expressing their desire to work with Portugal. The meeting ended with both parties agreeing that Portugal would meet with political leaders in East Timor, but the talks never took place. In mid-November, Indonesian forces began shelling the city of Atabae from the sea and captured it by
3927-460: A result of the destruction of food crops, many civilians were forced to leave the hills and surrender to the TNI. Often, when surviving villagers came down to lower-lying regions to surrender, the military would execute them. Those who were not killed outright by TNI troops were sent to receiving centres for vetting, which had been prepared in advance in the vicinity of local TNI bases. In these transit camps,
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#17328513509884114-782: A series of attacks carried out by Fretilin, which led to the deaths of nine civilians. The Portuguese language was banned in East Timor and Indonesian was made the language of government, education and public commerce, and the Indonesian school curriculum was implemented. The official Indonesian national ideology, Pancasila , was applied to East Timor and government jobs were restricted to those holding certification in Pancasila training. East Timorese animist belief systems did not fit with Indonesia's constitutional monotheism , resulting in mass conversions to Christianity. Portuguese clergy were replaced with Indonesian priests, and Latin and Portuguese mass were replaced by Indonesian mass. Before
4301-494: A shift in Australian policy by the Howard government in 1998 helped precipitate a proposal for a referendum on the question of independence for East Timor. In late 1998, the Australian government drafted a letter to Indonesia setting out a change in Australian policy, suggesting that East Timor be given a chance to vote on independence within a decade. The letter upset Indonesian President B. J. Habibie , who saw it as implying Indonesia
4488-478: A situation that was "as bad as Biafra ". The ICRC warned that "tens of thousands" were at risk of starvation. Indonesia announced that it was working through the government-run Indonesian Red Cross to alleviate the crisis, but the NGO Action for World Development charged that organisation with selling donated aid supplies. Known Indonesian abuses against women in East Timor were numerous and well-documented, though
4675-572: A soldier statue and reliefs depicting the operation, was built in June 1990 and inaugurated by the regent of Belu Col. (Inf). Ignasius Sumantri on 17 August 1990. The Seroja Monument ( Monumen Seroja ) was built by the Indonesian government under the Megawati Sukarnoputri administration in June 2002 as a memorial to the Indonesian soldiers and civilians who were killed in Operation Seroja. It
4862-727: A special representative to East Timor for the purpose of making on-the-spot assessment of the existing situation and of establishing contact with all parties in the Territory and all States concerned to ensure the implementation of the current resolution. Daniel Patrick Moynihan , the US ambassador to the UN at the time, wrote in his autobiography that "China altogether backed Fretilin in Timor, and lost. In Spanish Sahara, Russia just as completely backed Algeria, and its front, known as Polisario, and lost. In both instances
5049-512: A statement made on 13 February 1976 by UDT leader Lopez da Cruz that 60,000 Timorese had been killed during the previous six months of civil war, suggesting a death toll of at least 55,000 in the first two months of the invasion. A delegation of Indonesian relief workers agreed with this statistic. A late 1976 report by the Catholic Church also estimated the death toll at between 60,000 and 100,000. These figures were also corroborated by those in
5236-546: A tentative coalition dedicated to achieving independence for East Timor. At the same time, the Australian government reported that the Indonesian military had conducted a "pre-invasion" exercise at Lampung . For months, the Indonesian Special Operations command, Kopassus , had been covertly supporting APODETI through Operasi Komodo (Operation Komodo, named after the lizard ). By broadcasting accusations of communism among Fretilin leaders and sowing discord in
5423-462: A time we did not know." Indonesia was never informed of the supposed US "aid suspension". David T. Kenney, Country Officer for Indonesia in the US State Department , also testified before Congress that one purpose for the arms was "to keep that area [Timor] peaceful." The CAVR stated in the "Responsibility" chapter of its final report that US "political and military support were fundamental to
5610-483: A vocal anti-imperialist and anti-colonialist but saw imperialism and colonialism almost entirely as European phenomena and had supported China, despite its imperialism and was supportive of Indonesian imperialism to undo Dutch, Portuguese and British colonialism. Despite the unpopularity of the events in East Timor within segments of the Australian public, the Fraser , Hawke and Keating governments allegedly co-operated with
5797-507: Is cited by McDonald (1980) and by Taylor. Amnesty International estimated that one third of East Timor's population, or 200,000 in total, died from military action, starvation and disease from 1975 to 1999. In 1979 the US Agency for International Development estimated that 300,000 East Timorese had been moved into camps controlled by Indonesian armed forces. The UN's Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation in East Timor (CAVR) estimated
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5984-615: Is located within the TNI central headquarters complex in Cilangkap, East Jakarta . Indonesian occupation of East Timor The Indonesian occupation of East Timor began in December 1975 and lasted until October 1999. After centuries of Portuguese colonial rule in East Timor , the 1974 Carnation Revolution in Portugal led to the decolonisation of its former colonies, creating instability in East Timor and leaving its future uncertain. After
6171-564: Is no question of Indonesia wishing to annex Portuguese Timor." In 1974, the Carnation Revolution in Portugal caused significant changes in Portugal's relationship with its colony in Timor. The power shift in Europe invigorated movements for independence in colonies like Mozambique and Angola, and the new Portuguese government began a decolonisation process for East Timor. The first of these
6358-580: The Australian Senate and lodged motions, as well as numerous campaigns in the news media. Writing in The Sydney Morning Herald , Xenophon stated: "Declassified Australian intelligence records show that the Indonesian high command was very alarmed about the international diplomatic consequences of killing the Balibo Five, and called a halt to its military operations for five weeks. But there
6545-553: The Frente Revolucionária de Timor-Leste Independente ( Revolutionary Front for an Independent East Timor , or Fretilin) appeared. Initially organised as the ASDT (Associacão Social Democrata Timorense), the group endorsed "the universal doctrines of socialism", as well as "the right to independence". As the political process grew more tense, however, the group changed its name and declared itself "the only legitimate representative of
6732-550: The Indonesian military (ABRI/TNI) invaded East Timor under the pretext of anti-colonialism and anti-communism to overthrow the Fretilin regime that had emerged in 1974 . The overthrow of the popular and short-lived Fretilin-led government sparked a violent quarter-century occupation in which approximately 100,000–180,000 soldiers and civilians are estimated to have been killed or starved to death. The Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation in East Timor documented
6919-573: The US government claimed to have suspended new arms sales to Indonesia from December 1975 to June 1976, military equipment already in the pipeline continued to flow, and the US made four new offers of arms during that six-month period, including supplies and parts for 16 OV-10 Broncos, which, according to Cornell University Professor Benedict Anderson , are "specially designed for counter-insurgency actions against adversaries without effective anti-aircraft weapons and wholly useless for defending Indonesia against
7106-537: The United Nations Secretary General 's Special Representative, Vittorio Winspeare Guicciardi to visit Fretilin-held areas from Darwin, Australia were obstructed by the Indonesian military, which blockaded East Timor. On 31 May 1976, a 'People's Assembly' in Dili, selected by Indonesian intelligence, unanimously endorsed an 'Act of Integration', and on 17 July, East Timor officially became the 27th province of
7293-486: The " Balibo Five "—were killed by Indonesian soldiers. Indonesian military officials say the deaths were accidental, and East Timorese witnesses say the journalists were deliberately killed. The deaths, and subsequent campaigns and investigations, attracted international attention and rallied support for East Timorese independence. At the start of November, the foreign ministers from Indonesia and Portugal met in Rome to discuss
7480-403: The " New Order " meant that the state of conflict in East Timor was unknown to the transmigrants, predominantly poor Javanese and Balinese wet-rice farmers. On arrival, they found themselves under the ongoing threat of attack by East Timorese resistance fighters, and became the object of local resentment, since large tracts of land belonging to East Timorese had been compulsorily appropriated by
