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134-563: Anarchism came to public attention in the United States with the Haymarket Affair of 1886. On May 4, a policeman was killed and several others were wounded, of which six later died, after a bomb exploded in Chicago 's Haymarket Square . Eight members of the recently formed International Working People's Association (IWPA) were found guilty of the bombing. The IWPA's 1883 manifesto called for

268-468: A white mob in Detroit attempted to drive a black family out of the home they had purchased in a white neighborhood. During the struggle, a white man was killed, and the eleven black men in the house were later arrested and charged with murder. Ossian Sweet , a doctor, and three members of his family were brought to trial, and after an initial deadlock, Darrow argued to the all-white jury : "I insist that there

402-592: A German immigrant, signed pardons for Fielden, Neebe, and Schwab, calling them victims of "hysteria, packed juries, and a biased judge" and noting that the state "has never discovered who it was that threw the bomb which killed the policeman, and the evidence does not show any connection whatsoever between the defendants and the man who threw it". Altgeld also faulted the city of Chicago for failing to hold Pinkerton guards responsible for repeated use of lethal violence against striking workers. Altgeld's actions concerning labor were used to defeat his reelection. Soon after

536-453: A consensus developed that suppression of anarchist agitation was necessary while for their part, union organizations such as The Knights of Labor and craft unions were quick to disassociate themselves from the anarchist movement and to repudiate violent tactics as self-defeating. Many workers, on the other hand, believed that industry-hired men of the Pinkerton agency were responsible because of

670-430: A consequence of the bribery charges, most labor unions dropped Darrow from their list of preferred attorneys. This effectively put Darrow out of business as a labor lawyer, and he switched to civil and criminal cases. He took the latter because he had become convinced that the criminal justice system could ruin people's lives if they were not adequately represented. Throughout his career, Darrow devoted himself to opposing

804-582: A farming community. After two years Darrow felt he was ready to take on new and different cases and moved his practice to Ashtabula, Ohio , which had a population of 5,000 people and was the largest city in the county. There he became involved in Democratic Party politics and served as the town counsel. In 1880, he married Jessie Ohl, and eight years later he moved to Chicago with his wife and young son, Paul. He did not have much business when he first moved to Chicago, and spent as little as possible. He joined

938-402: A jury was extraordinarily difficult, lasting three weeks, and nearly one thousand people called. All union members and anyone who expressed sympathy toward socialism were dismissed. In the end a jury of 12 was seated, most of whom confessed prejudice against the defendants. Despite their professions of prejudice Judge Gary seated those who declared that despite their prejudices they would acquit if

1072-401: A long time ago". In the end, Oglesby decided he would only pardon those who asked for clemency. Four of the seven outright refused this on the grounds that they had committed no crime, and so only the two who did request mercy, Fielden and Schwab, had their sentences commuted to life in prison on November 10, 1887. On the eve of his scheduled execution, Lingg died by suicide in his cell with

1206-514: A memorial to him. Darrow married Jessie Ohl in April 1880. They had one child, Paul Edward Darrow, in 1883. They were divorced in 1897. Darrow married Ruby Hammerstrom, a journalist 16 years his junior, in 1903. They had no children. Following graduation from the University of Michigan Law School, in late 1879 Darrow moved to the small village of Harvard, Illinois , with his classmate L.H. Stafford, who

1340-532: A memorial to the Haymarket Martyrs . That was enough evidence to order his deportation. Emma Goldman organized a Free Speech League to contest the deportation. She recruited Clarence Darrow and Edgar Lee Masters to defend him. After Goldman organized a meeting at Cooper Union of those opposing the deportation, a New York Times editorial argued in favor of the Act and the deportation of Turner. It referred to

1474-525: A militant revolutionary force with an armed section equipped with explosives. Its revolutionary strategy centered around the belief that successful operations against the police and the seizure of major industrial centers would lead to massive public support by workers, start a revolution, destroy capitalism, and establish a socialist economy. In October 1884, a convention held by the Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions unanimously set May 1, 1886, as

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1608-526: A phone call in his office. With Darrow himself on the verge of being discredited, the defense's hope for a simple plea agreement ended. On December 1, 1911, the McNamara brothers changed their pleas to guilty, in open court. The plea bargain Darrow helped arrange earned John fifteen years and James life imprisonment. Despite sparing the brothers the death penalty, Darrow was accused by many in organized labor of selling

