147-552: Inactive Defunct Anti H-Block was the political label used in 1981 by supporters of the Irish republican hunger strike who were standing for election in both Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland . "H-Block" was a metonym for the Maze Prison , within whose H-shaped blocks the hunger strike was taking place. Bobby Sands , the first of these hunger strikers, was nominated in
294-692: A by-election . According to McKaliskey, it was already intended that Sands should win Maguire's seat. She later told how Frank was going to make his first speech in Westminster announcing his resignation. There was debate among nationalists and republicans regarding who should contest the election: Austin Currie of the Social Democratic and Labour Party expressed an interest, as did McAliskey and Maguire's brother Noel. After negotiations, they agreed not to split
441-547: A "healthy and harmonious society" in the north. She summarised the government's philosophy in a speech before leaving: Once again we have a hunger-strike at the Maze Prison in the quest for what they call political status. There is no such thing as political murder, political bombing or political violence. There is only criminal murder, criminal bombing and criminal violence. We will not compromise on this. There will be no political status. However, she also seems to have not held
588-422: A blanket-thread string, tying the other end to a button, and then "shooting the button" across the corridor under cell doors. External communication was maintained via prison visits. These allowed the prisoners to send out letters and receive items from the outside, such as ball point refills, cigarette papers—for both smoking and writing on—tobacco, and quartz crystal radios . For smuggling goods and letters,
735-575: A change tactics upon Thatcher. The four days before McDonnell does saw intense negotiations. Duddy telephoned Tom, his contact in the shady areas of government when communication lines open, at 2230. This was to advise the British that the prisoners would likely be responding in the next few hours. His next call to Tom—at 0230 the following day—lasted two and a half hours. Duddy attempted to gain as much information on British tactics as he could. The issue of clothing seemed most easily resolvable. By 0500, Duddy had
882-512: A coma and on the brink of death, the government appeared to concede the essence of the prisoners' five demands. The republicans were unsure whether the British position of refusing to negotiate could itself be a negotiating position, although this was emphatically denied by the Northern Ireland Office. The situation escalated on 15 December when 23 more prisoners joined the Maze strike. McKenna
1029-502: A comatose state for around 48 hours, so it is possible that the government thought it had some hours still to negotiate in. Joe McDonnell died the same early morning as the statement was released, a couple of hours before it was read to the prisoners by the Governor and a civil servant. The external leadership heard of the death on the radio. The prisoners were dismayed at what they saw as government hypocrisy. After weeks of being told that
1176-492: A constitutional anomaly in the 21st century. Both contend that such powers lack direct democratic legitimacy due to not being regulated by parliamentary statutes and raise concerns over accountability. Elliot and Thomas have pointed out that judicial intervention in cases such as Miller I and Miller II , where the Supreme Court exercised scrutiny over the use of prerogative powers by the government to prorogue parliament during
1323-478: A constitutional monarchy in which the monarch "reigns but does not rule". According to Brazier, the prime minister advises the monarch on matters such as the dissolution of parliament and appointments to the House of Lords, but these decisions are often made with the consent of parliament. The prime minister leads the executive in directing government policy and maintaining coordination between government departments which
1470-568: A credible performance" The successes of the Anti H-Block movement galvanised the Irish republican movement, and led to the entry the following year into mainstream electoral politics of Sinn Féin . Nine candidates were officially endorsed by the Anti H-Block committee, eight of which were imprisoned at the time. Candidates: Denotes candidates elected to Dáil Éireann [REDACTED] Category This Northern Ireland –related article
1617-469: A fair amount of information to take back to the leadership. Morrison took the news into the Maze; Tom phoned Duddy later that afternoon, seeking information on the IRA's likely view. Twenty-four hours and eight lengthy phone calls later, on the evening of 6 July, Atkins, Thatcher, the senior civil servant Philip Woodfield and others met to discuss these reports. Atkins could not afford to appear soft, but in view of
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#17331064470291764-413: A function of the office of prime minister. Despite this, the exercise of the prime minister's prerogative powers in these matters is under the oversight of parliament. It is often by convention that a prime minister must seek the approval of parliament before committing the nation to military action. In addition to this, the prime minister also exerts informal influence over public policy. Brazier notes this
1911-571: A meeting with Sands, but he refused unless representatives of the IRA and Sinn Féin could attend, and this the Maze authorities could not allow. Labour MP Roy Mason also visited Sands in order to tell him that when he died, he would get no sympathy or recognition from the British labour movement. This appears to have alienated moderate Catholics, however. With Sands close to death, the government's position remained unchanged, with Secretary of State for Northern Ireland Humphrey Atkins stating that "if Mr Sands persisted in his wish to commit suicide, that
2058-643: A number of activists in the National H-Block/Armagh Committee. These included a UFF gun attack which badly injured McAliskey and her husband, the assassination of Miriam Daly by the UDA while her house was under military observation, and, of the Irish Independence Party , John Turnley 's death at the hands of the UVF . With the three-year anniversary of the dirty protest approaching in 1979,
2205-498: A number of clashes between prison officers and prisoners leaving their cells to wash and " slop out " (empty their chamber pots), this escalated into the dirty protest, where prisoners refused to wash and smeared their excrement on the walls of their cells. The scholar Begoña Aretxaga has suggested that, unlike the hunger strike which followed, "the Dirty Protest had no precedent in the political culture". The protest soon spread to
2352-575: A number of pro-hunger strike independent candidates also won seats. The British government passed the Representation of the People Act 1981 to prevent another prisoner from contesting the second by-election in Fermanagh and South Tyrone, which was due to take place following the death of Sands. On 4 July, the prisoners stated they were not asking for preferential treatment, saying, "we would warmly welcome
2499-567: A pea as they had put '130 on the plate and now there are only 129'." The author and researcher Ed Moloney has argued, on Sands's strategy, that it meant that "if any hunger striker died, the moral pressure on those who followed to continue through to the end was huge. The fast also guaranteed that if there were deaths, the North would be pitched into a crisis every fortnight or so until the end. As an instrument for destabilizing political life in Ireland, it
2646-450: A public meeting. Other republicans believed that her standing would be a diversion from the military campaign, and the Maze prisoners released a statement emphasising that, in their collective opinion, only physical force could remove the British. Although McAliskey had stood solely on prisoner's rights ticket , there was no intention of turning the popular support the campaign had exposed into an organised movement at that time. However,
2793-542: A reliable majority of MPs who vote in support of the government's priorities. Another essential part of the parliamentary powers possessed by the prime minister is determining the composition of the Cabinet. According to Professor Robert Hazell, the prime minister not only chooses cabinet members but also dictates the collective decision-making process of members as well. The prime minister most often would chair cabinet meetings and may determine their frequency, thereby controlling
