77-906: Arthur Li Kwok-cheung , GBM , GBS JP ( Chinese : 李國章 ; born 27 June 1945) is a Hong Kong doctor and politician. He is currently member of the Executive Council of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and the chairman of the Council of the University of Hong Kong (HKU). He was Vice-Chancellor of the Chinese University of Hong Kong (CUHK) from 1996 to 2002 and Secretary for Education and Manpower from 2002 to 2007. Li’s dictatorial and ruthless leadership style led some to refer to him as "King Arthur" and even "the Tsar". He
154-571: A watershed event, reaction to the protests set limits on political expression in China that have lasted up to the present day. The events remain one of the most sensitive and most widely censored topics in China . The Chinese government has used numerous names for the event since 1989. As the events unfolded, it was labeled a " counter revolutionary rebellion", which was later changed to simply "riot", followed by "political turmoil" and "1989 storm". Outside mainland China, and among circles critical of
231-644: A chilling effect" during Li's tenure. In December 2021, Li criticized Hong Kong's Pillar of Shame , calling it a lie and claiming it was not built to honour those killed in the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre . His leadership style has seen him being referred to as "King Arthur" or even "the Tsar". He was married to Diana Chester, a registered nurse and graduate of New Hall College, Cambridge University who died in 2013. Li owns more than 40 properties. In August 2023, his declaration of interests showed that he owned more than 30 properties in Hong Kong, and 2 properties in
308-545: A clear-cut stand against disturbances ". The language in the editorial effectively branded the student movement to be an anti-party, anti-government revolt. The editorial invoked memories of the Cultural Revolution, using similar rhetoric that had been used during the 1976 Tiananmen Incident —an event that was initially branded an anti-government conspiracy but was later rehabilitated as "patriotic" under Deng's leadership. The article enraged students, who interpreted it as
385-611: A concerted attempt to achieve material prosperity. To oversee his reform agenda, Deng promoted his allies to top government and party posts. Zhao Ziyang was named Premier , the head of government, in September 1980, and Hu Yaobang became CCP General Secretary in 1982. Deng's reforms aimed to decrease the state's role in the economy and gradually allow private production in agriculture and industry. By 1981, roughly 73% of rural farms had been de-collectivized, and 80% of state-owned enterprises were permitted to retain their profits. While
462-411: A deep chasm within the central leadership. The reformers ("the right", led by Hu Yaobang) favored political liberalization and a plurality of ideas as a channel to voice popular discontent and pressed for further reforms. The conservatives ("the left", led by Chen Yun ) said that the reforms had gone too far and advocated a return to greater state control to ensure social stability and to better align with
539-457: A direct indictment of the protests and its cause. The editorial backfired: instead of scaring students into submission, it antagonized the students and put them squarely against the government. The editorial's polarizing nature made it a major sticking point for the remainder of the protests. Organized by the Union on 27 April, some 50,000–100,000 students from all Beijing universities marched through
616-534: A guideline, detailed steps to be taken for political reform, including promoting the rule of law and the separation of powers , imposing de-centralization, and improving the election system. At this Congress, Zhao was elected to be the CCP General Secretary. During the demonstrations, protesters received a significant amount of support from domestic and outside sources. The Chinese University in Hong Kong donated HK$ 10,000 by early May, and groups such as
693-501: A highly inefficient bureaucracy that gave power to officials who had little expertise in areas under their jurisdiction. Facing a dismal job market and limited chances of going abroad, intellectuals and students had a greater vested interest in political issues. Small study groups, such as the "Democracy Salon" ( Chinese : 民主沙龙 ; pinyin : Mínzhǔ Shālóng ) and the "Lawn Salon" ( 草地沙龙 ; Cǎodì Shālóng ), began appearing on Beijing university campuses. These organizations motivated
