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44-627: Bègles ( French: [bɛɡl] ; Gascon : Begla ) is a commune in the Gironde department in southwestern France . It is a suburb of the city of Bordeaux and is adjacent to it on the south. Bègles station has rail connections to Langon and Bordeaux. Bègles was the birthplace of: Bègles is twinned with: This Gironde geographical article is a stub . You can help Misplaced Pages by expanding it . Gascon language Gascon ( English: / ˈ ɡ æ s k ə n / ; Gascon: [ɡasˈku(ŋ)] , French: [ɡaskɔ̃] )

88-470: A sociolect of Gascon with special phonetic and lexical features, which linguistics named Judeo-Gascon . It has been superseded by a sociolect of French that retains most of the lexical features of this former variety. Béarnais , the official language when Béarn was an independent state, does not correspond to a unified language: the three forms of Gascon are spoken in Béarn (in the south, Pyrenean Gascon, in

132-480: A bilabial fricative evolved into a labiodental [f] in intervocalic positions. Basque philologist Koldo Mitxelena noted that Basques historically did not appear to struggle with producing this sound. Another argument against the influence of a Basque substratum is the preservation of initial /f/ in the Romance dialects of Navarre , an area with a significant Basque-speaking population. If the presence of Basque speakers

176-830: A labiodental /v/. This particular evolutionary phase did not occur in the northern regions of the Iberian Peninsula . If /f/ is assumed to have been pronounced labiodentally, it would not have had a corresponding sound partner, leading to a lack of conformity within the consonant system. The phoneme /f/ can be realized as a bilabial fricative [ɸ], which exhibits variability in its phonetic realization based on surrounding sounds. This articulation may manifest as either fortis or lenis , resulting in three proposed allophones: The distribution of allophones can be influenced by phonological conditions, which may reinforce or relax articulation. For instance, /f/ can be affected by neighboring sounds, leading to variations like aspiration. In Gascon ,

220-469: A significant acoustic difference between the pronunciations [f] and [h]. Alarcos Llorach (1951) posits that: In the speaker's sentiment, the substitution of h for f did not entail any change of meaning; phonologically, they would be variants of a single phoneme. For the cultured, between these two variants there would be a certain valuational relationship: the f would be more cultured, the h more rustic; both sounds would be, then, stylistic variants of

264-504: A significant flaw, highlighting inconsistencies in the argument: The existing theories regarding the phonetic shift from /f/ to [h] in Spanish have often oversimplified the issue. Researchers, whether proponents of substratist hypotheses or their critics, have tended to attribute the change to a single cause. However, linguistic changes are frequently the result of multiple factors, and the processes involved can be quite complex. Proponents of

308-511: A single phoneme. In Spanish, the aspirated articulation of /f/ as [h] is generalized in all pre-voiced positions. This can be observed in the following examples: Prefixed words have also undergone similar phonetic changes once they were recognized as such: In other contexts, intervocalic -F- typically evolved into a [β], represented by v or b in writing, following the analogy of the evolution of original voiceless stops: However, instances of complete loss also occur. In Medieval Spanish ,

352-587: Is consistently reflected in written records, especially since aspiration was often represented by the grapheme "f-" for many centuries. This phenomenon is exemplified in works such as the Cantar de mio Cid , where the Arabic-deriver preposition hasta (from Arabic ḥatta ) appears as fasta . Similarly, the Arabic term al-ḥanbal was adopted into Spanish as alfombra . This suggests that speakers may not have recognized

396-654: Is the change from "f" to "h". Where a word originally began with [f] in Latin, such as festa 'party/feast', this sound was weakened to aspirated [h] and then, in some areas, lost altogether; according to the substrate theory, this is due to the Basque dialects' lack of an equivalent /f/ phoneme , causing Gascon hèsta [ˈhɛsto] or [ˈɛsto] . A similar change took place in Spanish . Thus, Latin facere gives Spanish hacer ( [aˈθer] ) (or, in some parts of southwestern Andalusia , [haˈsɛɾ] ). Another phonological effect resulting from

440-411: Is the uncertainty surrounding the existence of the aspirated sound [h] in medieval Basque. This raises questions about whether [h] could realistically have replaced [f]. Menéndez Pidal argued that Latin /f/ was labiodental rather than bilabial. However, it is unclear whether Basque speakers were unable to articulate the labiodental [f], particularly given that in certain Basque dialects, what was previously