2940-436: A statement saying that the British government had failed to resolve the crisis and declared their intention of "hunger striking once more". The prisoners gradually wound down the dirty protest, requesting baths and shaving and allowing themselves to be moved to new cell blocks. The blanket protest continued. The seven volunteers who had recently ended their hunger strike publicly announced their support for another, although Sands
3087-645: A statement. Solidarity leader Lech Walesa praised Sands, in Oslo —where Queen Elizabeth II was touring—pro-IRA graffiti appeared, and in India, opposition MPs stood for a minute's silence. A street outside the embassy in Tehran was renamed from Churchill Street to Khiyaban–E Bobby Sands, and members of the Iranian embassy in London attended Sands's funeral. Over the course of the strikes,
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#17331064470293234-659: A warning to the next Irish government to "move on the prisoners' demands". There were also local elections in Northern Ireland on 20 May , although Sinn Féin did not contest them. Some smaller groups and independents who supported the hunger strikers gained seats, such as the Irish Independence Party with 21 seats, while the IRSP (the INLA's political wing) and People's Democracy (a Trotskyist group) gained two seats each, and
3381-532: A way of publicly reprimanding those who deserved it. By fasting—possibly to death—on the doorstep of his master, the hunger striker enforced a claim against the other until either the latter gave in or the faster died. This tradition carried on even into the Christian era, and there are documented cases of early Irish saints fasting against God. The tradition of Troscad —fasting against an opponent—and Cealachan —gaining justice through fasting—became codified in
3528-699: Is a stub . You can help Misplaced Pages by expanding it . This Irish history article is a stub . You can help Misplaced Pages by expanding it . 1981 Irish hunger strike The 1981 Irish hunger strike was the culmination of a five-year protest during the Troubles by Irish republican prisoners in Northern Ireland . The protest began as the blanket protest in 1976 when the British government withdrew Special Category Status (prisoner of war rather than criminal status) for convicted paramilitary prisoners. In 1978,
3675-521: Is a custom, An old and foolish custom, that if a man Be wronged, or think that he is wronged, and starve Upon another’s threshold till he die, The common people, for all time to come, Will raise a heavy cry against that threshold, Even though it be the King’s. The use of a hunger strike as a means of protest in Ireland is a tradition dating to pre-Christian times. This was not ascetic , but rather
3822-497: Is based on an uncodified constitution , meaning that it is not set out in any single document. The British constitution consists of many documents, and most importantly for the evolution of the office of the prime minister, it is based on customs known as constitutional conventions that became accepted practice. In 1928, Prime Minister H. H. Asquith described this characteristic of the British constitution in his memoirs: In this country we live ... under an unwritten Constitution. It
3969-414: Is crime is crime, it is not political". In the blaze of the world's cameras, several intermediaries visited Sands in an attempt to negotiate an end. These included three Irish MEPs , Síle de Valera —granddaughter of Éamon de Valera — Neil Blaney and John O'Connell , as well as Pope John Paul II 's personal envoy John Magee . Several European Commission of Human Rights (ECHR) officials also sought
4116-415: Is dependent upon the cooperation and consent of ministers. Foreign policy and national security are areas in which the prime minister has traditionally enjoyed more authority under what are known as prerogative powers. Vernon Bogdanor argues that the abilities to declare war, negotiate treaties and deploy the armed forces have historically been part of the monarch's royal authority but have slowly evolved into
4263-470: Is developed by constitutional conventions and therefore it is defined by precedent and tradition. Bogdanor notes that the prime minister's power in parliament is exhibited by their control of the executive (the Cabinet) and their ability to influence the legislative agenda. The ability of the prime minister to influence legislation, according to academic Philip Norton , is often through party discipline and having
4410-475: Is due to the prime minister often being the leader of the largest party in government, therefore having a direct impact in initiating policy both in government and during election campaigns. In the House of Commons, the prime minister guides the law-making process with the goal of enacting the legislative agenda of their political party. In an executive capacity, the prime minister appoints (and may dismiss) all other Cabinet members and ministers , and co-ordinates
4557-424: Is further solidified through their ability to shape policy before it reaches parliament. King further argued that the shaping of legislation, on many occasions, involves the collaborative efforts of cabinet ministers and civil servants, but the prime minister's approval is needed in order to initiate the legislative agenda. King's analysis of contemporary politcs showed that some prime ministers often bypass or overrule
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4704-481: Is struck with unbearable anxiety. But I have considered all the arguments and tried every means to avoid what has become the unavoidable: it has been forced upon me and my comrades by four-and-a-half years of stark inhumanity ... I ate the statutory weekly bit of fruit last night. As fate had it, it was an orange, and the final irony, it was bitter. Sands organised the strike along lines which made his death—and several more—was effectively inevitable. Unlike in
4851-660: Is the head of government of the United Kingdom . The prime minister advises the sovereign on the exercise of much of the royal prerogative , chairs the Cabinet , and selects its ministers . As modern prime ministers hold office by virtue of their ability to command the confidence of the House of Commons , they sit as members of Parliament . The office of prime minister is not established by any statute or constitutional document, but exists only by long-established convention , whereby
4998-535: Is therefore best understood from a historical perspective. The origins of the position are found in constitutional changes that occurred during the Revolutionary Settlement (1688–1720) and the resulting shift of political power from the sovereign to Parliament. The prime minister is the head of the United Kingdom government . As such, the modern prime minister leads the Cabinet (the Executive). In addition,
5145-711: Is true that we have on the Statute-book great instruments like Magna Carta, the Petition of Right, and the Bill of Rights which define and secure many of our rights and privileges; but the great bulk of our constitutional liberties and ... our constitutional practices do not derive their validity and sanction from any Bill which has received the formal assent of the King, Lords and Commons. They rest on usage, custom, convention, often of slow growth in their early stages, not always uniform, but which in
5292-765: The FLNC 's armed struggle. The French Communist Party praised the strikers in a statement to the embassy, and in New York City , the consulate said they dare not fly the union flag for fear it would be stolen and burnt in protest, while in Milan , the Red Brigades firebombed a British Leyland showroom. In France "ignorant and uninformed students, as Wharton describes them—chanted " L'IRA conquérir ", while in Italy, 5,000 students burnt union flags; they were, comments Wharton, "blessed with
5439-626: The Secretary of State for Northern Ireland in the Wilson ministry , announced that paramilitary prisoners would no longer be entitled to Special Category Status. This was part of Britain's long-term strategy of criminalisation in the north, the intention being to alter perceptions of the conflict from a colonial war to that of a campaign against, effectively, criminal gangs. The policy was not imposed retroactively and only affected those convicted of offences after 1 March 1976. Long Kesh prisoners remained in