770-405: A market with chronic shortages, price fluctuation allowed people with powerful connections to buy goods at low prices and sell at market prices. Party bureaucrats in charge of economic management had enormous incentives to engage in such arbitrage . Discontent over corruption reached a fever pitch with the public; and many, particularly intellectuals, began to believe that only democratic reform and
847-486: A poll has shown most to have little to no confidence that Li will uphold academic freedom. Further, Li's general attitude towards staff has been said to be 'hostile' and 'critical'. Six months later, when it became known that Li was likely to take over the chairmanship of the Council upon the expiry of the term of Edward Leong on 6 November, there was further strong opposition, with 87 percent of members of HKU Academic Staff Association and almost three-quarters of members of
SECTION 10
#1732854972775924-570: A quick resolution to the crisis and framed the protests as a conspiracy to overthrow China's political system and prominent party leaders, including Deng Xiaoping. In Zhao's absence, the PSC agreed to take firm action against the protesters. On the morning of 25 April, President Yang Shangkun and Premier Li Peng met with Deng at the latter's residence. Deng endorsed a hardline stance and said an appropriate warning must be disseminated via mass media to curb further demonstrations. The meeting firmly established
1001-491: A return to more confrontational tactics. They settled on a plan of mobilizing students for a hunger strike that would begin on 13 May. Early attempts to mobilize others to join them met with only modest success until Chai Ling made an emotional appeal on the night before the strike was scheduled to begin. Students began the hunger strike on 13 May, two days before the highly publicized state visit by Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev . Knowing that Gorbachev's welcoming ceremony
1078-668: A speech titled "On the Reform of the Party and State Leadership System" (" 党和国家领导制度改革 ") at a full meeting of the CCP Politburo in Beijing, launching political reforms in China. He called for a systematic revision of China's constitution, criticizing bureaucracy, centralization of power, and patriarchy, while proposing term limits for the leading positions in China and advocating " democratic centralism " and " collective leadership ." In December 1982,
1155-677: Is the grandson of the co-founder of the Bank of East Asia , Li Koon-chun, and brother of its current chairman, David Li . He was awarded the Grand Bauhinia Medal (GBM) by the Hong Kong SAR Government in 2017. Li was born into the prominent Li family. His grandfather, Li Koon-chun, was the founder of the Bank of East Asia . His father, Li Fook-shu , was the unofficial member of the Executive Council and Legislative Council . His brother, David Li Kwok-po , succeeded his father to become
1232-577: Is the highest award under the Hong Kong honours and awards system ; it is to recognise the selected person's lifelong and highly significant contribution to the well-being of Hong Kong. The awardee is entitled to the postnominal letters GBM and the style The Honourable . The award was created in 1997 to replace the British honours system , following the transfer of sovereignty to the People's Republic of China and
1309-584: The Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China were founded in support of the protests. Funding also came from the United States, Canada, Japan, Taiwan, Australia, and countries across Europe. When Hu Yaobang suddenly died of a heart attack on 15 April 1989, students reacted strongly, most of them believing that his death was related to his forced resignation. Hu's death provided
1386-628: The June Fourth Incident , were student-led demonstrations held in Tiananmen Square in Beijing , China, lasting from 15 April to 4 June 1989. After weeks of unsuccessful attempts between the demonstrators and the Chinese government to find a peaceful resolution, the Chinese government declared martial law on the night of 3 June and deployed troops to occupy the square in what is referred to as
1463-508: The May Fourth Movement and repeated demands from earlier marches, many students were satisfied with the government's concessions. On 4 May, all Beijing universities except PKU and BNU announced the end of the classroom boycott. Subsequently, most students began to lose interest in the movement. The government was divided on how to respond to the movement as early as mid-April. After Zhao Ziyang's return from North Korea, tensions between
1540-579: The Tiananmen Square massacre . The events are sometimes called the '89 Democracy Movement , the Tiananmen Square Incident , or the Tiananmen uprising . The protests were precipitated by the death of pro-reform Chinese Communist Party (CCP) general secretary Hu Yaobang in April 1989 amid the backdrop of rapid economic development and social change in post-Mao China , reflecting anxieties among