7667-586: The "sacred right of self-determination" and recognised APODETI as the true representatives of the East Timorese majority. It claimed that FRETILIN's popularity was the result of a "policy of threats, blackmail and terror". Later, Indonesian Foreign Minister Ali Alatas reiterated this position in his 2006 memoir The Pebble in the Shoe: The Diplomatic Struggle for East Timor . The island's original division into east and west, Indonesia argued after
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7854-458: The "sacred right of self-determination" and recognised APODETI as the true representatives of the East Timorese majority. It claimed that Fretilin's popularity was the result of a "policy of threats, blackmail and terror". Later, Indonesian Foreign Minister Ali Alatas reiterated this position in his 2006 memoir The Pebble in the Shoe: The Diplomatic Struggle for East Timor . The island's original division into east and west, Indonesia argued after
8041-512: The 'final solution'. TNI strategists implemented a strategy of attrition against the Falintil beginning in September 1977. This was accomplished by rendering the central regions of East Timor unable to sustain human life through napalm attacks, chemical warfare and destruction of crops. This was to be done in order to force the population to surrender into the custody of Indonesian forces and deprive
8228-482: The 'final solution'. The 'final solution' campaigns involved two primary tactics: The 'encirclement and annihilation' campaign involved bombing villages and mountain areas from aeroplanes, causing famine and defoliation of ground cover. When surviving villagers came down to lower-lying regions to surrender, the military would simply shoot them. Other survivors were placed in resettlement camps where they were prevented from travelling or cultivating farmland. In early 1978,
8415-872: The 1960s ). Unlike the African colonies, East Timor did not experience a war of national liberation. Indigenous political parties rapidly sprang up in Timor; the Timorese Democratic Union ( União Democrática Timorense , UDT) was the first political association to be announced after the Carnation Revolution. UDT was originally composed of senior administrative leaders and plantation owners, as well as native tribal leaders. These leaders had conservative origins and showed allegiance to Portugal, but never advocated integration with Indonesia. Meanwhile, Fretilin (the Revolutionary Front of Independent East Timor)
8602-503: The 2009 film, said, "It's quite clear the journalists were murdered. The current Indonesian and Australian (government) point of view, that they were killed in crossfire, is quite frankly absurd. We seek out war criminals from World War II, so to dismiss calls for justice for the Balibo Five is crazy". In the Parliament of Australia , the two leading advocates have been Senators Nick Xenophon and Scott Ludlam , who have frequently spoken in
8789-533: The ABC the men were shot deliberately but not executed. He says he was about 30 metres (yards) away when Indonesian soldiers fired on the house in which the men were sheltering. "We knew they were foreigners, but we didn't think about whether they were journalists or not, because in a battle, the instinct is if they're not friends, then they could kill us", he said. He said he was with Special Forces captain Yunus Yosfiah when
8976-462: The Australian Senate stated that soldiers deliberately killed small children by smashing their heads against a rock. The operation failed to crush the resistance, and widespread resentment toward the occupation grew stronger than ever. As Fretilin troops in the mountains continued their sporadic attacks, Indonesian forces carried out numerous operations to destroy them over the next ten years. In
9163-639: The Balibo Five today not because journalists are any more special than other civilians, but because journalists play a crucial role in bringing information about human rights violations to the outside world". On 16 October 2015, the day of the 40th anniversary, mourners gathered at a dawn service in front of the War Correspondents Memorial at the Australian War Memorial to remember the Balibo Five and Roger East. Mourners included family members, representatives of major Australian news networks,
9350-574: The Balibo Five were spotted. A coronial inquest into the deaths of the men found Yosfiah, who was later an Indonesian Government minister, ordered the killings. Professor Ben Saul , who acted for the Media Entertainment and Arts Alliance (MEAA) at the NSW inquiry, said there are "complexities" in the legal situation relating to prosecuting a war crime. "It has to show that there was an international armed conflict between Indonesia and Portugal … and that in
9537-617: The Balibo five newsmen. At least three of the journalists were shot after an order was given by Captain Yunus Yosfiah and the fifth man was stabbed by officer Christoforus Da Silva. It is highly unlikely the Captain would have made the decision to kill the newsmen without the sanction of his superior officers. There is enough evidence to refer the case to the Commonwealth Director of Public Prosecutions to consider prosecuting two unnamed people for
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#17328513509889724-559: The East Timorese either. In early September, as many as two hundred special forces troops launched incursions, which were noted by US intelligence, and in October, conventional military assaults followed. Five journalists, known as the Balibo Five , working for Australian news networks were executed by Indonesian troops in the border town of Balibo on 16 October. John Taylor writes that Indonesia invaded for three main reasons: (1) to avoid
9911-446: The East Timorese, an enormous drain on Indonesian resources, were severely damaging to Indonesia internationally, and ultimately a failure. The wanton, wholesale killings by the TNI near the coastal regions during the opening months of the invasion had driven a large portion of the population and most of the remaining Falintil into the central regions. This proved counterproductive as it left Indonesian troops fighting against an enemy which
10098-421: The Falintil of food and population. Catholic officials in East Timor called this strategy an "encirclement and annihilation" campaign. 35,000 ABRI troops surrounded areas of Fretilin support and killed men, women, and children. Air and naval bombardments were followed by ground troops, who destroyed villages and agricultural infrastructure. Thousands of people may have been killed during this period. In early 1978,
10285-482: The Fretilin-held mountain regions of East Timor. A Timorese guide for a senior Indonesian officer told former Australian consul to Portuguese Timor James Dunn that during the early months of the fighting TNI troops "killed most Timorese they encountered." In February 1976 after capturing the village of Aileu – to the south of Dili – and driving out the remaining Fretilin forces, Indonesian troops machine-gunned most of
10472-453: The Fretilin. In addition to suffering systematic sexual slavery, forced sterilisation, enforced marriage, torture, and extrajudicial execution, women also faced rape and sexual abuse during interrogation by Indonesian authorities. These women included the wives of resistance members, resistance activists and suspected Fretilin collaborators. Often, women were targeted and subjected to torture as
10659-649: The GA resolution's call for immediate Indonesian withdrawal. One year later the Security Council expressed the same sentiment in Resolution 389 (1976), and the General Assembly passed resolutions every year between 1976 and 1982 calling for self-determination in East Timor. Governments of large countries like China and the United States opposed further action; smaller countries like Costa Rica, Guinea-Bissau, and Iceland were
10846-572: The Indonesian government for transmigrant settlement. Although many gave up and returned to their island of origin, those migrants that stayed in East Timor contributed to the "Indonesianisation" of East Timor's integration. 662 transmigrant families (2,208 people) settled in East Timor in 1993, whereas an estimated 150,000 free Indonesian settlers lived in East Timor by the mid-1990s, including those offered jobs in education and administration. Migration increased resentment among Timorese who were overtaken by more business savvy immigrants. Following
11033-498: The Indonesian government itself. In an interview on 5 April 1977 with the Sydney Morning Herald , Indonesian Foreign Minister Adam Malik said the number of dead was "50,000 people or perhaps 80,000". The Indonesian government presented its annexation of East Timor as a matter of anti-colonial unity. A 1977 booklet from the Indonesian Department of Foreign Affairs, entitled Decolonization in East Timor , paid tribute to
11220-477: The Indonesian government subjected the people of East Timor to routine and systematic torture , sexual slavery , internment , forced disappearances , extrajudicial executions , massacres , and deliberate starvation . The 1991 Santa Cruz Massacre caused outrage around the world, and reports of other such killings were numerous. Resistance to Indonesian rule remained strong; in 1996 the Nobel Peace Prize
11407-542: The Indonesian invasion and occupation" of East Timor between 1975 and 1999. The report (p. 92) also stated that "U.S. supplied weaponry was crucial to Indonesia's capacity to intensify military operations from 1977 in its massive campaigns to destroy the Resistance in which aircraft supplied by the United States played a crucial role." Clinton Administration officials told the New York Times that US support for Suharto