5586-549: The United Kingdom's withdrawal from the European Union , was successful in keeping check over the authority of both the prime minister and the government. The evolving usage of prerogative powers also has signalled tension between tradition and accountability. Authors Paul Craig and Adam Tomkins state that the absence of a written constitution gives a prime minister greater leeway in employing their given prerogative powers without limits that in turn would create uncertainty although
5733-527: The armed struggle . It began to attract attention when Tomás Ó Fiaich , the Roman Catholic Archbishop of Armagh , visited the prison and condemned the conditions there. O'Fiaich subsequently told the press, "I was shocked at the inhuman conditions prevailing in H-Blocks ... The stench and filth in some of the cells, with the remains of rotten food and human excreta scattered around the walls
5880-463: The world's sixth largest economy , the prime minister hold significant domestic and international leadership alongside being the leader of a prominent member state of NATO , the G7 and G20 . 58 people (55 men and 3 women) have served as prime minister, the first of whom was Robert Walpole taking office on 3 April 1721. The longest-serving prime minister was also Walpole, who served over 20 years, and
6027-713: The 20th century by both the British and Irish Free State —was not introduced until 1971. Internees were originally held in disused RAF base in County Down , called Long Kesh. Later renamed HM Prison Maze , it was run along the lines of a prisoner of war camp, complete, says the author Thomas Hennessey, "with imagery reminiscent of Second World War POW camps surrounded by barbed wire, watchtowers and Nissen huts ". Internees lived in dormitories and disciplined themselves with military-style command structures, drilled with dummy guns made from wood, and held lectures on guerrilla warfare and politics. Convicted prisoners were refused
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6174-643: The 8th century Senchas Már . In the 20th century, there had been hunger strikes by Irish republican prisoners since 1917, twelve men died on hunger strike prior to the 1981 strikes: Thomas Ashe (1917), Terence MacSwiney (1920), Michael Fitzgerald (1920), Joe Murphy (1920), Joseph Whitty (1923), Andy O'Sullivan (1923), Denny Barry (1923) (see 1923 Irish hunger strikes ), Tony D'Arcy (1940), Jack McNeela (1940), Seán McCaughey (1946), Michael Gaughan (1974), and Frank Stagg (1976). Although The Troubles had been ongoing since 1969, internment —which had been used several times in Ireland during
6321-411: The 8th saw the same group meet. This time, Atkins suggested resending the earlier proposal but emphasising that in the event of non-acceptance, "the British government would immediately issue an alternative statement". By 0210, McDonnell had gone into a coma, which, at that point, the republican leadership was not aware of, although the government was. Previous prisoners had not died until they had been in
6468-638: The British government faced increasing international opposition. In France, the Foreign Minister Claude Cheysson talked of the strikers' "supreme sacrifice", and threatened to boycott the Royal wedding that July; in response the British Ambassador, Reginald Hibbert , pointed out that it was no different to how the French government treated demands for Corsican independence when it was backed by
6615-528: The British were "taking a big risk here, dealing with us, because that alone is a huge story—'you shouldn’t talk to these people', and here you are, flying somebody over". Kenneth Stowe —at the time Permanent Under-Secretary of State of the NIO—later said that she was "fully aware" of the necessity in negotiating with Sinn Féin if one wished to settle Northern Irish affairs. According to Thatcher's biographer, Charles Moore , Adams and McGuinness wanted to bring
6762-584: The INLA. There were retaliatory UDA killings in Belfast; an RUC officer was blown up by a car bomb , and a woman in Derry was assassinated while collecting census forms door to door. The IRA released a statement that attacks on security services would increase. The first paramilitary victim following Sands's death was Constable Peter Ellis, who was shot by the IRA on 6 May in New Lodge . The following day James Power, INLA,
6909-494: The IRA firing party that had volleyed over the coffin, and this led to rioting when the crowd stopped them. Walker argues this was a tactical decision by the government, and "gave the authorities a chance to demonstrate that there would be no let up in their battle against the IRA—not in jail, not on the streets and not at funerals". Black flags were flown from nationalist homes: these were intended to express both grief and anger towards
7056-404: The IRA into believing the prisoners' demands had been granted. He said the British government deliberately created a state of confusion among the hunger strikers by moving McKenna, who was close to death, to a hospital outside the prison. He said this had the effect of creating uncertainty within his colleagues, who would not know if he was about to die or had died. Walker's source argues that this
7203-522: The IRA. As a result, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) threatened to release a statement condemning her government for brinkmanship and requesting that civil servants be allowed openly into the Maze to negotiate. The government was also under increased pressure from senior police echelons and military commanders to take a more conciliatory approach, sufficient for Atkins to urge
7350-586: The Irish Republican movement". This back-channel line of communication between the IRA Army Council and the higher echelons of the British government was "painstakingly created" in 1972 and involved many of the same individuals for the next 20 years. It was known about by the Prime Minister and overseen by MI6 . However, it was complicated by the fact that when the talks with Whitelaw had been exposed in
7497-510: The RUC had directed it be taken from the Maze to his place of burial, Bellaghy . The police considered any other route—which would have to march past protestant areas—too dangerous for both security forces and civilians. As such it was decided to give Hughes a police convoy, although the Chief Constable, Jack Hermon , was "less certain than one would like" of the exact statutory powers under which
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#17331064470297644-682: The Republic of Ireland's general election in June 1981 twelve candidates ran under the Anti H-Block banner, nine of whom were prisoners. Kieran Doherty and Paddy Agnew won seats in Cavan–Monaghan and Louth respectively, while both Joe McDonnell and Martin Hurson narrowly missed election in Sligo–Leitrim and Longford–Westmeath . Eamonn Sweeney noted that: Altogether, H-Block candidates averaged 15% of
7791-562: The Union . The prime minister's official residence and office, by virtue of being the First Lord of the Treasury, is 10 Downing Street in London. Early conceptions of the office of prime minister evolved as the " Primus inter pares " or "first among equals", however that does not differentiate on status and responsibility upon whoever is holding office. Historically, the prime minister has never been
7938-589: The Westminster April 1981 by-election in Fermanagh and South Tyrone . After his victory and death, the Representation of the People Act was passed to prevent convicted prisoners serving sentences of more than one year from standing for Parliament in the United Kingdom, so Owen Carron , Sands' agent, stood as an "Anti-H-Block Proxy Political Prisoner" and won the seat in the subsequent by-election in August . In
8085-655: The agenda for policy and steering decisions in their preferred direction. Additionally, the prime minister can exercise considerable control over parliamentary time. Authors Alexander Horne and Gavin Drewry state that the prime minister uses this power through the Leader of the House of Commons , by which they are able to allocate time for government bills and often ensuring access to this time over private members' bills. The prime minister's parliamentary powers also extend to foreign relations. Contemporary historian Anthony Seldon says that