1617-545: The one-party system and opposed the implementation of Western-style constitutionalism . In October 1987, at the 13th National Congress of the CCP , Zhao Ziyang gave a report drafted by Bao Tong on the political reforms. In his speech titled "Advance Along the Road of Socialism with Chinese characteristics " (" 沿着有中国特色的社会主义道路前进 "), Zhao argued that socialism in China was still in its primary stage and, taking Deng's speech in 1980 as
SECTION 20
#17328549727751694-419: The " iron rice bowl ", i.e., social benefits such as job security, medical care, and subsidized housing. In 1978, reformist leaders had envisioned that intellectuals would play a leading role in guiding the country through reforms, but this did not happen as planned. On one hand, the massive New Enlightenment movement led by intellectuals promoted a variety of liberal philosophies and values that challenged
1771-901: The Department of Surgery and Dean of the Faculty of Medicine at the Chinese University of Hong Kong. Li's tenure as Secretary for Education and Manpower was marked by an era of education reforms that included the School-Based Management Policy . Since 2000, the Education and Manpower Bureau has implemented a number of mandates, including having teachers spend more time with students outside the classroom, adding exams for subjects such as English and history, and ordering that teachers take benchmark assessments to prove their language abilities. Li ostensibly retired from public service in 2007. In
1848-698: The Grand Bauhinia Medal Awards established in 1997 Hidden categories: Articles with short description Short description is different from Wikidata Articles containing Chinese-language text Articles containing traditional Chinese-language text 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre [REDACTED] Chinese Communist Party Demonstrators Deng Xiaoping ( CMC chairman ) Hardliners: Moderates: Student leaders: Workers: Intellectuals: The Tiananmen Square protests , known in Chinese as
1925-540: The Professional Teachers Union opposed, due to his stance during the University of Hong Kong pro-vice-chancellor selection controversy . In December 2018, Li was reappointed for a second three-year term to the Council. His reappointment elicited criticism from the Hong Kong University Students' Union . Academic Staff Association chairman William Cheung Sing-wai expressed that "there has been
2002-514: The United Kingdom. Before his appointment, Li was Vice-Chancellor of the Chinese University of Hong Kong (CUHK), as well as: [REDACTED] Quotations related to Arthur Li at Wikiquote Grand Bauhinia Medal Hong Kong award Award Grand Bauhinia Medal 大紫荊勳章 [REDACTED] Grand Bauhinia Medal with ribbon Awarded for lifelong and highly significant contribution to
2079-875: The World . Retrieved 8 June 2011 . ^ Protocol Division Government Secretariat. "General Awards" . Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. Archived from the original on 8 February 2012 . Retrieved 8 June 2011 . ^ "Removal of Honours" (PDF) . Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region Gazette . 22 (9). 2 March 2018 . Retrieved 4 March 2018 . Retrieved from " https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Grand_Bauhinia_Medal&oldid=1254689421 " Categories : Orders, decorations, and medals of Hong Kong Lists of Hong Kong people Recipients of
2156-491: The administration. After police restrained the students from entering the compound, they staged a sit-in . On 19 April, students hold aloft a banner "Freedom & Democracy Enlightenment" on the Monument, under a giant portrait of Hu Yaobang. On 20 April, most students had been persuaded to leave Xinhua Gate. To disperse about 200 students that remained, police used batons; minor clashes were reported. Many students felt abused by
2233-406: The areas of agriculture, light industry, services, and foreign investment. The job market was especially limited for students specializing in social sciences and the humanities. Moreover, private companies no longer needed to accept students assigned to them by the state, and many high-paying jobs were offered based on nepotism and favoritism. Gaining a good state-assigned placement meant navigating
2310-461: The army and demonstrators left many on both sides severely injured, a meeting held among the CCP's top leadership on 1 June concluded with a decision to clear the square. The troops advanced into central parts of Beijing on the city's major thoroughfares in the early morning hours of 4 June and engaged in bloody clashes with demonstrators attempting to block them, in which many people – demonstrators, bystanders, and soldiers – were killed. Estimates of