1742-498: A piece for The Atlantic Monthly in which he identified the fears of middle-class Americans concerning labor radicalism, and asserted that the workers had only themselves to blame for their troubles. Edward Aveling remarked, "If these men are ultimately hanged, it will be the Chicago Tribune that has done it." Schaack, who had led the investigation, was dismissed from the police force for allegedly having fabricated evidence in

1876-582: A position as a lawyer at the Chicago and North-Western Railway Company in 1891. In 1894, Darrow represented Eugene V. Debs , the leader of the American Railway Union , who was prosecuted by the federal government for leading the Pullman Strike of 1894. Darrow severed his ties with the railroad to represent Debs, making a financial sacrifice. He saved Debs in one trial but could not keep him from being jailed in another. Also in 1894, Darrow took on

2010-592: A rally the following day at Haymarket Square (also called the Haymarket), which was then a bustling commercial center near the corner of Randolph Street and Desplaines Street. Printed in German and English, the fliers stated that the police had murdered the strikers on behalf of business interests and urged workers to seek justice. The first fliers contain the words Workingmen Arm Yourselves and Appear in Full Force! When Spies saw

2144-460: A review somewhat more critical of the defendants, historian Jon Teaford concludes that "[t]he tragedy of Haymarket is the American justice system did not protect the damn fools who most needed that protection... It is the damn fools who talk too much and too wildly who are most in need of protection from the state." Historian Timothy Messer-Kruse revisited the digitized trial transcript and argued that

2278-463: A six-day work week. The city became a center for many attempts to organize labor's demands for better working conditions. Employers responded with anti-union measures, such as firing and blacklisting union members, locking out workers, recruiting strikebreakers; employing spies, thugs, and private security forces and exacerbating ethnic tensions in order to divide the workers. Business interests were supported by mainstream newspapers, and were opposed by

2412-507: A smuggled blasting cap which he reportedly held in his mouth like a cigar (the blast blew off half his face and he survived in agony for six hours). The next day (November 11, 1887) four defendants—Engel, Fischer, Parsons, and Spies—were taken to the gallows in white robes and hoods. They sang the Marseillaise , then the anthem of the international revolutionary movement. Family members including Lucy Parsons , who attempted to see them for

2546-434: A system within the United States to detect, question, and deport immigrants accused of anarchism. Both died in committee. On September 6, 1901, Leon F. Czolgosz , an American-born son of Polish immigrants and a self-proclaimed anarchist, assassinated President William McKinley . The police responded by arresting a number of anarchists, including Emma Goldman and a group of Chicago anarchists that published Free Society ,

2680-513: A threat to the government. Chief Justice Melville Fuller wrote the Court's decision holding that the Bill of Rights does not apply to aliens, and Congress had the right to deny entry to anyone whom it deemed a threat to the country. Turner became the first person deported under the act. The Act was re-enacted on June 29, 1906. Advocates for using the immigration laws to combat radicalism campaigned to expand

2814-616: A total of 15 anarchists were denied entry to the US. He reported that four anarchists had been expelled in 1913 and three in 1914. In October 1903, immediately following a speech given by the British anarchist John Turner at the Murray Hill Lyceum in New York, Bureau of Immigration officials arrested him and found a copy of Johann Most 's Free Society and Turner's speaking schedule, which included

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2948-461: A typesetter. A search of the premises resulted in the discovery of the "Revenge Poster" and other evidence considered incriminating by the prosecution. On May 7, police searched the premises of Louis Lingg where they found a number of bombs and bomb-making materials. Lingg's landlord William Seliger was also arrested, but cooperated with police, identified Lingg as a bomb-maker, and was not charged. An associate of Spies, Balthazar Rau, suspected as

3082-405: Is a member of or affiliated with any organization entertaining or teaching such disbelief in or opposition to all organized government." The law also limited the deportation of non-citizen anarchists to the first three years of their residency in the US. The impact of the law was slight. The Commissioner-General of Immigration reported that from the time the law took effect in 1903 to June 30, 1914,

3216-511: Is intensifying" and articulated the vision advocated by the Knights of Labor for an industrial system of worker-owned co-operatives , another among the strategies pursued to advance the conditions of laborers. The interview was republished as a pamphlet to include the bill Stanford introduced in the Senate to foster co-operatives. Popular pressure continued for the establishment of the 8-hour day. At