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#173285135098811594-677: The Indonesian military and President Suharto to obscure details about conditions in East Timor and to preserve Indonesian control of the region. There was some disquiet towards policy with the Australian public, because of the deaths of the Australian journalists and arguably also because the actions of the Timorese people in supporting Australian forces during the Battle of Timor in World War II were well-remembered. Protests took place in Australia against
11781-416: The Indonesian military. In 1981 the Indonesian military launched Operasi Keamanan (Operation Security), which some have named the "fence of legs" program. During this operation, Indonesian forces conscripted 50,000 to 80,000 Timorese men and boys to march through the mountains ahead of advancing TNI troops as human shields to foreclose a Fretilin counterattack. The objective was to sweep the guerrillas into
11968-416: The Indonesian military. The new administration built new infrastructure and raised productivity levels in commercial farming ventures. Productivity in coffee and cloves doubled, although East Timorese farmers were forced to sell their coffee at low prices to village cooperatives. The Provisional Government of East Timor was installed in mid-December 1975, consisting of APODETI and UDT leaders. Attempts by
12155-690: The Indonesians have begun the attack on Timor." Kissinger's response to Habib was, "I'm assuming you're really going to keep your mouth shut on this subject." On the day before the invasion, Ford and Kissinger met with the Indonesian president Suharto . Documents released by the National Security Archive in 2001 revealed that they gave a green light for the invasion. In response to Suharto saying, "We want your understanding if we deem it necessary to take rapid or drastic action [in East Timor]," Ford replied, "We will understand and will not press you on
12342-479: The Indonesians used chemical weapons and napalm to poison food and water supplies in Fretilin controlled areas during the "encirclement and annihilation" campaign. While brutal, the Indonesian 'encirclement and annihilation' campaign of 1977–1978 was effective in that it broke the back of the main Fretilin militia. The capable Timorese president and military commander, Nicolau Lobato , was shot and killed by helicopter-borne Indonesian troops on 31 December 1978. As
12529-661: The People's Republic of China, the Soviet Union , Mozambique, Sweden, and Cuba—to recognise the new nation. Cuba currently shares close relations with East Timor today. On 28 November 1975, Fretilin unilaterally declared independence for the Democratic Republic of East Timor. Indonesia announced UDT and APODETI leaders in and around Balibó would respond the next day by declaring that region independent from East Timor and officially part of Indonesia. This Balibo Declaration , however,
12716-504: The Republic of Indonesia. The occupation of East Timor remained a public issue in many nations, Portugal in particular, and the UN never recognised either the regime installed by the Indonesians or the subsequent annexation. The Indonesian government presented its annexation of East Timor as a matter of anticolonial unity. A 1977 booklet from the Indonesian Department of Foreign Affairs, entitled Decolonization in East Timor , paid tribute to
12903-517: The Timorese Resistance , Constâncio Pinto describes being tortured by Indonesian soldiers: "With each question, I would get two or three punches in the face. When someone punches you so much and so hard, it feels as if your face is broken. People hit me on my back and on my sides with their hands and then kicked me.... [In another location] they psychologically tortured me; they didn't hit me, but they made strong threats to kill me. They even put
13090-408: The UDT coalition, the Indonesian government fostered instability in East Timor and, observers said, created a pretext for invading. By May tensions between the two groups caused UDT to withdraw from the coalition. In an attempt to negotiate a settlement to the dispute over East Timor's future, the Portuguese Decolonization Commission convened a conference in June 1975 in Macau . Fretilin boycotted
13277-400: The UN in the negotiations, ABRI Commander Benny Moerdani broke the ceasefire by announcing a new counterinsurgency offensive called "Operational Clean-Sweep" in August 1983, declaring, "This time no fooling around. This time we are going to hit them without mercy." The breakdown of the ceasefire agreement was followed by a renewed wave of massacres, summary executions and "disappearances" at
13464-556: The US national interest had to be on the side of Indonesia. As Ford later stated: "in the scope of things, Indonesia wasn't too much on my radar", and "We needed allies after Vietnam". As early as December 1974—a year before the invasion—the Indonesian defense attaché in Washington sounded out US views about an Indonesian takeover of East Timor. The Americans were tight-lipped, and in March 1975 Secretary of State Henry Kissinger approved
13651-718: The United Nations. Indonesia invaded East Timor during the political crisis and social unrest in Australia following the dismissal of the Whitlam Labor party government . Previously secret files of the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade , released in September 2000, showed that comments by the Whitlam Labor party government may have encouraged the Suharto regime to invade East Timor. Gough Whitlam had been
13838-449: The United States wished things to turn out as they did, and worked to bring this about. The Department of State desired that the United Nations prove utterly ineffective in whatever measures it undertook. This task was given to me, and I carried it forward with not inconsiderable success." Later, Moynihan admitted that, as US ambassador to the UN, he had defended a "shameless" Cold War policy toward East Timor. The memorial ″7 December 1975″
14025-581: The United States, Australia, the Netherlands , South Korea, and Taiwan , as well as submarines from West Germany. In February 1977, Indonesia also received thirteen OV-10 Bronco aircraft from the Rockwell International Corporation with the aid of an official US government foreign military aid sales credit . The Bronco was ideal for the East Timor invasion, as it was specially designed for counter-insurgency operations in steep terrain. By
14212-404: The United States, which at the time was completing its withdrawal from Indochina . The military intelligence organisations initially sought a non-military annexation strategy, intending to use APODETI as its integration vehicle. Indonesia's ruling "New Order" planned for the invasion of East Timor. There was no free expression in "New Order" Indonesia and thus no need was seen for consulting
14399-437: The air ... I saw them shoot. A lot of them were firing. They fired towards the white people". According to evidence presented, the fifth Balibo victim locked himself in a bathroom but was stabbed in the back with a special forces knife when he emerged. Mark Tedeschi QC, in his closing statement to the inquest, stated, "There is incontrovertible evidence, including eyewitness accounts, that Indonesian troops deliberately killed
14586-463: The airport and police stations. During the resulting civil war, leaders on each side "lost control over the behavior of their supporters", and while leaders of both UDT and Fretilin behaved with restraint, the uncontrollable supporters orchestrated various bloody purges and murders. UDT leaders arrested more than 80 Fretilin members, including future leader Xanana Gusmão . UDT members killed a dozen Fretilin members in four locations. The victims included
14773-499: The armed resistance to the occupation. On 17 July 1976, Indonesia formally annexed East Timor as its 27th province and declared the province of Timor Timur (East Timor). Immediately after the invasion, the United Nations General Assembly and Security Council passed resolutions condemning Indonesia's actions in East Timor and calling for its immediate withdrawal from the territory. Australia and Indonesia were
14960-399: The band Painters and Dockers ). They recorded a song with East Timorese musician Gil Santos to protest the capture of East Timorese resistance leader Xanana Gusmão by Indonesian armed forces in 1992. Stewart worked as a consultant on the 2009 film Balibo , saying that it was a difficult but rewarding experience, and that it was one that finally presented the truth to the world. Now running
15147-440: The beginning of February 1977, at least six of the 13 Broncos were operating in East Timor and helped the Indonesian military pinpoint Fretilin positions. The OV-10 Broncos dealt a heavy blow to the Falintil when the aircraft attacked their forces with conventional weapons and Soviet-supplied Napalm known as 'Opalm.' Along with the new weaponry, an additional 10,000 troops were sent in to begin new campaigns that would become known as
15334-459: The campaign for an enquiry into the killings. She was also an outspoken supporter of East Timor's fight for independence . There is a constant pattern of deception from the Australian government. Kevin Rudd has vowed that the Indonesian military should be held to account, but privately the Australian government doesn't do anything. This hasn't just gone on since the coroner's report, it has gone on since
15521-569: The central part of the region where they could be eradicated. Many of those conscripted into the "fence of legs" died of starvation, exhaustion or were shot by Indonesian forces for allowing guerrillas to slip through. As the "fence" converged on villages, Indonesian forces massacred an unknown number of civilians. At least 400 villagers were massacred in Lacluta by Battalion 744 of the Indonesian Army in September 1981. An eyewitness who testified before