2387-468: The arrest of the Gang of Four . That movement, spearheaded by Mao, had caused severe damage to the country's initially diverse economic and social fabric. As a result, the country was now mired in poverty as economic production slowed or came to a halt. Political ideology was paramount in the lives of ordinary people as well as the inner workings of the party itself. In September 1977, Deng Xiaoping proposed
Arthur Li - Misplaced Pages Continue
2464-407: The case for further dialogue. In preparation for dialogue, the Union elected representatives to a formal delegation. However, there was some friction as the Union leaders were reluctant to let the delegation unilaterally take control of the movement. The movement was slowed by a change to a more deliberate approach, fractured by internal discord, and increasingly diluted by declining engagement from
2541-565: The chairman of the Bank of East Asia and member of the Legislative Council. An alumnus of St. Paul's Co-educational College and a classmate of Professor Lawrence J. Lau , Li received his medical training at the University of Cambridge. He was subsequently trained at Middlesex Hospital Medical School and Harvard Medical School , before returning to Hong Kong to become the founding chairman of
2618-713: The city's Xihua Gate. In Changsha, 38 stores were ransacked by looters. Over 350 people were arrested in both cities for looting. In Wuhan, university students organized protests against the provincial government. As the situation became more volatile nationally, Zhao Ziyang called numerous meetings of the Politburo Standing Committee (PSC). Zhao stressed three points: discourage students from further protests and ask them to go back to class, use all measures necessary to combat rioting, and open forms of dialogue with students at different levels of government. Premier Li Peng called upon Zhao to condemn protestors and recognize
2695-482: The country. In response, Deng Xiaoping warned that Fang was blindly worshipping Western lifestyles, capitalism, and multi-party systems while undermining China's socialist ideology, traditional values, and the party's leadership. In December 1986, inspired by Fang and other "people-power" movements worldwide, student demonstrators staged protests against the slow pace of reform. The issues were wide-ranging and included demands for economic liberalization , democracy, and
2772-552: The crackdown within mainland China, the crackdown is commonly referred to in Chinese as "June Fourth Massacre" ( 六四屠殺 ; liù-sì túshā ) and "June Fourth Crackdown" ( 六四鎮壓 ; liù-sì zhènyā ). To bypass censorship by the Great Firewall , alternative names have sprung up to describe the events on the Internet, such as May 35th, VIIV ( Roman numerals for 6 and 4), Eight Squared (since 8 =64) and 8964 (in yymd format). In English,
2849-618: The crowd as they waited for the Premier to emerge. However, no leaders emerged from the Great Hall, leaving the students disappointed and angry; some called for a classroom boycott. On 21 April, students began organizing under the banners of formal organizations. On 23 April, in a meeting of around 40 students from 21 universities, the Beijing Students' Autonomous Federation (also known as the Union)
2926-488: The death toll vary from several hundred to several thousand, with thousands more wounded. The event had both short and long term consequences. Western countries imposed arms embargoes on China, and various Western media outlets labeled the crackdown a " massacre ". In the aftermath of the protests, the Chinese government suppressed other protests around China , carried out mass arrests of protesters which catalyzed Operation Yellowbird , strictly controlled coverage of
3003-484: The editorial, the Xinhua Gate incident, and freedom of the press, they achieved few substantive results. Independent student leaders such as Wu'erkaixi refused to attend. The government's tone grew increasingly conciliatory when Zhao Ziyang returned from Pyongyang on 30 April and reasserted his authority. In Zhao's view, the hardliner approach was not working, and the concession was the only alternative. Zhao asked that
3080-403: The elite intellectual community that thought China's poverty and underdevelopment, and the disaster of the Cultural Revolution, were a direct result of China's authoritarian political system and rigid command economy. The view that political reform was the only answer to China's ongoing problems gained widespread appeal among students, as Fang's recorded speeches became widely circulated throughout