3350-454: Is necessary for the decisions that people make. When someone tries to go against a certain law or custom that is forbidden, he wrote, he should feel a sense of revulsion. As neither Leopold nor Loeb had a working emotional system, they did not feel revolted. During the trial, the newspapers claimed that Darrow was presenting a "million dollar defense" for the two wealthy families. Many ordinary Americans were angered at his apparent greed. He had

3484-455: Is not the beginning of wisdom. The fear of God is the death of wisdom. Skepticism and doubt lead to study and investigation, and investigation is the beginning of wisdom." In January 1931 Darrow had a debate with English writer G. K. Chesterton during the latter's second trip to America. This was held at New York City 's Mecca Temple . The topic was "Will the World Return to Religion?". At

3618-489: Is nothing but prejudice in this case; that if it was reversed and eleven white men had shot and killed a black man while protecting their home and their lives against a mob of blacks, nobody would have dreamed of having them indicted. They would have been given medals instead...." Following a mistrial, it was agreed that each of the eleven defendants would be tried individually. Darrow, alongside Thomas Chawke, would first defend Ossian's brother Henry, who had confessed to firing

3752-509: Is to be gained by prolonging the life of this bizarre case." The event led to a change in public sentiment and an increased discourse on the creation claims of religious teachers versus those of secular scientists — i.e., creationism compared to evolutionism — that still exists. It also became popularized in a play based loosely on the trial, Inherit the Wind , which has been adapted several times on film and television. On September 9, 1925,

3886-663: The State of Tennessee v. Scopes trial. It has often been called the "Scopes Monkey Trial," a title popularized by author and journalist H.L. Mencken . The trial, which was deliberately staged to bring publicity to the issue at hand, pitted Darrow against William Jennings Bryan in a court case that tested Tennessee's Butler Act , which had been passed on March 21, 1925. The act forbade the teaching of "the Evolution Theory " in any state-funded educational establishment. More broadly, it outlawed in state-funded schools (including universities)

4020-691: The Chicago City Council , both of which it rejected. Darrow resigned his position in November 1905. Darrow died on March 13, 1938, at his home, in Chicago, Illinois, of pulmonary heart disease. Today, Clarence Darrow is remembered for his reputation as a fierce trial attorney who, in many cases, championed the cause of the underdog; because of this, he is generally regarded as one of the greatest criminal defense lawyers in American history. According to legend, before he died, Darrow declared that if there

4154-687: The Haymarket massacre , the Haymarket riot , the Haymarket Square riot , or the Haymarket Incident , was the aftermath of a bombing that took place at a labor demonstration on May 4, 1886, at Haymarket Square in Chicago , Illinois , United States. The rally began peacefully in support of workers striking for an eight-hour work day , the day after the events at the McCormick Harvesting Machine Company , during which one person

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4288-566: The International Working People's Association [IWPA], his wife and fellow organizer Lucy , and their children. Speaking to a rally outside the West Side, Chicago , McCormick reaper plant on May 3, August Spies advised the striking workers to "hold together, to stand by their union, or they would not succeed". Well-planned and coordinated, the general strike to this point had mainly remained non-violent. However, workers surged to

4422-874: The U.S. annexation of the Philippines . He represented the woodworkers of Wisconsin in a notable case in Oshkosh in 1898 and the United Mine Workers in Pennsylvania in the great anthracite coal strike of 1902 . He flirted with the idea of running for mayor of Chicago in 1903 but ultimately decided against it. The following year, in July, Darrow married Ruby Hammerstrom, a young Chicago journalist. His former mentor, Governor John Peter Altgeld , joined Darrow's firm following his Chicago mayoral electoral defeat in 1899 and worked with Darrow until his death in 1902. From 1903 to 1911, Darrow

4556-517: The University of Michigan Law School , but did not graduate from either institution. He attended Allegheny College for only one year before the Panic of 1873 struck, and Darrow was determined not to be a financial burden to his father any longer. Over the next three years he taught in the winter at the district school in a country community. While teaching, Darrow started to study the law on his own, and by

4690-557: The civil rights movement and was included in the book Speeches that Changed the World (given the name "I Believe in the Law of Love"). The two closing arguments of Clarence Darrow, from the first and second trials, show how he learned from the first trial and reshaped his remarks. The Scopes Trial and the Sweet trial were the last big cases that Darrow took on before he retired from full-time practice at