15708-497: The cities and villages, meanwhile, a non-violent resistance movement began to take shape. The failure of successive Indonesian counterinsurgency campaigns led the Indonesian military elite to instruct the commander of the Dili-based Sub regional Military Resort Command, Colonel Purwanto to initiate peace talks with Fretilin commander Xanana Gusmão in a Fretilin-controlled area in March 1983. When Xanana sought to invoke Portugal and
15895-652: The context of that the journalist were killed", he said, adding "I think the legal case for that conflict's existence is very strong on the facts". He said that while the criminal standard of proof was much higher for the police than in a coronial inquest, the AFP have not "satisfactorily" explained whether they had exhausted all lines of inquiry. The AFP then concluded, in 2014, that there was insufficient evidence to prove an offence. On 15 October 2015, Xenophon and Fernandes wrote in The Sydney Morning Herald : "We remember
16082-473: The contraceptive Depo Provera . Village leaders were often urged to cooperate with TNI policy, and local clinics responsible for administering contraceptive injections were established under the control of the TNI in the countryside. In one case specifically, a group of high-school girls were injected with the contraceptive without their knowledge. Other forms of birth control consisted of killing newborn children of women who were suspected of being associated with
16269-464: The creation of a communist state on Indonesia's border that could be used as a base for incursions by unfriendly powers into Indonesia, and a potential threat to Western submarines. It was also feared that an independent East Timor within the archipelago could inspire secessionist sentiments within Indonesian provinces. These concerns were successfully used to garner support from Western countries keen to maintain good relations with Indonesia, particularly
16456-406: The deaths of 84,200 to 183,000 Timorese. One church worker reported five hundred East Timorese dying of starvation every month in one district. World Vision Indonesia visited East Timor in October 1978 and claimed that 70,000 East Timorese were at risk of starvation. An envoy from the International Committee of the Red Cross reported in 1979 that 80% of one camp's population was malnourished, in
16643-680: The detainees were resettled in "strategic hamlets" where they were imprisoned and subjected to enforced starvation. Those in the camps were prevented from travelling and cultivating farmland and were subjected to a curfew. The UN truth commission report confirmed the Indonesian military's use of enforced starvation as a weapon to exterminate the East Timorese civilian population, and that large numbers of people were "positively denied access to food and its sources". The report cited testimony from individuals who were denied food and detailed destruction of crops and livestock by Indonesian soldiers. It concluded that this policy of deliberate starvation resulted in
16830-415: The early months of 1977, the Indonesian navy ordered missile-firing patrol-boats from the United States, Australia, the Netherlands , South Korea, and Taiwan , as well as submarines from West Germany. In February 1977, Indonesia also received thirteen OV-10 Bronco aircraft from the Rockwell International Corporation with the aid of an official US government foreign military aid sales credit . The Bronco
17017-472: The early months of the invasion, Indonesian control was mainly confined to major towns and villages such as Dili, Baucau, Aileu and Same . Throughout 1976, the Indonesian military used a strategy in which troops attempted to move inland from the coastal areas to join up with troops parachuted further inland. This strategy was unsuccessful and the troops received stiff resistance from Falintil. For instance, it took 3,000 Indonesian troops four months to capture
17204-557: The end of August, the UDT remnants were retreating toward the Indonesian border. A UDT group of nine hundred crossed into West Timor on 24 September 1975, followed by more than a thousand others, leaving Fretilin in control of East Timor for the next three months. The death toll in the civil war reportedly included four hundred people in Dili and possibly sixteen hundred in the hills. Indonesian nationalist and military hardliners, particularly leaders of
17391-422: The end of the month. Frustrated by Portugal's inaction, Fretilin leaders believed they could ward off Indonesian advances more effectively if they declared an independent East Timor. National Political Commissioner Mari Alkatiri conducted a diplomatic tour of Africa, gathering support from governments there and elsewhere. According to Fretilin, this effort yielded assurances from twenty-five countries—including
17578-448: The end of the year, 10,000 troops occupied Dili and another 20,000 had been deployed throughout East Timor. Massively outnumbered, FALINTIL troops fled to the mountains and continued guerrilla combat operations. In the cities, Indonesian troops began killing East Timorese. At the start of the occupation, FRETILIN radio sent the following broadcast: "The Indonesian forces are killing indiscriminately. Women and children are being shot in
17765-586: The entire civilian population of Arsaibai village, near the Indonesian border, was killed for supporting Fretilin after being bombarded and starved. During this period, allegations of Indonesian use of chemical weapons arose, as villagers reported maggots appearing on crops after bombing attacks. The success of the 'encirclement and annihilation' campaign led to the 'final cleansing campaign', in which children and men from resettlement camps would be forced to hold hands and march in front of Indonesian units searching for Fretilin members. When Fretilin members were found,
17952-410: The entire civilian population of Arsaibai village, near the Indonesian border, was killed for supporting Fretilin after being bombarded and starved. The success of the 'encirclement and annihilation' campaign led to the 'final cleansing campaign', in which children and men would be forced to hold hands and march in front of Indonesian units searching for Fretilin members. When Fretilin members were found,
18139-450: The evidence on Roger East's death was much higher. The evidence came from two eyewitnesses, supported by strong circumstantial evidence of the killing from two further witnesses. In relation to Roger East, I have concluded that it is more likely than not he was summarily executed by an unidentified Indonesian soldier late on the morning of December 8, 1975, in the wharf area of Dili". Shirley Shackleton (1931–2023), widow of Greg, led
18326-449: The fact that the Indonesian military's power base remained barely dented by the mid-1970s intelligence miscalculations and ongoing failures was a measure of the military's dominance of Indonesian affairs. By the end of 1976, a stalemate existed between the Falintil and the Indonesian army. Unable to overcome massive resistance and drained of its resources, the TNI began rearming. The Indonesian navy ordered missile-firing patrol-boats from
18513-495: The fighting. The Australian media reported that the Australian Defence Signals Directorate intercepted an Indonesian military radio communication suggesting that the five were killed on the orders of superiors. An eyewitness account described seeing the five men before they were killed. "At this point Indonesian Army Captain Yunus Yosfiah and his team shot the journalists who were unarmed with their hands in
18700-406: The first day alone. Though the Indonesian military advanced into East Timor, most of the populations left the invaded towns and villages in coastal areas for the mountainous interior. FALINTIL forces, comprising 2,500 full-time regular troops from the former Portuguese colonial army, were well equipped by Portugal and "severely restricted the Indonesian army's ability to make headway." Thus, during
18887-519: The former chairman of the National Crime Authority and Australian Government Solicitor Tom Sherman, found no evidence of murder but accused Indonesia of burning their bodies in a "charade" to destroy all evidence of a "monumental blunder" following their deaths in crossfire. However, in contrast to the Balibo incident, the killing of Roger East: "took place in an urban area with a number of uninvolved persons in close proximity. The quality of
19074-667: The green light by the United States to do what he did. The covert military assistance provided, which most of it went straight into East Timor and was used against non-combatants, by the Ford administration to Suharto's regime in Indonesia was kept hidden from Congress and the public. On 12 December 1975, the United Nations General Assembly adopted a resolution that "strongly deplored" Indonesia's invasion of East Timor, demanded that Jakarta withdraw troops "without delay" and allow
19261-665: The hands and feet, raped repeatedly, and interrogated for weeks. A woman who had prepared food for Fretilin guerrillas was arrested, burned with cigarettes, tortured with electricity, and forced to walk naked past a row of soldiers into a tank filled with urine and faeces. During the occupation, approximately 4,000 children were forcibly removed from their families by Indonesian soldiers as well as by state and religious organisations. Although some were well-treated, others were subjected to various forms of abuse, including sexual abuse. Some were converted to Islam. A number of soldiers who kidnapped these children still hold senior positions within