3157-3954: The establishment of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region . The list was empty because no one was awarded from 2003 to 2004. Bauhinia, Bauhinia blakeana , is the floral emblem of Hong Kong. List of recipients [ edit ] 1997 [ edit ] Ann Tse-kai Lee Quo-wei Simon Li Elsie Tu Cha Chi Ming Tsui Sze-man Chuang Shih-ping Wong Ker-lee Tsang Hin-chi Henry Fok Chung Sze-yuen Lo Tak-shing 1998 [ edit ] Arnaldo de Oliveira Sales Ng Hong-mun Run Run Shaw Wong Po-yan 1999 [ edit ] Lee Chark-tim Anson Chan Yang Ti-liang Sidney Gordon William Purves 2000 [ edit ] Henry Litton Charles Ching Mo Kwan-nin Jin Yong Jao Tsung-I 2001 [ edit ] Harry Fang Li Ka-shing Yeung Kwong 2002 [ edit ] Donald Tsang Elsie Leung David Akers-Jones Chang-Lin Tien 2005 [ edit ] Lau Wong-fat Chiang Chen 2006 [ edit ] Charles Lee Leo Lee Tung-hai Tung Chee Hwa 2007 [ edit ] Rita Fan Rafael Hui (Revoked in 2018 ) David Li Lee Shau-kee 2008 [ edit ] Andrew Li Henry Hu Cheng Yu-tung Chan Sui-kau 2009 [ edit ] Henry Tang Hari Harilela Joseph Yam 2010 [ edit ] John Tsang Ronald Arculli Edward Leong Stanley Ho Victor Fung Tin Ka Ping Charles K. Kao 2011 [ edit ] Leung Chun-ying Allan Zeman 2012 [ edit ] Geoffrey Ma Stephen Lam Wong Yan-lung Kemal Bokhary Peter Woo Lui Che-woo 2013 [ edit ] Patrick Chan Anthony Mason Sik Kok Kwong Maria Tam 2014 [ edit ] Jose Yu Charles Ho 2015 [ edit ] Jasper Tsang Cheng Yiu-tong Ho Sai-chu Li Dak-sum 2016 [ edit ] Carrie Lam Tam Yiu-chung Chan Wing-kee Victor Lo Hu Fa-kuang Moses Cheng Lap-Chee Tsui 2017 [ edit ] Matthew Cheung Paul Chan Mo-po Rimsky Yuen Laura Cha Arthur Li Fanny Law Ip Kwok-him Vincent Lo Henry Cheng Tai Tak-fung Jack So Ronnie Chan 2018 [ edit ] Robert Tang Cheung Hok-ming Robin Chan Rosie Young Tse-tse 2019 [ edit ] Yu Kwok-chun Albert Hung Chao-hong 2020 [ edit ] Andrew Leung Bernard Charnwut Chan Chan Tung Xu Rongmao 2021 [ edit ] Andrew Cheung Teresa Cheng Chow Chung-kong Regina Ip Bunny Chan Jonathan Choi Koon-shum Lo Man-tuen 2022 [ edit ] John Lee Tommy Cheung Roberto Ribeiro Andrew Liao Wilfred Wong Ying-wai Peter Lam Ng Leung-ho 2023 [ edit ] Jeffrey Lam Kin-fung Poon Chung-kwong Timothy Fok Tsung-ting Lam Shuk-yee Sze Chi-ching 2024 [ edit ] Martin Liao Lau Siu-kai Lee Chack-fan Peter Lee Ka-kit Lam Shu Chit See also [ edit ] Orders, decorations, and medals of Hong Kong References [ edit ] ^ Megan C. Robertson (17 February 2003). "Hong Kong: Grand Bauhinia Medal" . Medals of
Arthur Li - Misplaced Pages Continue
3234-556: The events in the domestic and foreign affiliated press , and demoted or purged officials it deemed sympathetic to the protests . The government also invested heavily into creating more effective police riot control units. More broadly, the suppression ended the political reforms begun in 1986 as well as the New Enlightenment movement , and halted the policies of liberalization of the 1980s, which were only partly resumed after Deng Xiaoping's Southern Tour in 1992. Considered
3311-413: The feasibility of political reform was established in September 1986; the members included Zhao Ziyang , Hu Qili , Tian Jiyun , Bo Yibo and Peng Chong . Deng's intention was to boost administrative efficiency, further separate responsibilities of the Party and the government, and eliminate bureaucracy. Although he spoke in terms of the rule of law and democracy , Deng delimited the reforms within
3388-416: The first official evaluation of the protests, and highlighted Deng's having "final say" on important issues. Li Peng subsequently ordered Deng's views to be drafted as a communique and issued to all high-level Communist Party officials to mobilize the party apparatus against protesters. On 26 April, the party's official newspaper People's Daily issued a front-page editorial titled " It is necessary to take
3465-400: The fourth and current Constitution of China, known as the " 1982 Constitution ", was passed by the 5th National People's Congress . In the first half of 1986, Deng repeatedly called for the revival of political reforms, as further economic reforms were hindered by the original political system with an increasing trend of corruption and economic inequality . A five-man committee to study
3542-462: The government: On the morning of 18 April, students remained in the square. Some gathered around the Monument to the People's Heroes, singing patriotic songs and listening to student organizers' impromptu speeches. Others gathered at the Great Hall. Meanwhile, a few thousand students gathered at Xinhua Gate , the entrance to Zhongnanhai , the seat of the party leadership, where they demanded dialogue with