8232-564: The behaviour of the military, close liaison between the NIO and Belfast community and church leaders, with the Irish government, and the attitude of the United States. In Dublin, the Irish Taoiseach , Charles Haughey recommended the British continue the strategy of "a good mixture of ingenuity, subtlety and sensitivity" that had served them the previous year. On 4 February, the prisoners issued
8379-587: The burning of Thatcher-style effigies . Vigils were held with paramilitaries attending in some cases, and in Dublin, Gardaí were attacked with petrol bombs. In Lisbon on 7 May, a crowd of several hundred marched on the British Embassy and were addressed by a Sinn Féin speaker, while in Reykjavík , a demonstration outside the embassy condemned Britain for having "savagely attacked the ranks of Irish Freedom Fighters" in
8526-400: The cabinet on traditional discussion and to push through their preferred agendas with notable cases such as Margaret Thatcher and Tony Blair. The prime minister's influence in the Houses of Parliament is derived from longstanding conventions and statutes that have gradually evolved through the centuries. The office of prime minister itself is not explicitly mentioned in parliamentary law but
8673-412: The cabinet proposes new legislation and decide on key policies that fit their agenda which is then passed by an act of parliament . The power of the office of prime minister has grown significantly since the first prime minister, Robert Walpole in 1721. Prime ministerial power itself evolved gradually alongside the office itself which have played an increasingly prominent role in British politics since
8820-425: The change of prisoner strategy and the opening up of lines of communication in 1978 was that, three years later, the world now had a thorough, if a third party, knowledge of conditions inside the Maze, due to the volume of information that had previously come out. David Beresford , a Northern Ireland correspondent for The Guardian in 1981, researched the methods the prisoners used to collect equipment, in view of
8967-450: The conditions they dwelt in. It also undermined morale, both in the Maze and on the outside. The situation changed with the arrival of Brendan Hughes in the H Block; Hughes, supported by Sands, advocated coming out of cells, not just to improve their own existence but, more importantly, to allow them to take advantage of the opportunities visits presented for smuggling. The Adams/Hughes stratagem also made prison protests more sustainable in
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#17331064470299114-421: The conferral of peerages and some knighthoods, decorations and other important honours. Bagehot identifies the prime minister as the leader of the "efficient" part of government that functions within the government to steer legislation through both Houses of Parliament. Although the prime minister does not possess the power to introduce legislation directly, their control of the cabinet and their role as leader of
9261-423: The constitutional hierarchy, the premiership was given little formal recognition until the 20th century; the legal fiction was maintained that the sovereign still governed directly. The position was first mentioned in statute only in 1917, in the schedule of the Chequers Estate Act . Increasingly during the 20th century, the office and role of prime minister featured in statute law and official documents; however,
9408-438: The course of time received universal observance and respect. The relationships between the prime minister and the sovereign, Parliament and Cabinet are defined largely by these unwritten conventions of the constitution. Many of the prime minister's executive and legislative powers are actually royal prerogatives which are still formally vested in the sovereign , who remains the head of state . Despite its growing dominance in
9555-412: The death of O'Hara, for example, the police were attacked, and a man was killed by a plastic bullet . The IRA killed 13 policemen, 13 soldiers—including five members of the UDR —and five civilians. The seven months were one of the bloodiest periods of the Troubles, with a total of 61 people killed, 34 of them civilians. Prison officers became a favoured target by the IRA: Eighteen had been killed in
9702-446: The decision to save McKenna's life and end the strike after 53 days on 18 December. Conversely, more recently, Hughes has stated that that the reason he called it off was purely to save McKenna's life, and explicitly not because he expected British concessions or a prisoners' victory. Sands believed that the strikers "were beat [ sic ] by a few lousy hours". The final British offer made no promises but gave assurances that
9849-437: The dirty protests had now lasted nearly three years, and morale inside was felt to be dangerously low. One ex-blanketman recalled that "the more experienced men spoke for the rest of us when they said they were nearly at the end of their tether". Shortly after this, a "Smashing H-Block" conference took place in West Belfast in October 1979. Over 600 people, from many republican or left wing organisations attended. This led to
9996-422: The dispute escalated into the dirty protest , where prisoners refused to leave their cells to wash and covered the walls of their cells with excrement. In 1980, seven prisoners participated in the first hunger strike , which ended after 53 days. The second hunger strike took place in 1981 and was a showdown between the prisoners and the Prime Minister , Margaret Thatcher . One hunger striker, Bobby Sands ,
10143-405: The early 20th century . During the premierships of Tony Blair and Margaret Thatcher , prime ministerial power expanded substantially and their leadership in the office were described as "presidential" due to their personal yielding of power and tight control over the cabinet. The prime minister is regarded as one of the world's most powerful political leaders in modern times. As the leader of
10290-463: The end of the 1980 hunger strike, and were still available on the outbreak of the next. Indeed, soon after her election, Thatcher spoke to President Jimmy Carter on the telephone in which she stated that her preferred strategy was through "patient and persistent negotiation". Publicly, however, it was a different story. In December 1980, the NIO's PUM, John Blelloch emphasised to a republican contact that there could be no question of negotiations while
10437-421: The fact that H Blocks had been designed to constrain prisoners' communications. Although the prisoners had the final say on who visited them—they had to send their VOs to the Governor—they were generally expected to accept the recommendations of the Army Council, which was interested in maximising the number of couriers available. If possible, these couriers—nearly all of them women—would also be family or friends of
10584-430: The first among equals at any time prior to 1868. Until now, that characterisation of the prime minister is reflective of the democratic nature of their position. The power of the prime minister depends on the support of their respective party and on the popular mandate. The appointment of cabinet ministers and granting of honours are done through the prime minister's power of appointment . The prime minister alongside
10731-425: The first strike, the prisoners joined one at a time and at staggered intervals; Sands started first and was, therefore, almost certain to die, and die first. This was intended to arouse maximum public support and exert maximum pressure on Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher , which the republican movement initially struggled to generate. The Sunday Sands began his strike, 3,500 people marched through West Belfast; this
10878-495: The first-preference vote in constituencies they contested. This was a remarkable performance, given that they had been without money, television exposure (because of censorship laws ), or any sympathetic media. It was probably beyond the wildest dreams of even their director of elections, Daithi O Conaill , who said the day before the election that "if the H-Block prisoner candidates get between 2,500 and 3,000 votes they will have put up