19448-823: The hands of Indonesian forces. In August 1983, 200 people were burned alive in the village of Creras, with 500 others killed at a nearby river. Between August and December 1983, Amnesty International documented the arrests and "disappearances" of over 600 people in the capital city alone. Relatives were told by Indonesian forces that the "disappeared" were sent to Bali. Those suspected of opposing integration were often arrested and tortured. In 1983 Amnesty International published an Indonesian manual it had received from East Timor instructing military personnel on how to inflict physical and mental anguish, and cautioning troops to "Avoid taking photographs showing torture (of someone being given electric shocks, stripped naked and so on)". In his 1997 memoir East Timor's Unfinished Struggle: Inside
19635-830: The importance of self determination of Portuguese Timor to Australian public pressure. The records available also show that department officials were aware of planned clandestine operations for Indonesia to perform in Portuguese Timor, with the intent being "to ensure that the territory would opt for incorporation into Indonesia."; for which the Indonesians sought support from the Australian government. Australian governments saw good relations and stability in Indonesia (Australia's largest neighbour) as providing an important security buffer to Australia's north. Nevertheless, Australia provided important sanctuary to East Timorese independence advocates like José Ramos-Horta (who based himself in Australia during his exile). The fall of Suharto and
19822-590: The inhabitants of the island to exercise their right to self-determination . The resolution also requested that the United Nations Security Council take urgent action to protect East Timor's territorial integrity. On 22 December 1975, the UN Security Council met and unanimously passed a resolution similar to the Assembly's . The Council's resolution called upon the UN Secretary General "to send urgently
20009-551: The intelligence agency Kopkamtib and special operations unit, Kopassus , saw the Portuguese revolution as an opportunity for East Timor's integration with Indonesia. The central government and military feared that an East Timor governed by leftists could be used as a base for incursions by unfriendly powers into Indonesia, and also that an independent East Timor within the archipelago could inspire secessionist sentiments within Indonesian provinces. The fear of national disintegration
20196-441: The intelligence agency Kopkamtib and special operations unit, Opsus, saw the Portuguese coup as an opportunity for East Timor's annexation by Indonesia. The head of Opsus and close adviser to Indonesian President Suharto , Major General Ali Murtopo , and his protege Brigadier General Benny Murdani headed military intelligence operations and spearheaded the Indonesia pro-annexation push. Indonesian domestic political factors in
20383-514: The invasion would be relatively swift and not involve protracted resistance. "It is important that whatever you do succeeds quickly," Kissinger said to Suharto. The US played a crucial role in supplying weapons to Indonesia. A week after the invasion of East Timor the National Security Council prepared a detailed analysis of the Indonesian military units involved and the US equipment they used. The analysis revealed that virtually all of
20570-562: The invasion, Portuguese commercial interests were taken over by Indonesians. The border with West Timor was opened, resulting in an influx of West Timorese farmers, and in January 1989 the territory was open to private investment. Economic life in the towns was subsequently brought under the control of entrepreneurial Bugis , Makassarese , and Butonese immigrants from South Sulawesi , while East Timor products were exported under partnerships between army officials and Indonesian businessmen. Denok,
20757-425: The invasion, only 20% of East Timorese were Roman Catholics, and by the 1980s, 95% were registered as Catholics. With over 90% Catholic population, East Timor is currently one of the most densely Catholic countries in the world. East Timor was a particular focus for the Indonesian government's transmigration program , which aimed to resettle Indonesians from densely to less populated regions. Media censorship under
20944-479: The invasion, was "the result of colonial oppression" enforced by the Portuguese and Dutch imperial powers. Thus, according to the Indonesian government, its annexation of the 27th province was merely another step in the unification of the archipelago which had begun in the 1940s. On the day following the invasion, a committee of the United Nations General Assembly convened to debate the situation. Nations allied with Indonesia—including India, Japan, and Malaysia—wrote
21131-469: The invasion, was "the result of colonial oppression" enforced by the Portuguese and Dutch imperial powers. Thus, according to the Indonesian government, its annexation of the 27th province was merely another step in the unification of the archipelago which had begun in the 1940s. There was little resistance from the international community to Indonesia's invasion. Although Portugal was undergoing an energetic decolonization process , Portugal failed to involve
21318-467: The island, but from 1977 to 1978, the military procured new advanced weaponry from the United States, and other countries, to destroy Fretilin's framework. The last two decades of the century saw continuous clashes between Indonesian and East Timorese groups over the status of East Timor, until 1999, when a majority of East Timorese voted overwhelmingly for independence (the alternative option being "special autonomy" while remaining part of Indonesia). After
21505-624: The issue until her death, as did his cousin Margaret Wilson. In 2006, the International Press Institute sent a letter to United Nations Secretary-General , Kofi Annan , to express concern that UN investigators had failed to fully investigate the deaths of the Balibo Five, as well as three other journalists killed in Timor-Leste in 1975 and 1999, and to request that the UN reopen their investigations. Robert Connolly , director of
21692-535: The issue. We understand the problem you have and the intentions you have." Kissinger agreed, although he had fears that the use of US-made arms in the invasion would be exposed to public scrutiny, and Kissinger urged Suharto to wait until Ford had returned from his far eastern trip, because "we would be able to influence the reaction in America if whatever happens happens after we return. This way there would be less chance of people talking in an unauthorised way." The US hoped
21879-403: The journalists' union, former Australian diplomats, and Senator Xenophon. When the War Correspondents Memorial was opened in September 2015, Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull said: "Our democracy depends on a free and courageous press. It is the war correspondents that have to tell the truth often in the face of considerable criticism". A feature film about the killing of the men, called Balibo ,
22066-433: The largely successful conclusion of the encirclement and annihilation campaign, proved to be the toughest period of the entire conflict, costing the Indonesians more than 1,000 fatalities out of the total of 2,000 who died during the entire occupation. The Fretilin militia who survived the Indonesian offensive of the late 1970s chose Xanana Gusmão as their leader. He was caught by Indonesian intelligence near Dili in 1992 and
22253-499: The largest military operation ever carried out by that nation. Troops from Fretilin's military organisation Falintil engaged ABRI forces in the streets of Dili and reported 400 Indonesian paratroopers were killed as they descended into the city. Angkasa Magazine reports 35 dead Indonesian troops and 122 from the Fretilin side. By the end of the year, 10,000 troops occupied Dili, and another 20,000 had been deployed throughout East Timor. Massively outnumbered, Falintil troops fled to
22440-604: The likely deaths of the Five and was later executed by members of the Indonesian military on the docks of Dili . In 2007, an Australian coroner ruled that they had been deliberately killed by Indonesian special forces soldiers. The official Indonesian version is that the men were killed by cross-fire during the battle for the town. According to The Economist , the Australian Government has never challenged this view in order to avoid damaging relations with Indonesia . After
22627-478: The meeting in protest of APODETI's presence; representatives of UDT and APODETI complained that this was an effort to obstruct the decolonisation process. In his 1987 memoir Funu: The Unfinished Saga of East Timor , Fretilin leader José Ramos-Horta recalls his "vehement protests" against his party's refusal to attend the meeting. "This", he writes, "was one of our tactical political errors for which I could never find an intelligent explanation." The tension reached
22814-667: The members would be forced to surrender or to fire on their own people. During this period, allegations of Indonesian use of chemical weapons arose, as villagers reported maggots appearing on crops after bombing attacks. Fretilin radio claimed Indonesian planes dropped chemical agents, and several observers—including the Bishop of Dili—reported seeing napalm dropped on the countryside. The UN's Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation in East Timor , based on interviews with over 8,000 witnesses, as well as Indonesian military papers and intelligence from international sources, confirmed that