3619-617: The height of the protests, about one million people assembled in the square. As the protests developed, the authorities responded with both conciliatory and hardline tactics, exposing deep divisions within the party leadership. By May, a student-led hunger strike galvanized support around the country for the demonstrators, and the protests spread to some 400 cities. On 20 May, the State Council declared martial law , and as many as 300,000 troops were mobilized to Beijing. After several weeks of standoffs and violent confrontations between
3696-513: The idea of Boluan Fanzheng ("bringing order out of chaos") to correct the mistakes of the Cultural Revolution. At the Third Plenum of the 11th Central Committee , in December 1978, Deng emerged as China's de facto leader . He launched a comprehensive program to reform the Chinese economy ( Reforms and Opening-up ). Within several years, the country's focus on ideological purity was replaced by
3773-458: The initial impetus for students to gather in large numbers. On university campuses, many posters appeared eulogizing Hu, calling for honoring Hu's legacy. Within days, most posters were about broader political issues, such as corruption, democracy, and freedom of the press. Small, spontaneous gatherings to mourn Hu began on 15 April around the Monument to the People's Heroes at Tiananmen Square . On
3850-409: The most crucial factor in success. There was widespread public disillusionment concerning the country's future. People wanted change, yet the power to define "the correct path" continued to rest solely in the unelected government's hands. The comprehensive and wide-ranging reforms created political differences over the pace of marketization and the control over the ideology that came with it, opening
3927-441: The need to take more serious action. Zhao dismissed Li's views. Despite calls for him to remain in Beijing, Zhao left for a scheduled state visit to North Korea on 23 April. Zhao's departure to North Korea left Li Peng as the acting executive authority in Beijing. On 24 April, Li Peng and the PSC met with Beijing Party Secretary Li Ximing and mayor Chen Xitong to gauge the situation at the square. The municipal officials wanted
SECTION 50
#17328549727754004-457: The overthrow of the Communist Party gained traction due to the 26 April editorial. The stunning success of the march forced the government into making concessions and meeting with student representatives. On 29 April, State Council spokesman Yuan Mu met with appointed representatives of government-sanctioned student associations. While the talks discussed a wide range of issues, including
4081-405: The party's socialist ideology. Both sides needed the backing of paramount leader Deng Xiaoping to carry out important policy decisions. In mid-1986, astrophysics professor Fang Lizhi returned from a position at Princeton University and began a personal tour of universities in China, speaking about liberty, human rights, and the separation of powers . Fang was part of a wide undercurrent within
4158-489: The people and political elite about the country's future. The reforms of the 1980s had led to a nascent market economy that benefited some people but seriously disadvantaged others, and the one-party political system also faced a challenge to its legitimacy. Common grievances at the time included inflation, corruption, limited preparedness of graduates for the new economy, and restrictions on political participation. Although they were highly disorganized and their goals varied,
4235-502: The police line. Three of these students, Zhou Yongjun , Guo Haifeng , and Zhang Zhiyong , knelt on the steps of the Great Hall to present a petition and demanded to see Premier Li Peng . Standing beside them, a fourth student ( Wu'erkaixi ) made a brief, emotional speech begging for Li Peng to come out and speak with them. The larger number of students still in the square but outside the cordon were at times emotional, shouting demands or slogans and rushing toward police. Wu'erkaixi calmed
4312-571: The police, and rumors about police brutality spread quickly. The incident angered students on campus, where those who were not politically active decided to join the protests. Additionally, a group of workers calling themselves the Beijing Workers' Autonomous Federation issued two handbills challenging the central leadership. Hu's state funeral took place on 22 April. On the evening of 21 April, some 100,000 students marched on Tiananmen Square, ignoring orders from Beijing municipal authorities that