11025-483: The force did so. Hermon's priority for the future was that—however many more funerals there might be—the IRA would not be in control. Both McCreesh's and O'Hara's funerals were accompanied by paramilitary colour parties, speeches and other trappings. The former passed without incident, but O'Hara's descended into rioting. Next to die, McDonnell's funeral experienced some of the worst violence yet. The British Army, through an airborne observation post, attempted to arrest
11172-405: The formation of the broad-based National H-Block/Armagh Committee on a platform of support for the "Five Demands", and included seasoned activists such as McAliskey, Eamonn McCann and Miriam Daly . The period leading up to the hunger strike saw assassinations by both republicans and loyalists . The IRA shot and killed a number of prison officers, while loyalist paramilitaries shot and killed
11319-479: The funeral of Francis Hughes, which took place "not without some controversy", argues Hennessey. The Times 's Northern Ireland correspondent Chris Ryder described an "undignified chase" across South Belfast after his body was handed over to his family. The family, and the wider republican movement, wanted the remains to be taken via the Falls Road and Toomebridge —where receptions had been laid on—whereas
11466-440: The government "will, subject to the overriding requirements of security, keep prison conditions—and that includes clothing, work, association, education, training and remission—under continuing review". By January 1981, it became clear that the prisoners' demands had not been conceded. The republican movement—"unconvincingly", argues Kelly—blamed Britain, insisting that Thatcher had reneged on her promises. Instead, for example, of
11613-542: The government would not talk to them, they managed to send in an NIO official hours after McDonnell's death. The prisoners were insisting on open negotiations by the end of July. When pressed on this by the Dublin government, the British response was that "we have always understood the Irish Government to be opposed to all forms of negotiation with subversive organisations ... [so] that is not possible". In Ireland, there were demonstrations in many towns, including
11760-696: The government, but they also contained an implicit threat towards those deemed the strikers' opponents. Despite Thatcher's oft-repeated mantra that she "did not talk to terrorists", historians are aware that the British government had been negotiating with elements of the IRA since 1972 when the first ceasefire was being arranged between Willie Whitelaw and a delegation including Martin McGuinness , Gerry Adams and IRA Chief-of-Staff Seán Mac Stíofáin . The same occurred with church-backed talks in 1974–1975. Historians and political observers are also aware that "behind closed doors she did authorize discussions with
11907-477: The granting of honours. Brazier argues that prerogative powers allow the prime minister to act within the "authority of the crown" in situations where neither convention nor statutory law applies. As noted by both Bagehot and Brazier, areas in which the prime minister authorises their given prerogative powers are matters of foreign affairs. In recent occasions, the 2003 invasion of Iraq saw Prime Minister Tony Blair deploying British troops to Saudi Arabia without
12054-448: The hunger strike to an end but required something to take back to the republican movement which demonstrated British good faith. Moore says that Thatcher allowed Adams to receive some further concessions while rejecting the fundamental premise of status. According to Adams, it was the government who "opened up contact", but then closed it the moment the first hunger strike was called off. However, lines of communication remained open after
12201-456: The huts, but new intake arrived at eight newly-built cellular "H-Blocks", so called due to their layout. Following internment, both IRA violence and recruitment escalated. IRA volunteer Kieran Nugent had been interned in Long Kesh in 1974, but when he was arrested and convicted in 1976, he faced a very different prison regime. On 14 September, he was the first Republican to be convicted since
12348-465: The immediate consent or approval of parliament. Brazier says the rise of parliamentary and public scrutiny has led to calls for reform and checks on the use of prerogative powers. The only prime minister who did not seek parliamentary or legal consent for military action was Anthony Eden during the Suez Crisis in 1956. Professors Mark Elliot and Robert Thomas argue that prerogative powers present
12495-465: The introduction of the Five Demands for all prisoners". Until the late 1970s, the blanket protest was effectively a passive one. Because the prisoners would not wear uniforms, they could not come out of their cells, even for masses or visits. The problem with this all-or-nothing "macho" strategy is that it made communicating with the outside world much harder, and it was difficult to get word out about
12642-410: The justness of our cause a number of our comrades, beginning today with Bobby Sands, will hunger-strike to the death unless the British government abandons its criminalization policy and meets our demand for political status. I am standing on the threshold of another trembling world. May God have mercy on my soul. My heart is very sore because I know that I have broken my poor mother's heart, and my home
12789-434: The largest political party in the House of Commons enables them substantial influence over any legislative agenda. Bagehot points out that this power is based on the prime minister's ability to operate the "machinery of government" that allows them to guide legislation that align with their party's political and ideological priorities. Brazier argues that the legislative power of the prime minister has greatly expanded following
12936-399: The long term. It also improved internal and external communications, the weaknesses of which had been exposed in the first hunger strike, when Sands and Hughes could not meet, and there was little up-to-date information being shared. Internally, prisoners in one wing could generally shout to another wing, especially at night. Other methods they developed were creative, such as tying items onto
13083-563: The monarch appoints as prime minister the person most likely to command the confidence of the House of Commons. In practice, this is the leader of the political party that holds the largest number of seats in the Commons. The prime minister is ex officio also First Lord of the Treasury (prior to 1905 also the official title of the position), Minister for the Civil Service , the minister responsible for national security , and Minister for
13230-498: The nationalist vote by contesting the election. This was unpopular in the SDLP, whose ex-leader Gerry Fitt —until 1978, the party's only MP and now a Unity MP—criticised the SDLP for abstaining, and Currie himself later said he was "extremely angry and frustrated" not to have been chosen as his party's candidate. Sands thus stood as an Anti H-Block candidate and had a clear run against Ulster Unionist Party candidate Harry West . Sands
13377-566: The new MP. It also alarmed the unionist community, to whom Sands was merely a convicted terrorist. An Enniskillen councillor protested that Fermanagh unionists were "astounded" that the Catholic community elected Sands as they did. Harry West said afterwards, "now we know the types of people who are living among us". The Anti-H Block cause received a profile boost: now that a British MP might starve to death, Bowyer Bell says, "the international media began to arrive". The New York Times described
13524-508: The north and an illegal and illegitimate process in the south. Local elections in the south were contested, but although there were increasing calls for this approach to be expanded to the north, the most recent attempt—in November 1980—was voted down at the party's Ard Fheis . The death of Sands necessitated another by-election in Fermanagh and South Tyrone. This time the Anti-H Block candidate
13671-419: The policies and activities of all government departments, and the staff of the Civil Service. The prime minister also acts as the public "face" and "voice" of His Majesty's Government, both at home and abroad. Solely upon the advice of the prime minister, the sovereign exercises many statutory and prerogative powers, including high judicial, political, official and Church of England ecclesiastical appointments;