23001-405: The members would be forced to surrender or to fire on their own people. The Indonesian 'encirclement and annihilation' campaign of 1977–1978 broke the back of the main Fretilin militia and the capable Timorese President and military commander, Nicolau Lobato , was shot and killed by helicopter-borne Indonesian troops on 31 December 1978. The 1975–1978 period, from the beginning of the invasion to
23188-524: The men were aware that Indonesian troops were to mount an attack on the town of Balibo , they believed that, as journalists, they would not be considered military targets. Greg Shackleton was filmed painting an Australian flag and the word 'AUSTRALIA' on the wall of a house in the town square. Balibo House Trust, established in 2003 with seed funding from the Victorian Government and television stations 7 and 9, now owns this house and preserves it as
23375-428: The mid-1970s were not conducive to such expansionist intentions; the 1974–75 financial scandal surrounding petroleum producer Pertamina meant that Indonesia had to be cautious not to alarm critical foreign donors and bankers. Thus, Suharto was originally not in support of an East Timor invasion. Such considerations became overshadowed by Indonesian and Western fears that victory for the left-wing Fretilin would lead to
23562-481: The military equipment used in the invasion was US supplied: US-supplied destroyer escorts shelled East Timor as the attack unfolded; Indonesian marines disembarked from US-supplied landing craft; US-supplied C-47 and C-130 aircraft dropped Indonesian paratroops and strafed Dili with .50 calibre machine guns; while the 17th and 18th Airborne brigades which led the assault on the Timorese capital were "totally U.S. MAP supported," and their jump masters US trained. While
23749-479: The military or police authorities." Sexual slavery was institutionally tolerated and supported by the TNI and women could be summoned for sexual abuse by TNI soldiers. According to credible investigations, the TNI kept files designating East Timorese women who were to be made available for rape and sexual abuse by Indonesian soldiers. These lists could be passed on between military battalions, which predisposed women to recurring sexual victimisation. Enforced marriage
23936-613: The mountains and continued guerrilla combat operations. From the start of the invasion onward, TNI forces engaged in the wholesale massacre of Timorese civilians. At the start of the occupation, Fretilin radio sent the following broadcast: "The Indonesian forces are killing indiscriminately. Women and children are being shot in the streets. We are all going to be killed.... This is an appeal for international help. Please do something to stop this invasion." One Timorese refugee told later of "rape [and] cold-blooded assassinations of women and children and Chinese shop owners". Dili's bishop at
24123-507: The murders. Shirley Shackleton , 17 December 2010. In 1994, Brian Peters' sister, Maureen Tolfree, became involved with the East Timor issue, having heard of a demonstration in her home town of Bristol against the sale of BAE Hawk fighter jets to Indonesia. Musician Paul Stewart was a teenager when his 21-year-old brother Tony died. He later formed the Dili Allstars with Colin Buckler (of
24310-498: The norms of self-determination. Other inadequacies existed in the petitions as well. Indonesia's use of military force in East Timor is cited as a violation of Chapter I of the United Nations Charter , which states: "All Members shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state...." Some observers have argued that East Timor
24497-411: The number of deaths during the occupation from famine and violence to be between 90,800 and 202,600 including between 17,600 and 19,600 violent deaths or disappearances, out of a 1999 population of approximately 823,386. The truth commission held Indonesian forces responsible for about 70% of the violent killings. In parallel to the military action, Indonesia also ran a civil administration. East Timor
24684-399: The occupation from famine and violence to be between 90,800 and 202,600, including between 17,600 and 19,600 violent deaths or disappearances, out of a 1999 population of approximately 823,386. The truth commission held Indonesian forces responsible for about 70% of the violent killings. After the 1999 vote for independence, paramilitary groups working with the Indonesian military undertook
24871-523: The occupation, and some Australian nationals participated in the resistance movement . These files from the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade also outlined Australian National Security motivations for a Portuguese independent Timor. Repeatedly mentioned in these files are Australian oil interests in Timorese waters; as well as the potential for a renegotiation of the Portuguese Timor sea border North of Australia. In line with these resource interests at
25058-459: The only delegations calling for vigorous enforcement of the resolutions. The 1982 resolution calls on the UN secretary-general to "initiate consultations with all parties directly concerned, with a view to exploring avenues for achieving a comprehensive settlement of the problem". Legal expert Roger S. Clark notes that Indonesia's invasion and occupation violated two vital elements of international law :
25245-604: The only nations in the world which recognised East Timor as a province of Indonesia, and soon afterwards they began negotiations to divide resources found in the Timor Gap . Other governments, including those of the United States , Japan , Canada and Malaysia , also supported the Indonesian government. The invasion of East Timor and the suppression of its independence movement, however, caused great harm to Indonesia's reputation and international credibility. For twenty-four years,
25432-576: The people". The end of May saw the creation of a third party, Associacão Popular Democratica Timorense ( Timorese Popular Democratic Association , or APODETI). Advocating East Timor's integration with Indonesia and originally named Associacão Integraciacao de Timor Indonesia (Association for the Integration of Timor into Indonesia), APODETI expressed concerns that an independent East Timor would then be economically weak and vulnerable. Indonesian nationalist and military hardliners, particularly leaders of
25619-449: The population was actually discreetly involved in the clandestine movement, as ratified in the protest vote for independence), and the separatist idea had largely shifted to the clandestine front in the cities. The clandestine movement was largely paralysed by continuous arrests and infiltration by Indonesian agents. The prospect of independence was very dark until the fall of Suharto in 1998 and President Habibie's sudden decision to allow
25806-400: The population. The Timorese Popular Democratic Association ( Portuguese : Associação Popular Democratica Timorense ; APODETI), a third, minor party, also sprang up, and its goal was integration with Indonesia. The party had little popular appeal. By April 1975, internal conflicts split the UDT leadership, with Lopes da Cruz leading a faction that wanted to abandon Fretilin. Lopes da Cruz
25993-526: The pre-1974 Constitution of Portugal , East Timor, known until then as Portuguese Timor , was an "overseas province", just like any of the provinces outside continental Portugal . "Overseas provinces" also included Angola , Cape Verde , Portuguese Guinea , Mozambique , São Tomé and Príncipe in Africa; Macau in China; and had included the territories of Portuguese India until 1961, when India invaded and annexed
26180-646: The retreating FALINTIL forces and suffered accordingly. By noon, Indonesian forces had taken the city at the cost of 35 Indonesian soldiers killed, while 122 FALINTIL soldiers died in the combat. On 10 December, a second invasion resulted in the capture of the second biggest town, Baucau , and on Christmas Day, around 10,000 to 15,000 troops landed at Liquisa and Maubara . By April 1976 Indonesia had some 35,000 soldiers in East Timor, with another 10,000 standing by in Indonesian West Timor. A large proportion of these troops were from Indonesia's elite commands. By
26367-449: The right to self-determination and the prohibition on aggression . Neither the petition of 7 September 1975 calling for integration, nor the later resolution of the "People's Assembly" in May 1976, qualify as "informed and democratic processes impartially conducted and based on universal adult suffrage", as required by UN General Assembly Resolution 1541 (XV), which establishes the guidelines for
26554-482: The ruling, newly elected Prime Minister of Australia Kevin Rudd declared "those responsible should be held to account... You can't just sweep this to one side". However, no meaningful action was taken after he was elected. The house that the Balibo five resided in was owned by a Chinese family, who had fled across the border as refugees to the neighbouring Indonesian village of Atumbua. From there they travelled to Portugal and finally settled in Australia. The Patriarch
26741-462: The sea. Many such massacres took place in Dili, where onlookers were ordered to observe and count aloud as each person was executed. It is estimated that at least 2,000 Timorese were massacred in the first two days of the invasion in Dili alone. In addition to Fretilin supporters, Chinese migrants were also singled out for execution; five hundred were killed in the first day alone. The mass killings continued unabated as Indonesian forces advanced on
26928-523: The small number of sentences delivered by Indonesian courts have caused numerous observers to call for an international tribunal for East Timor. Oxford University held an academic consensus calling the occupation of East Timor a genocide and Yale University teaches it as part of its Genocide Studies program. The Portuguese first arrived in Timor in the 16th century, and in 1702 East Timor came under Portuguese colonial administration . Portuguese rule