4389-413: The press be allowed to positively report the movement and delivered two sympathetic speeches on 3–4 May. In the speeches, Zhao said that the students' concerns about corruption were legitimate and that the student movement was patriotic in nature. The speeches essentially negated the message presented by 26 April Editorial. While some 100,000 students marched on the streets of Beijing on 4 May to commemorate
4466-456: The progressive camp and the conservative camp intensified. Those who supported continued dialogue and a soft approach with students rallied behind Zhao Ziyang, while hardliner conservatives opposed the movement rallied behind Premier Li Peng. Zhao and Li clashed at a PSC meeting on 1 May. Li maintained that the need for stability overrode all else, while Zhao said that the party should show support for increased democracy and transparency. Zhao pushed
4543-435: The reforms were generally well received by the public, concerns grew over a series of social problems which the changes brought about, including corruption and nepotism on the part of elite party bureaucrats. The state-mandated pricing system, in place since the 1950s, had long kept prices fixed at low levels. The initial reforms created a two-tier system where some prices were fixed while others were allowed to fluctuate. In
4620-473: The role, he caused controversy by proposing mergers first between Chinese University and Hong Kong University of Science and Technology , and later between Chinese University and the Hong Kong Institute of Education . Li's appointment by CY Leung to the governing board of the University of Hong Kong in 2015 has been met with strong criticism, particularly from academic staff (mostly pro-democrats):
4697-421: The rule of law could cure the country's ills. Following the 1988 meeting at their summer retreat of Beidaihe , the party leadership under Deng agreed to implement a transition to a market-based pricing system. News of the relaxation of price controls triggered waves of cash withdrawals, buying, and hoarding all over China. The government panicked and rescinded the price reforms in less than two weeks, but there
SECTION 60
#17328549727754774-456: The rule of law. While the protests were initially contained in Hefei , where Fang lived, they quickly spread to Shanghai, Beijing, and other major cities. This alarmed the central leadership, who accused the students of instigating Cultural Revolution-style turmoil. General Secretary Hu Yaobang was blamed for showing a "soft" attitude and mishandling the protests, thus undermining social stability. He
4851-578: The same day, many students at Peking University (PKU) and Tsinghua University erected shrines and joined the gathering in Tiananmen Square in a piecemeal fashion. Small, organized student gatherings also took place in Xi'an and Shanghai on 16 April. On 17 April, students at the China University of Political Science and Law (CUPL) made a large wreath to commemorate Hu Yaobang. Its wreath-laying ceremony
4928-479: The socialist ideology, ranging from democracy, humanism , universal values such as freedom and human rights, to Total Westernization ; as response, since the beginning of the reforms, Deng Xiaoping in 1979 proposed the " Four Cardinal Principles " to limit the political liberalization . On the other hand, despite the opening of new universities and increased enrollment, the state-directed education system did not produce enough graduates to meet increased demand in
5005-454: The square was to be closed for the funeral. The funeral, which took place inside the Great Hall and was attended by the leadership, was broadcast live to the students. General Secretary Zhao Ziyang delivered the eulogy. The funeral seemed rushed, lasting only 40 minutes, as emotions ran high in the square. Security cordoned off the east entrance to the Great Hall of the People, but several students pressed forward. A few were allowed to cross
5082-445: The streets of the capital to Tiananmen Square, breaking through lines set up by police, and receiving widespread public support along the way, particularly from factory workers. The student leaders, eager to show the patriotic nature of the movement, also toned down anti-Communist slogans, choosing to present a message of "anti-corruption" and "anti-cronyism", but "pro-party". In a twist of irony, student factions who genuinely called for
5159-404: The student body at large. In this context, a group of charismatic leaders, including Wang Dan and Wu'erkaixi, desired to regain momentum. They also distrusted the government's offers of dialogue, dismissing them as merely a ploy designed to play for time and pacify the students. To break from the moderate and incremental approach now adopted by other major student leaders, these few began calling for