484-516: Is the vernacular Romance variety spoken mainly in the region of Gascony , France . It is often considered a variety of Occitan , although some authors consider it a different language. Gascon is mostly spoken in Gascony and Béarn ( Béarnese dialect ) in southwestern France (in parts of the following French départements : Pyrénées-Atlantiques , Hautes-Pyrénées , Landes , Gers , Gironde , Lot-et-Garonne , Haute-Garonne , and Ariège ) and in

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528-579: The Val d'Aran of Catalonia. Aranese , a southern Gascon variety, is spoken in Catalonia alongside Catalan and Spanish . Most people in the region are trilingual in all three languages, causing some influence from Spanish and Catalan. Both these influences tend to differentiate it more and more from the dialects of Gascon spoken in France. Most linguists now consider Aranese a distinct dialect of Occitan and Gascon. Since

572-585: The palatalization that affects the initial CL- and PL- groups. One widely accepted explanation for the phonetic change from /f/ to [h] in certain Romance languages, particularly Castilian and Gascon, is attributed to the influence of the Basque substratum. This theory, articulated by Ramón Menéndez Pidal , suggests that the Basques , along with the Cantabri and possibly the Iberians —whose languages did not include

616-498: The 11th century over the coastal fringe of Gipuzkoa extending from Hondarribia to San Sebastian , where Gascon was spoken up to the early 18th century and often used in formal documents until the 16th century, with evidence of its continued occurrence in Pasaia in the 1870s. A minor focus of influence was the Way of St James and the establishment of ethnic boroughs in several towns based on

660-584: The 2006 adoption of the new statute of Catalonia , Aranese is co-official with Catalan and Spanish in all of Catalonia (before, this status was valid for the Aran Valley only). It was also one of the mother tongues of the English kings Richard the Lionheart and his younger brother John Lackland . While many scholars accept that Occitan may constitute a single language, some authors reject this opinion and even

704-536: The 8th and 10th centuries. It may be more accurate to refer to this influence as " adstratum " rather than " substratum ". Conversely, opponents of the substratum theories have often dismissed the potential impact of Basque - Romance bilingualism on phonetic change. Some researchers who argue that similar changes occurred elsewhere in Latin Europe fail to recognize that identical phonetic evolutions can arise from different causes in various contexts. In summary,

748-505: The 9th century. Notably, in a document from 863, the Latin name FORTICIUS is recorded as Ortiço, and in another from 927, it appears as Hortiço . From the 11th century onward, the instances of this change become more frequent, not only in Castile but also in other regions. The sporadic written documentation suggests that this phonetic change may have occurred earlier in spoken language. It remains uncertain whether this phonetic realization

792-425: The Basque substrate may have been Gascon's reluctance to pronounce a /r/ at the beginning of words, resolved by means of a prothetical vowel. Although some linguists deny the plausibility of the Basque substrate theory, it is widely assumed that Basque, the "Circumpyrenean" language (as put by Basque linguist Alfonso Irigoyen and defended by Koldo Mitxelena , 1982), is the underlying language spreading around

836-547: The Basque substratum hypothesis have not thoroughly explained how this influence might have operated, nor have they considered other relevant circumstances. The term "substratum" may not be entirely appropriate, as it implies that the evolution occurred during the Roman period when Latin speakers first settled in the Iberian Peninsula. However, available documentation suggests that the sound change took place more definitively between

880-638: The French influence over the Hispanic Mark on medieval times, shared similar and singular features are noticeable between Gascon and other Latin languages on the other side of the border: Aragonese and far-western Catalan (Catalan of La Franja ). Gascon is also (with Spanish, Navarro-Aragonese and French) one of the Romance influences on the Basque language . Phonetic change %22f %E2%86%92 h%22 in Spanish In

924-749: The Pyrenees onto the banks of the Garonne River, maybe as far east as the Mediterranean in Roman times ( niska cited by Joan Coromines as the name of each nymph taking care of the Roman spa Arles de Tech in Roussillon , etc.). Basque gradually eroded across Gascony in the High Middle Ages (Basques from the Val d'Aran cited still circa 1000), with vulgar Latin and Basque interacting and mingling, but eventually with