27115-526: The streets – all we could see were the soldiers killing, killing, killing." In one incident, a group of fifty men, women, and children – including Australian freelance reporter Roger East – were lined up on a cliff outside of Dili and shot, their bodies falling into the sea. Many such massacres took place in Dili, where onlookers were ordered to observe and count aloud as each person was executed. In addition to FRETILIN supporters, Chinese migrants were also singled out for execution; five hundred were killed in
27302-423: The streets. We are all going to be killed.... This is an appeal for international help. Please do something to stop this invasion." One Timorese refugee told later of "rape [and] cold-blooded assassinations of women and children and Chinese shop owners". Dili's bishop at the time, Martinho da Costa Lopes , said later: "The soldiers who landed started killing everyone they could find. There were many dead bodies in
27489-628: The surrendered civilians were registered and interrogated. Those who were suspected of being members of the resistance were killed. These centres were often constructed of thatch huts with no toilets. Additionally, the Indonesian military barred the Red Cross from distributing humanitarian aid, and no medical care was provided to the detainees. As a result, many of the Timorese – weakened by starvation and surviving on small rations given by their captors – died of malnutrition, cholera, diarrhoea and tuberculosis. By late 1979, between 300,000 and 370,000 Timorese had passed through these camps. After three months,
27676-523: The territory . In April 1974, the left-wing Movimento das Forças Armadas (Armed Forces Movement, MFA) within the Portuguese military mounted a coup d'état against the right-wing authoritarian Estado Novo government in Lisbon (the so-called " Carnation Revolution "), and announced its intention rapidly to withdraw from Portugal 's colonial possessions (including Angola, Mozambique and Guinea, where pro-independence guerrilla movements had been fighting since
27863-454: The territory. A 1959 revolt in East Timor against the Portuguese was not endorsed by the Indonesian government. A 1962 United Nations document notes: "the government of Indonesia has declared that it maintains friendly relations with Portugal and has no claim to Portuguese Timor..." These assurances continued after Suharto took power in 1965. An Indonesian official declared in December 1974: "Indonesia has no territorial ambition... Thus there
28050-417: The time, Martinho da Costa Lopes , said later: "The soldiers who landed started killing everyone they could find. There were many dead bodies in the streets – all we could see were the soldiers killing, killing, killing." In one incident, a group of fifty men, women, and children – including Australian freelance reporter Roger East – were lined up on a cliff outside of Dili and shot, their bodies falling into
28237-408: The time, department officials saw it as beneficial for Australia to back an Indonesian take over, as opposed to an independent East Timor, stating: "In support of (i), Indonesian absorption of Timor makes geopolitical sense. Any other long-term solution would be potentially disruptive of both Indonesia and the region. It would help confirm our seabed agreement with Indonesia."; they however also stressed
28424-519: The town of Suai , a southern city only three kilometres from the coast. The military continued to restrict all foreigners and West Timorese from entering East Timor, and Suharto admitted in August 1976 that Fretilin "still possessed some strength here and there." By April 1977, the Indonesian military faced a stalemate: Troops had not made ground advances for more than six months, and the invasion had attracted increasing adverse international publicity. In
28611-408: The town's population, allegedly shooting everyone over the age of three. The young children who were spared were taken back to Dili in trucks. At the time Aileu fell to Indonesian forces, the population was around 5,000; by the time Indonesian relief workers visited the village in September 1976 only 1,000 remained. In June 1976, TNI troops badly battered by a Fretilin attack exacted retribution against
28798-412: The true scope of the problem is difficult to ascertain, owing to the tight military control imposed during the occupation, compounded by the shame felt by victims. In a 1995 report on violence against women in Indonesia and East Timor, Amnesty International USA wrote: "Women are reluctant to pass on information to non-governmental organizations about rape and sexual abuse, let alone to report violations to
28985-401: The universally recognised gesture of surrender. They were killed deliberately on orders that emanated from the highest levels. Their corpses were dressed in uniforms, guns placed beside them, and photographs taken in an attempt to portray them as legitimate targets". Roger East , 53, an Australian AAP - Reuters journalist, travelled to East Timor to investigate the deaths of the five men. East
29172-514: The war crime of wilful killing". The NSW coroner investigating held that "The Balibo Five ... were shot and/or stabbed deliberately, and not in the heat of battle" in order to silence them from exposing Indonesia's 1975 East Timor invasion. On 9 September 2009, it was announced that the Australian Federal Police were launching a war crimes probe into the deaths of the Balibo Five. In 2009, former Indonesian soldier Gatot Purwanto told
29359-401: The war. The fighting forced the Portuguese government onto the nearby island of Atauro . Fretilin defeated UDT's forces after two weeks, much to the surprise of Portugal and Indonesia. UDT leaders fled to Indonesian-controlled West Timor. There they signed a petition on 7 September calling for East Timor's integration with Indonesia; most accounts indicate that UDT's support for this position
29546-469: The “negative example” of an independent province, (2) to have access to the high initial estimates of oil and natural gas under the Timor Sea (initial estimates which turned out to be largely mistaken), and (3) following the fall of South Vietnam, to become Southeast Asia's major military partner of the United States. On 7 December 1975, Indonesian forces invaded East Timor. Operasi Seroja (Operation Lotus)
29733-408: Was "driven by a potent mix of power politics and emerging markets." Suharto was Washington's favoured ruler of the "ultimate emerging market" who deregulated the economy and opened Indonesia to foreign investors. "He's our kind of guy," said a senior Administration official who dealt often on Asian policy. Philip Liechty, a senior CIA officer in Indonesia during that time stated that Suharto was given
29920-676: Was Fennessy's cousin. It was performed in Perth and Melbourne during 2012. Coinciding with the play's premiere season, on 20 May 2012, East Timor's President Jose Ramos Horta presented Paul Stewart with a medal of merit awarded posthumously to his brother Tony. The script of the play won the People's Choice award at the Victorian Premier's Literary Awards in 2012. Indonesian invasion of East Timor The Indonesian invasion of East Timor , known in Indonesia as Operation Lotus ( Indonesian : Operasi Seroja ), began on 7 December 1975 when
30107-405: Was a "colonial power" and he decided to announce a snap referendum. A UN-sponsored referendum held in 1999 showed overwhelming approval for independence, but was followed by violent clashes and a security crisis, instigated by anti-independence militia. Australia then led a United Nations backed International Force for East Timor to end the violence and order was restored. While the intervention
30294-453: Was also a component of TNI policy in East Timor. The Amnesty report cites the case of a woman forced to live with a commander in Baucau , then harassed daily by troops after her release. Such "marriages" took place regularly during the occupation. Women in areas under Indonesian control were also coerced into accepting sterilisation procedures, and some were pressured or forced outright to take
30481-507: Was also fictionalised for the opening sequence of the 1982 film Brothers , written by Roger Ward and directed by Terry Bourke . In 2011, the Melbourne Theatre Company and Western Australia's Black Swan State Theatre Company commissioned Australian playwright Aidan Fennessy to write a new work on the theme of the Balibo Five. Entitled National Interest , the play focuses on the family of slain journalist Tony Stewart, who
30668-572: Was an opening of the political process. When East Timorese political parties were first legalised in April 1974, three groupings emerged as significant players in the post-colonial landscape. The União Democrática Timorense ( Timorese Democratic Union , or UDT), was formed in May by a group of wealthy landowners. Initially dedicated to preserving East Timor as a protectorate of Portugal, in September UDT announced its support for independence. A week later,
30855-425: Was awarded to two men from East Timor, Carlos Filipe Ximenes Belo and José Ramos-Horta , for their ongoing efforts to peacefully end the occupation. A 1999 vote to determine East Timor's future resulted in an overwhelming majority in favour of independence, and in 2002 East Timor became an independent nation. The Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation in East Timor estimated the number of deaths during