13818-400: The post-war period and that as a result, the prime minister now directly authorises supervision over government bills and has a consequential role in the introduction of legislation. The prime minister is able to wield considerable power in the passing of legislation through their ability to manage party discipline and cohesion in voting patterns. Bogdanor states that this largely depends upon
13965-407: The power of the prime minister derives from their ability to command a majority in the House in order to pass legislation and continue the functions of government. If a prime minister loses the confidence of the House, which occurs in a vote of no confidence, they are often expected to resign from office or request the monarch dissolve parliament to call a general election. The prime minister acts as
14112-447: The powers of the Crown, entrusting its authority to responsible ministers (the prime minister and Cabinet), accountable for their policies and actions to Parliament, in particular the elected House of Commons . Although many of the sovereign's prerogative powers are still legally intact, constitutional conventions have removed the monarch from day-to-day governance, with ministers exercising
14259-428: The prime minister acts as the main representative of the government in the international sphere, including in parliament, where treaties are ratified and international commitments are debated. The most significant powers given to the prime minister are "prerogative powers". These are a set of constitutional privileges deriving from monarchial authority that have gradually evolved into tools of executive power managed by
14406-401: The prime minister and the government. Bagehot famously called the British system as one where "the executive power is now yielded by the prime minister" rather than the monarch, a shift from personal to political power. Prerogative powers allow the prime minister to act without the immediate or direct consent of parliament especially in circumstances such as declaring war, deployment of troops and
14553-463: The prime minister and the sovereign. The concept of " the Crown " resolves this paradox. The Crown symbolises the state's authority to govern: to make laws and execute them, impose taxes and collect them, declare war and make peace. Before the " Glorious Revolution " of 1688, the sovereign exclusively wielded the powers of the Crown; afterwards, Parliament gradually forced monarchs to assume a neutral political position. Parliament has effectively dispersed
14700-446: The prime minister being the leader of the largest party in the Commons, which can pass legislation without any or little resistance if they can command the confidence of the House. This aspect of prime ministerial power is informal and often carried out by the office of Whips, who makes sure that MPs remain loyal and vote on the government line. The political scientist Anthony King said that the prime minister's influence over legislation
14847-407: The prime minister can hold significant power over the executive, it is often exercised collectively through the Cabinet (Government). Ministerial responsibility is also an aspect of a prime minister's executive authority. The prime minister leads the cabinet which makes the holder of that office bear responsibility for the collective conduct of the government. Professor Rodney Brazier points out that
14994-409: The prime minister leads a major political party and generally commands a majority in the House of Commons (the lower chamber of Parliament). The incumbent wields both significant legislative and executive powers. Under the British system, there is a unity of powers rather than separation . Walter Bagehot described the office of prime minister as the "keystone of the Cabinet arch" that maintained while
15141-462: The prime minister's powers and relationships with other institutions still largely continue to derive from ancient royal prerogatives and historic and modern constitutional conventions. Prime ministers continue to hold the position of First Lord of the Treasury and, since November 1968, that of Minister for the Civil Service , the latter giving them authority over the civil service . Under this arrangement, Britain might appear to have two executives:
15288-420: The principal advisor to the monarch, who is the head of state, a capacity that has evolved gradually during the history of the office. Bagehot says that despite the monarch holding certain theoretical executive powers, in practice, these powers are often executed upon the advice and recommendation of the prime minister and the cabinet. This is considered a major principle of the "unity of powers" that exists within
15435-501: The prison, refused food. The date was deliberately chosen as the fifth anniversary of the withdrawal of status. A statement from the prisoners was issued by Danny Morrison , Sinn Féin's publicity director: We have asserted that we are political prisoners and everything about our country, our arrests, interrogations, trials, and prison conditions, show that we are politically motivated and not motivated by selfish reasons or for selfish ends. As further demonstration of our selflessness and
15582-403: The prisoner. They brought and received comms. These were tiny letters, written on cigarette papers and wrapped in clingfilm during transportation, either internally or under clothing: "The system became so efficient that on occasion the external leadership could expect to get a message in, a reply out and a second message back in in a single day". Even before Sands's death, pro-prisoner violence
15729-471: The prisoners presented a proposal for a hunger strike to the external leadership. Although this was rejected —former prisoner Laurence McKeown has said this proposal was "unknown to most prisoners" —the external leadership "conceded, reluctantly" that they had no alternative proposal. In June 1980, the European Court of Human Rights rejected a claim by the prisoners that their treatment during imprisonment
15876-445: The prisoners themselves responsible for their actions, and even regret, at their forthcoming deaths: I cannot interfere with the hunger strike; we do not force feed. If those people continue with the hunger strike it will have no effect whatsoever. It will just take their own lives for which I will be profoundly sorry because I think it is a ridiculous thing to do, that it is a ridiculous way to try to go about." Ten days later, Sands
16023-447: The prisoners' mouths and body cavities provided not just a practical method of importation but another act of resistance against the prison regime. Cavities for the Maze prisoners included rectal, throat and nasal passages, as well as within foreskins and navels. One prisoner became known as "The Suitcase" on account of how much he could carry inside him, while another set a record with 40 comms under his foreskin. The long-term effect of
16170-583: The question of the demands. However, the end result was that At the end of the meeting Atkins explained, and Father Magee accepted, that the Secretary of State could not see him again because to do so would risk creating the impression that some form of negotiation was going on. There was no question of negotiation, and Atkins would need to continue to make that quite clear. Thatcher continued, in public, to maintain her stance that "you can't compromise with violence". Meeting Protestant religious leaders, though, she
16317-672: The result as "a stunning blow to the Protestant establishment of Northern Ireland" and that it "cast into doubt the view often expressed by politicians in London that the IRA is supported only by a fringe of the Catholic voters". For its part, the Irish Times also reported the election as "a serious embarrassment to the British Government" and a "body blow "for those who claimed that most Nationalists would not support paramilitary organisation". The Times , meanwhile, concentrated on whether it
16464-535: The right to their own clothes, which the prisoners believed had been conceded them, it became clear that they would have to wear prison-issued clothes until they could demonstrate full compliance with the regime. Sands saw this as "a demand for capitulation rather than a step-by-step approach", argues O'Dochartaigh, and began pressuring the external leadership to authorise another hunger strike. The investigative author R. K. Walker has reported one member of British Intelligence as believing that The British government duped