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968-562: The [h] articulation is generalized across all positions, whereas in Spanish, it primarily occurs before vowels, with some exceptions (notably before the diphthong 'ue'). Examples of Allophone Realization in Spanish: Similar phonetic changes have been observed in various regions of Latin Europe : The earliest evidence for the phonetic change from /f/ to /h/ or the complete loss of /f/ in historical Castile (including La Rioja ), dates back to

1012-504: The ancient Basque-Aquitanian populations, which predated the Roman conquest. The absence of the /f/ sound in the Basque language may have led to a natural phonetic shift in neighboring languages, where speakers adapted their pronunciation in contact situations, favoring aspirated forms over non-existent phonemes. While the theory proposing a Basque substratum as a catalyst for the phonetic change from /f/ to [h] has gained some acceptance, it has also faced several objections. One primary concern

1056-454: The center and in the east, Eastern Gascon; to the north-west, Western Gascon). A poll conducted in Béarn in 1982 indicated that 51% of the population could speak Gascon, 70% understood it, and 85% expressed a favourable opinion regarding the protection of the language. However, use of the language has declined dramatically over recent years as a result of the Francization taking place during

1100-463: The concerned region. It is mainly in Béarn that the population uses concurrently the term "Béarnais" to designate its Gascon forms. This is because of the political past of Béarn, which was independent and then part of a sovereign state (the shrinking Kingdom of Navarre ) from 1347 to 1620. In fact, there is no unified Béarnais dialect, as the language differs considerably throughout the province. Many of

1144-438: The consonantal system. As a result, it was particularly susceptible to phonetic evolution. The sound denoted by the grapheme F may not have been strictly labiodental but could have been bilabial [ɸ] . Even if /f/ functioned as an isolated phoneme, it may have had two allophones in pronunciation. Some researchers argue that this characteristic developed in Spanish under the influence of Indo-European languages spoken in

1188-435: The differences in pronunciation can be divided into east, west, and south (the mountainous regions). For example, an 'a' at the end of words is pronounced "ah" in the west, "o" in the east, and "œ" in the south. Because of Béarn's specific political past, Béarnais has been distinguished from Gascon since the 16th century, not for linguistic reasons. Probably as a consequence of the linguistic continuum of western Romania and

1232-468: The fluoride content of the waters in these regions, challenging Salvador's premise. In 1986, José Ramón Maruri from the University of Navarra responded critically to Salvador's theory. He pointed out that if the teeth of early Castilians were adversely affected by the water's composition, one would expect similar outcomes for the inhabitants of Alto Aragón. Maruri concluded that Salvador's hypothesis contained

1276-574: The former replacing the latter north of the east and middle Pyrenees and developing into Gascon. However, modern Basque has had lexical influence from Gascon in words like beira ("glass"), which is also seen in Galician-Portuguese . One way for the introduction of Gascon influence into Basque came about through language contact in bordering areas of the Northern Basque Country , acting as adstrate. The other one has taken place since

1320-459: The internal structural dynamics of the language itself, additional external factors may not be necessary to explain the change. For example, Malmberg proposed that the shift represents the loss of the articulatory feature of labiality in regions isolated from other Western Romance dialects, indicating that intrinsic linguistic factors alone could have initiated the change. In addition to the theories previously discussed, some scholars have approached

1364-473: The labial nature of [w], which can accommodate the preservation of the labial articulations [ɸ] or [f] : There are rare instances where the FL- group loses the initial F-, such as FLACCIDU > lacio. This suggests that, on occasion, the aspiration [hl-] may have appeared. However, in most contexts, the initial f is retained, indicating that other phonetic factors likely influenced these outcomes, similar to

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1408-564: The last centuries, as Gascon is rarely transmitted to young generations any longer (outside of schools, such as the Calandretas ). By April 2011, the Endangered Languages Project estimated that there were only 250,000 native speakers of the language. The usual term for Gascon is "patois", a word designating in France a non-official and usually devaluated dialect (such as Gallo ) or language (such as Occitan ), regardless of

1452-407: The name Occitan : instead, they argue that the latter is a cover term for a family of distinct lengas d'òc rather than dialects of a single language. Gascon, in particular, is distinct enough linguistically to have been described as a language in its own right. The language spoken in Gascony before Roman rule was part of the Basque dialectal continuum (see Aquitanian language ); the fact that