31042-424: Was captured in Dili by the Indonesian military on 7 December 1975, the day of the invasion, and executed by firing squad on the morning of 8 December with his body being disposed of in the ocean. He has been referred to as the forgotten sixth member of the Balibo Five. Calls for an inquest into East's death have been rejected. A 1999 government enquiry into the deaths of the Balibo Five and Roger East, conducted by
31229-408: Was composed of administrators, teachers, and other "newly recruited members of the urban elites." Fretilin quickly became more popular than UDT due to a variety of social programs it introduced to the populace. UDT and Fretilin entered into a coalition by January 1975 with the unified goal of self-determination. This coalition came to represent almost all of the educated sector and the vast majority of
31416-480: Was concerned that the radical wing of Fretilin would turn East Timor into a communist front. Fretilin called this accusation an Indonesian conspiracy, as the radical wing did not have a power base. On 11 August, Fretilin received a letter from UDT leaders terminating the coalition. The UDT coup was a "neat operation", in which a show of force on the streets was followed by the takeover of vital infrastructure, such as radio stations, international communications systems,
31603-399: Was drafted by Indonesian intelligence and signed on Bali ; later this was described by some as the 'Balibohong Declaration', a pun on the Indonesian word for 'lie'. Portugal rejected both declarations, and the Indonesian government approved military action to begin its annexation of East Timor. On 7 December 1975, Indonesian forces invaded East Timor. Operasi Seroja (Operation Lotus) was
31790-497: Was forced by Indonesia. Once they had gained control of East Timor, Fretilin faced attacks from the west, by Indonesian military forces—then known as Angkatan Bersenjata Republik Indonesia (ABRI)—and by a small group of UDT troops. Indonesia captured the border city of Batugadé on 8 October 1975; nearby Balibó and Maliana were taken eight days later. During the Balibó raid, members of an Australian television news crew—later dubbed
31977-425: Was given equal status to the other provinces, with an identical government structure. The province was divided into districts, sub districts, and villages along the structure of Javanese villages. By giving traditional tribal leaders positions in this new structure, Indonesia attempted to assimilate the Timorese through patronage. Though given equal provincial status, in practice East Timor was effectively governed by
32164-410: Was ideal for the East Timor invasion, as it was specifically designed for counter-insurgency operations in difficult terrain. By the beginning of February 1977, at least six of the 13 Broncos were operating in East Timor, and helped the Indonesian military pinpoint Fretilin positions. Along with the new weaponry, an additional 10,000 troops were sent in to begin new campaigns that would become known as
32351-608: Was named Gum Nyiang Lay. The group comprised two Australians, reporter Greg Shackleton, 29, and sound recordist Tony Stewart, 21; a New Zealander, Gary Cunningham, 27, cameraman for HSV-7 (now part of the Seven Network ) in Melbourne ; and two Britons , cameraman Brian Peters, 24, and reporter Malcolm Rennie, 29, both working for TCN-9 (now part of the Nine Network ) in Sydney. While
32538-509: Was no protest from Australia. The Indonesian military took this as a 'green light'; they realised they could treat the East Timorese as they wished". On 5 February 2007, the New South Wales (NSW) Coroner's Court began an inquest into Peters' death. Although he was a British citizen, lawyers for the journalists' families successfully argued that, as Peters was a resident of New South Wales at the time of his death, NSW jurisdiction applied. This
32725-610: Was not a state at the time of the invasion, and is thus not protected by the UN Charter. This claim mirrors those made against Indonesia by the Dutch during the Indonesian National Revolution . As legal scholar Susan Marks points out, if East Timor was considered a Portuguese colony, then although "there may be some doubt about the application of this provision [of UN Charter Chapter I] in the context of an armed conflict between
32912-415: Was played upon military leaders close to Suharto and remained as one of Indonesia's strongest justifications for refusing to entertain the prospect of East Timorese independence or even autonomy until the late 1990s. The military intelligence organisations initially sought a non-military annexation strategy, intending to use APODETI as its integration vehicle. In January 1975, UDT and Fretilin established
33099-539: Was produced in 2009 by Arenafilm , Australia, written by David Williamson and directed by Robert Connolly . The film is based on Cover-Up , by Jill Jolliffe , an Australian journalist who met the men before they were killed. The book has been a source of controversy because of its criticism of some of the people involved in the campaign for justice. The film is largely based on the historical scholarship of Fernandes, who later wrote The Independence of East Timor: Multidimensional Perspectives . The Balibo killings episode
33286-565: Was signed in 1915. Colonial rule was replaced by the Japanese during World War II, whose occupation spawned a resistance movement that resulted in the deaths of 60,000 people, 13 percent of the population at the time. Following the war, the Dutch East Indies secured its independence as the Republic of Indonesia and the Portuguese, meanwhile, re-established control over East Timor. According to
33473-411: Was succeeded by Mau Honi, who was captured in 1993 and in turn, succeeded by Nino Konis Santana . Upon Santana's death in an Indonesian ambush in 1998, his successor was Taur Matan Ruak . By the 1990s, there were fewer than approximately 200 guerilla fighters remaining in the mountains (this lacks citation, it aligns with the common Indonesian view at the time, though Timorese would state a vast amount of
33660-547: Was taken for granted by, and was a non-issue for, the majority of Indonesians. East Timor came to be seen as a training ground for the officer corps in tactics of suppression for Aceh and Irian Jaya and was pivotal in ensuring military sector dominance of Indonesia. Leaders of Indonesian intelligence influential with Suharto had initially envisaged that invasion, subdual of Fretilin resistance, and integration with Indonesia would be quick and relatively painless. The ensuing Indonesian campaigns up through 1976 were devastating for
33847-621: Was tenuous until the island was divided with the Dutch Empire in 1860. A significant battleground during the Pacific War , East Timor was occupied by 20,000 Japanese troops. The fighting helped prevent a Japanese occupation of Australia but resulted in 60,000 East Timorese deaths. When Indonesia secured its independence after World War II under the leadership of Sukarno , it did not claim control of East Timor, and aside from general anti-colonial rhetoric, it did not oppose Portuguese control of
34034-541: Was the first public inquiry held regarding the fate of the Balibo Five that had powers to call witnesses. On the first day of the inquest, Yunus Yosfiah , former Minister for Information in the Habibie Government in Indonesia in 1998 and 1999, was accused of having led the 1975 attack in Balibo. Allegations were also raised that the journalists' bodies were dressed post-mortem in military uniforms and posed with weapons to make them appear to have taken an active part in
34221-526: Was the formation of a "Popular Assembly" consisting of elected representatives and leaders "from various walks of Timorese life". Like the PSTT itself, the Popular Assembly is usually characterised as an instrument of propaganda created by the Indonesian military; although international journalists were invited to witness the group's meeting in May 1976, their movement was tightly constrained. The Assembly drafted
34408-474: Was the largest military operation ever carried out by Indonesia. Following a naval bombardment of Dili, Indonesian seaborne troops landed in the city while simultaneously paratroopers descended. 641 Indonesian paratroopers jumped into Dili, where they engaged in six-hours combat with FALINTIL forces. According to author Joseph Nevins, Indonesian warships shelled their own advancing troops and Indonesian transport aircraft dropped some of their paratroopers on top of
34595-427: Was ultimately successful, Australian-Indonesian relations would take several years to recover. For US President Gerald Ford and his administration , East Timor was a place of little significance, overshadowed by US–Indonesian relations . The fall of Saigon in mid-1975 had been a devastating setback for the United States, leaving Indonesia as the most important ally in the region. Ford consequently reasoned that
34782-474: Was unveiled 2020 on the 45th anniversary of the invasion by Indonesia near the port of Dili and commemorates the numerous victims of massacres by the invaders. Numerous East Timorese were executed by Indonesian soldiers in the harbour after the invasion. There is a monument commemorating Operation Seroja in Halilulik , Tasifeto Barat (West Tasifeto), Belu Regency , East Nusa Tenggara . The monument, which contains
34969-435: Was well equipped and had access to agricultural resources and population. The civilian population came to see the Falintil as a buffer against the excesses of the Indonesian forces, which led to heightened support for the resistance. From 1975 to 1977, the Fretilin protected at least 40% of the population who had fled the coastal regions, in inhospitable conditions, with the active support of rallied communities. Schwarz suggests
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