16611-460: The route of his funeral, which was conducted with full IRA military honours. Margaret Thatcher showed no sympathy for his death, telling the House of Commons that "Mr. Sands was a convicted criminal. He chose to take his own life. It was a choice that his organisation did not allow to many of its victims." Prime Minister of the United Kingdom The prime minister of the United Kingdom
16758-445: The run-up to and duration of the first hunger strike, including two Prison governors , including Albert Mills in 1978. This was the republican movement's means of upping the ante against a relatively soft target. Former IRA prisoner Richard O'Rawe has argued that, from the perspective of the prisoners, prison staff waged a campaign of violence against them, including beatings and testicular squeezings. By late April, with Sands on
16905-547: The safety of the state was at risk. On the death of Doherty, the Dáil's national flag was lowered to half mast as was traditional on the death of a sitting member; he had lasted, at 73 days, the longest yet. When, on 5 May, Sands died in the prison hospital on the 66th day of his hunger strike, Humphrey Atkins issued a statement saying that Sands had committed suicide "under the instructions of those who felt it useful to their cause that he should die". More than 100,000 people lined
17052-715: The same ignorance as their French counterparts". Approximately one thousand people attended a public mass in New York's St Patrick's Cathedral by Cardinal Cooke calling for reconciliation, while also in the city Longshoremen boycotted British ships. In London, the Queen was also harassed by a banner protesting Sands's "murder" when she opened Wood Green Shopping Centre in North London in May. However, The Washington Post supported Thatcher's position, agreeing with her in an editorial that
17199-423: The same rights as internees until July 1972, when Special Category Status was introduced following a hunger strike by 40 Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) prisoners led by the veteran republican Billy McKee . Special Category, or political status meant prisoners were treated similarly to prisoners of war; for example, not having to wear prison uniforms or do prison work. On 1 March 1976, Merlyn Rees ,
17346-486: The settlement of the five demands. The British government, while offering extensive prison reform, refused to acknowledge political status. The women's strike lasted 19 days, finishing on 19 December. Twenty-six women remained on the dirty protest at Armagh Token three-day fasts broke out sporadically in Belfast Prison . In a war of nerves between the IRA leadership and the government, with McKenna lapsing in and out of
17493-399: The shortest-serving was Liz Truss , who served seven weeks. The current prime minister is Keir Starmer , who succeeded Rishi Sunak on 5 July 2024, following the 2024 general election . The position of prime minister was not created; it evolved slowly and organically over three hundred years due to numerous Acts of Parliament , political developments, and accidents of history. The office
17640-431: The since the prime minister wields significant sway over policy, that power must be subjected to the conclusion and input of Cabinet ministers. This prevents the office of prime minister from becoming more dominant and also ensures that executive power is authorised with broader support from and within the government. The prime minister must constantly maintain the confidence of the House of Commons because, as Bagehot notes,
17787-474: The strike was ongoing. When Northern Ireland Office (NIO) officials did meet, on occasion, with republicans, these were generally called "exercises in clarification" rather than negotiations. This was so as not to send the wrong message to observers, particularly to unionist leaders. Even so, John Molyneux , leader of the UUP, wondered if the British understood they would "have difficulty" in persuading people that this
17934-601: The strike. These were Mairéad Farrell (age 23), Mary Doyle (24) and Mairéad Nugent (21); Farrell stated that the intention was to "create an additional source of pressure on the authorities". In four days, their average weight loss was 9 pounds (4.1 kg). They were moved to a single clean cell 2 days after beginning and were in a stable condition. In the Maze, the seven men were in the prison hospital where they were weak but generally stable, except for McKenna and McKearney, who were sinking faster than their comrades. They remained defiant, however, and refused to accept less than
18081-560: The tabloids, he had banned further direct communications. Thomas Hennessey has argued that the Prime Minister's "hand was literally all over the 'deal'" accepted by Hughes in December 1979, and the speed with which the government were able to present a working hypothesis to Brendan Hughes in the Maze—regardless of its acceptability—told the republican movement that the British were, in fact, willing and able to negotiate. Morrison admitted that
18228-600: The time pressure—McDonnell was by now close to collapse—he suggested to Thatcher that "we should communicate to the PIRA overnight a draft statement" addressing the five demands. Work, for example, would constitute light-weight, domestic tasks or studying for Open University , while association would be dealt with by local supervisory officers. Thatcher edited the draft to reduce its conciliatory tone, signalling that while they might soften their approach to uniform, work and association were not included. Another meeting just past midnight on
18375-602: The use of such powers by the prime minister is often constrained by political convention than by law. King Charles III [REDACTED] William, Prince of Wales [REDACTED] Charles III ( King-in-Council ) [REDACTED] Starmer ministry ( L ) Keir Starmer ( L ) Angela Rayner ( L ) ( King-in-Parliament ) [REDACTED] Charles III [REDACTED] [REDACTED] [REDACTED] The Lord Reed The Lord Hodge Andrew Bailey Monetary Policy Committee The British system of government
18522-625: The verge of death, the British government was making plans to deal with the popular consequences. Atkins briefed Thatcher that not only were thousands expected to turn out for Sands's funeral, but large-scale rioting was expected. The RUC's main priority was to prevent demonstrators from entering Protestant areas, which were already being spoken of as defended by Protestant paramilitaries. Although Sands's funeral—attended by around 100,000 people —on 7 May passed off peacefully, that night, violence broke out across Belfast; security forces were attacked with acid and petrol bombs . Ten thousand people attended
18669-477: The withdrawal of status. As such he was required to wear a prison uniform as every other, non-political, prisoner did. Nugent refused, telling the warder, "if you want me to wear a uniform, you'll have to nail it to my back", and wore a blanket in its place. This began the blanket protest, in which IRA and Irish National Liberation Army (INLA) prisoners refused to wear prison uniforms and either went naked or fashioned garments from prison blankets. In 1978, after
18816-404: The women's prison at Armagh , where not just faeces and urine, but menstrual blood, coated cell walls. These protests aimed to re-establish the political status expected by as prisoners of war , and were encapsulated in what became known as the "Five Demands": Initially, the dirty protest did not attract a great deal of attention, and even the IRA regarded it as a side issue in the context of
18963-824: Was Owen Carron , Sands's election agent . Held on the day Devine died, Carron won the by-election with an increased number of votes. The increasing electability of republican candidates worried the Irish government. Anti-H Block candidates won over 40,000 first preference votes at the 1981 Irish general election , and elected two prisoners to the Dáil , Paddy Agnew to Louth and hunger striker Kieran Doherty in Cavan-Monaghan . Neither took their seat. Joe McDonnell narrowly missed election in Sligo–Leitrim . The election victories of Doherty and Agnew denied power to Charles Haughey's outgoing Fianna Fáil government, which lost their narrow majority. Adams saw these results primarily as