5236-403: The students called for things like rollback of the removal of " iron rice bowl " jobs, greater accountability, constitutional due process, democracy , freedom of the press , and freedom of speech . Workers' protests were generally focused on inflation and the erosion of welfare. These groups united around anti-corruption demands, adjusting economic policies, and protecting social security. At
5313-484: The students to disperse. Starting on the night of 17 April, three thousand PKU students marched from the campus towards Tiananmen Square, and soon nearly a thousand students from Tsinghua joined. Upon arrival, they soon joined forces with those already gathered at the square. As its size grew, the gathering gradually evolved into a protest, as students began to draft a list of pleas and suggestions (the Seven Demands) for
5390-431: The students to get involved politically. Simultaneously, the party's nominally socialist ideology faced a legitimacy crisis as it gradually adopted capitalist practices. Private enterprise gave rise to profiteers who took advantage of lax regulations and who often flaunted their wealth in front of those who were less well off. Popular discontent was brewing over unfair wealth distribution. Greed, not skill, appeared to be
5467-684: The terms "Tiananmen Square Massacre", "Tiananmen Square Protests", and "Tiananmen Square Crackdown" are often used to describe the series of events. However, much of the violence in Beijing did not actually happen in Tiananmen, but outside the square along a stretch of Chang'an Avenue only a few miles long, and especially near the Muxidi area. The term also gives a misleading impression that demonstrations only happened in Beijing, when in fact, they occurred in many cities throughout China. The Cultural Revolution ended with chairman Mao Zedong 's death in 1976 and
5544-701: The well-being of Hong Kong Presented by [REDACTED] Hong Kong Post-nominals GBM Established 1997 First awarded 1997 Precedence Next (lower) Gold Bauhinia Star Grand Bauhinia Medal Traditional Chinese 大紫荊勳章 Simplified Chinese 大紫荆勋章 Transcriptions Standard Mandarin Hanyu Pinyin Dà Zǐjīng Xūn Zhāng Yue: Cantonese Jyutping daai6 zi2 ging1 fan1 zoeng1 The Grand Bauhinia Medal ( Chinese : 大紫荊勳章 )
5621-489: Was a pronounced impact for much longer. Inflation soared; official indices reported that the Consumer Price Index increased by 30% in Beijing between 1987 and 1988, leading to panic among salaried workers that they could no longer afford staple goods. Moreover, in the new market economy, unprofitable state-owned enterprises were pressured to cut costs. This threatened a vast proportion of the population that relied on
5698-454: Was denounced thoroughly by conservatives and was forced to resign as general secretary on 16 January 1987. The party began the "Anti- bourgeois liberalization campaign", aiming at Hu, political liberalization, and Western-inspired ideas in general. The campaign stopped student protests and restricted political activity, but Hu remained popular among intellectuals, students, and Communist Party progressives. On 18 August 1980, Deng Xiaoping gave
5775-512: Was formed. It elected CUPL student Zhou Yongjun as chair. Wang Dan and Wu'erkaixi also emerged as leaders. The Union then called for a general classroom boycott at all Beijing universities. Such an independent organization operating outside of party jurisdiction alarmed the leadership. On 22 April, near dusk, serious rioting broke out in Changsha and Xi'an . In Xi'an, arson by rioters destroyed cars and houses, and looting occurred in shops near
5852-470: Was on 17 April, and a larger-than-expected crowd assembled. At 5 pm, 500 CUPL students reached the eastern gate of the Great Hall of the People , near Tiananmen Square, to mourn Hu. The gathering featured speakers from various backgrounds who gave public orations commemorating Hu and discussed social problems. However, it was soon deemed obstructive to the Great Hall's operation, so police tried to persuade
5929-510: Was scheduled to be held on the square, student leaders wanted to use the hunger strike to force the government into meeting their demands. Moreover, the hunger strike gained widespread sympathy from the population at large and earned the student movement the moral high ground that it sought. By the afternoon of 13 May, some 300,000 were gathered at the square. Inspired by the events in Beijing, protests and strikes began at universities in other cities, with many students traveling to Beijing to join
#774225