1496-477: The original Latin words, /f/ could only appear in the initial position. In intermediate positions, it was present primarily in borrowings from other languages (e.g., RUFUS becoming rojizo ). In prefixed words where the second element began with an F- (e.g.: DE-FENDERE , CON-FUNDERE), /f/ could also occur in intermediate positions. Following the disappearance of /h/, /f/ was Latin's only fricative apart from /s/, leading to its unstable integration within

1540-663: The phenomenon also appears in Gascon, which lies on the other side of the Pyrenees . This region, historically inhabited by peoples who spoke Basque or similar languages, further strengthens the argument for a Basque substratum affecting local languages. While similar changes have been documented in other parts of Latin Europe, the widespread and systematic adoption of the /f/ to [h] change is notably prominent in Castilian and Gascon. This suggests that these areas were more significantly influenced by

1584-529: The phonetic shift from /f/ to [h] from more abstract perspectives. One such perspective is presented by Spanish philologist Gregorio Salvador , who proposed a geological hypothesis in 1983. According to Salvador, the primary cause of this phenomenon was the loss of teeth among early Spanish speakers, attributed to a deficiency of fluorine in the waters of Castile and León . To assess this hypothesis, hydrological analyses were conducted in both Castile and Aragón. The results indicated no significant differences in

1628-550: The privileges bestowed on the Francs by the Kingdom of Navarre from the 12th to the early 14th centuries, but the variant spoken and used in written records is mainly the Occitan of Toulouse. The énonciatif (Occitan: enunciatiu ) system of Gascon, a system that is more colloquial than characteristic of normative written Gascon and governs the use of certain preverbal particles (including

1672-536: The region where the language originated; however, this assertion is difficult to verify. It is likely that in Ibero-Romanic dialects, the bilabial pronunciation was more commonly used. The labiodental realization of /f/, which appears in languages such as French , Italian , Portuguese , and Romanian , may have emerged through analogy with the change [β] > [v]. In these languages, the originally Latin semivowel /w/ transitioned to [β] and ultimately consolidated into

1716-484: The sequence -NF- gave -f- (or -ff- ), as seen in INFANTE > ifante or iffante , which later standardized as infante in contemporary Spanish. The F- sound has been preserved before consonants, as well as before the semiconsonant [w]. In certain regions, particularly Andalusia and some areas of Spanish America, it may be articulated as an aspirate or a velar fricative in this position. This can be attributed to

1760-463: The sometimes emphatic affirmative que , the occasionally mitigating or dubitative e , the exclamatory be , and the even more emphatic ja / ye , and the "polite" se ) has also been attributed to the Basque substrate. Gascon is divided into three varieties or dialect sub-groups: The Jews of Gascony, who resided in Bordeaux , Bayonne and other cities, spoke until the beginning of the 20th century

1804-418: The sound [f]—substituted it with [h], which they perceived as acoustically similar. This hypothesis is supported by several key points. The earliest documented occurrences of the /f/ to [h] change were found in northern Castile, an area adjacent to regions where Basque was spoken. This geographic proximity implies a potential linguistic influence from Basque speakers on the emerging Spanish dialects. Additionally,

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1848-414: The word 'Gascon' comes from the Latin root vasco / vasconem , which is the same root that gives us 'Basque', implies that the speakers identified themselves at some point as Basque. There is a proven Basque substrate in the development of Gascon. This explains some of the major differences that exist between Gascon and other Occitan dialects. A typically Gascon feature that may arise from this substrate

1892-451: Was a critical factor in the phonetic shift, one might expect to see similar changes in the Navarrese dialect. Additionally, some researchers have taken a broader perspective on the issue. The /f/ to [h] change has been documented in other Neo-Latin language areas, suggesting that it may not be exclusively tied to the influence of a Basque substratum. If the phenomenon can be understood through

1936-431: Was widespread across all social classes in Castile. The change may have been predominantly observed among lower social strata, while the educated and more conservative classes may have continued to pronounce [f] or [ɸ] in all positions. Alternatively, the aspiration [h] might have been articulated primarily before velar vowels. However, definitive conclusions about the extent of this phonetic evolution cannot be drawn until it

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