19110-497: Was elected as a member of parliament during the strike, prompting media interest from around the world. The strike was called off after ten prisoners had starved themselves to death, including Sands, whose funeral was attended by 100,000 people. The strike radicalised Irish nationalist politics and was the driving force that enabled Sinn Féin to become a mainstream political party. He has chosen death: Refusing to eat or drink, that he may bring Disgrace upon me; for there
19257-414: Was a Pyrrhic victory for the government, as it heightened the resolve of the prisoners in the event of another hunger strike. Prison authorities began to supply the prisoners with officially issued civilian clothing, as had been announced. The Secretary of State , Humphrey Atkins , had already begun preparations for dealing with a second hunger strike based on the lessons of the first one. These included
19404-764: Was against the Convention on Human Rights on the grounds that the dirty protest was self-inflicted. On 27 October 1980, republican prisoners in the Maze began a hunger strike. One hundred and forty-eight prisoners volunteered to be part of the strike, but a total of seven were selected to match the number of men who signed the Easter 1916 Proclamation of the Republic . The group consisted of IRA members Brendan Hughes , Tommy McKearney , Raymond McCartney , Tom McFeely , Sean McKenna, Leo Green, and INLA member John Nixon. On 1 December, three prisoners in Armagh Women's Prison joined
19551-465: Was all the talks amounted to. But hence the British talked to republicans through third parties, such as members of the religious community, rather than Sands or Hughes directly. For example, the Pope's envoy, John Magee, met with Atkins as he did Sands; again, Atkins emphasised that this did not constitute negotiation. To Magee, Sands appeared to understand this, stating that he merely wanted "satisfaction" on
19698-527: Was allowed to stand under the Criminal Law Act 1967 which allowed convicted criminals to be elected. The election took place on 9 April, and following a high-profile campaign, Sands was elected to the British House of Commons with 30,492 votes to West's 29,046, amounting to over 52% of the vote. The result "gravely alarmed" the government, which almost immediately began looking at ways of disqualifying
19845-468: Was almost unbearable. In two of them I was unable to speak for fear of vomiting." In 1979, former MP Bernadette McAliskey stood in the election for the European Parliament on a platform of support for the protesting prisoners, and won just under 34,000 votes, even though Sinn Féin had called for a boycott of the election, and on one occasion, Martin McGuinness heckled her with a megaphone during
19992-490: Was beyond historical comparison." On 5 March, Thatcher flew to Belfast for a lightning visit, in an attempt to reassure the protestant community of the government's continuing commitment to the Union . She denied it was a response to the latest hunger strike, saying "it ought to be as natural for the Prime Minister to visit this part of the United Kingdom as for her ... to visit Lancashire or Kent", and that she wished to build
20139-614: Was blown up by his organisation's own bomb near his home in the Markets area . The Lost Lives project has calculated that around 50 people lost their lives in the period between the death of Sands and the taking off of Devlin. Following Hughes's death, the Irish country homes of James Comyn , a British High Court judge, and Lord Farnham , were burned out by the IRA, and in Belfast, the night before his burial, there were seven shooting incidents and an explosion. Two days later, Constable Stephen Vallely died when an RPG hit his Land Rover; he
20286-610: Was by now gravely ill, and McKearney close behind; the eyesight of both had deteriorated. By now—following "intense" and "highly secret" negotiations involving the Irish Government , also the British had clarified their position in a thirty-page document detailing a proposed settlement, which touched on many of the demands, although without conceding any. With the document in transit to Belfast, Hughes—having already been informed that free association and their own clothing had been granted, which he deemed 'close' to what they wanted—took
20433-439: Was compared to 10,000 marchers four months previously. Edward Daly , Bishop of Derry , condemned the return to hunger strike as being not "morally justified" while Sands held journalists' interviews from his bed. Food was given to Sands every day, although this was refused. One of Sands's fellow prisoners reported how food would sit there all day, and when it was taken away at night, the warders "would accuse Bobby of having eaten
20580-564: Was his choice. The Government would not force medical treatment upon him." Sands died in the early hours of 5th May 1981; Hughes was two weeks behind him and the next two a week behind Hughes. Small scale rioting broke out almost immediately, particularly in the interface area of New Barnsley . The Gaelic Athletic Association was condemned by an Irish Republican Socialist Party councillor for banning ant-H Block activity on its premises. Sinn Féin had traditionally abstained from electoral politics, seeing it as reinforcing colonial rule in
20727-460: Was joined by Francis Hughes . On the 22nd, Raymond McCreesh and Patsy O'Hara began their fasts. The British strategy, at first, was to wait it out and allow time to collapse the strike as it had done in 1980. In the meantime, though, "the strike was quickly overtaken by other events" outside Belfast. On the same day Thatcher visited the north, Independent Republican "unity" MP for Fermanagh and South Tyrone Frank Maguire died, resulting in
20874-457: Was not negotiating. In the event, Thatcher turned the suggestion down in case it looked as though the ECHR were her emissaries. Privately, contact between the NIO and contacts of the republican leadership continued. In early June 1981, communications were sufficiently advanced for there to be "a rich crop of rumours" circulating in the British press as to whether Thatcher was, in fact, negotiating with
21021-492: Was occurring. British businessman Geoffrey Armstrong of British Leyland was giving a speech to the Dublin Junior Chamber of Commerce when three balaclavad men shot him in the legs while shouting, "this action is in support of the H-Blocks". The IRA denied responsibility. Violence was not confined to the IRA. Other incidents included the shooting and wounding of UDA councillor Sam Millar at home on Shankill Road by
21168-448: Was possible to remove Sands from office, and noted that, in any case, "even if he is allowed to keep his seat, he is likely to be dead of starvation soon". Sands' election victory raised hopes that a settlement could be negotiated, but Thatcher stood firm in refusing to give concessions to the hunger strikers. She stated, "we are not prepared to consider special category status for certain groups of people serving sentences for crime. Crime
21315-540: Was prepared to admit that, whatever the public view of the IRA, there was "a lot" of sympathy for their ideals among Catholics. By May, Atkins was enjoining upon Thatcher a policy of responding positively to external proposals—such as from the EHCR— which would also prevent the government from being "sucked into any kind of negotiation". O'Fiaich also believed more input from the ECHR would be useful, and that he and Father Crilly could join them; but again, O'Fiaich emphasised that he
21462-405: Was still concerned at this point that the external leadership might veto a strike. The leadership did not, in fact, and desperately sent in comms attempting to dissuade Sands from another hunger strike. But Sands intended to "send a clear signal to his own superiors that he 'meant business'". The second hunger strike began on 1 March, when Bobby Sands , the IRA's former officer commanding (OC) in
21609-577: Was the first RUC to be killed in a rocket attack. Attacks on security forces continued and became more intense when there was a burial. Soldiers were killed by a landmine in Newry ; a police officer was shot outside a pub; Reservist Colin Dunlop was shot in the Royal Victoria Hospital , the conflict's first Mormon casualty; Further hunger striker deaths were met with further street violence; following
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