4824-570: The death penalty , which he felt to be in conflict with humanitarian progress. In more than 100 cases, only one of Darrow's clients was executed. He became renowned for moving juries and even judges to tears with his eloquence. Darrow had a keen intellect often hidden by his rumpled, unassuming appearance. A July 23, 1915, article in the Chicago Tribune describes Darrow's effort on behalf of J.H. Fox, an Evanston, Illinois , landlord, to have Mary S. Brazelton committed to an insane asylum against

4958-490: The head tax on immigrants to the United States to $ 2.00. It further allowed the deportation of immigrants who became a public charge within their first two years in the country. It was the first legislation in the US since the Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798 that called for questioning potential immigrants about their political beliefs. The Act barred anyone "who disbelieves in or who is opposed to all organized government, or who

5092-448: The "destruction of the existing class rule, by all means, i.e., by energetic, relentless, revolutionary and international action". The idea of excluding anarchists from immigrating was first mentioned at a Congressional hearing in 1889. A bill introduced on July 20, 1894 sought to restrict the entry of anarchists by requiring potential immigrants to visit a U. S. consulate for a political review before immigrating. A substitute bill proposed

5226-632: The 20th century for several criminal matters, including the Leopold and Loeb murder trial, the Scopes "monkey" trial , and the Ossian Sweet defense. He was a leading member of the American Civil Liberties Union and a prominent advocate for Georgist economic reform. Darrow was also well known as a public speaker, debater, and writer. Darrow is considered by some legal analysts and lawyers to be

5360-584: The 43rd General Assembly as one of two members of the Public Ownership Party along with John J. McManaman. He was elected on a platform "advocating the municipal ownership of public utilities." Darrow was appointed in 1905 by newly elected Chicago mayor Edward Fitzsimmons Dunne to serve in the position of "Special Traction Counsel to the Mayor", assisting Dunne in his attempts to resolve the city's traction problem . He and Dunne had presented two plans to

5494-517: The Anarchists bore bloody fruit in Chicago tonight and before daylight at least a dozen stalwart men will have laid down their lives as a tribute to the doctrine of Herr Johann Most ." (Most was a German-American anarchy-theorist and leader, who was not in Chicago). The article referred to the strikers as a "mob" and used quotation marks around the term "workingmen". At about 10:30 pm, just as Fielden

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5628-501: The Darrow and Eddy families had deep roots in colonial New England , and several of Darrow's ancestors served in the American Revolution . Darrow's father was an ardent abolitionist and a proud iconoclast and religious freethinker. He was known throughout the town as the "village infidel". Emily Darrow was an early supporter of female suffrage and a women's rights advocate. The young Clarence attended Allegheny College and

5762-526: The Haymarket Affair, were arrested. Ignoring legal requirements such as for search warrants, Chicago police squads subjected the labor activists of Chicago to an eight-week shakedown, ransacking their meeting halls and places of business. The emphasis was on the speakers at the Haymarket rally and the newspaper Arbeiter-Zeitung . A small group of anarchists were declared to have been engaged in making bombs on

5896-634: The Haymarket incident and the Great Upheaval subsided. Employers regained control of their workers and traditional workdays were restored to ten or more hours a day. There was a massive outpouring of community and business support for the police and many thousands of dollars were donated to funds for their medical care and to assist their efforts. The entire labor and immigrant community, particularly Germans and Bohemians, came under suspicion. Police raids were carried out on homes and offices of suspected anarchists. Dozens of suspects, many only remotely related to

6030-511: The Henry George Club and made some friends and connections in the city. Being part of the club also gave him an opportunity to speak for the Democratic Party on the upcoming election. He slowly made a name for himself through these speeches, eventually earning the standing to speak in whatever hall he liked. He was offered work as an attorney for the city of Chicago. Darrow worked in the city law department for two years when he resigned and took

6164-451: The United States sang the anthem, Eight Hour. The song's chorus reflected the ideology of the Great Upheaval, "Eight Hours for work. Eight hours for rest. Eight hours for what we will." Estimates of the number of striking workers across the U.S. range from 300,000 to half a million. In New York City, the number of demonstrators was estimated at 10,000. and in Detroit at 11,000. In Milwaukee , some 10,000 workers turned out. In Chicago,

6298-742: The age of 68. He still took on a few cases such as the 1932 Massie Trial in Hawaii. In his last headline-making case, the Massie Trial, Darrow, devastated by the Great Depression , was hired by Eva Stotesbury, the wife of Darrow's old family friend Edward T. Stotesbury , to come to the defense of Grace Fortescue , Edward J. Lord, Deacon Jones, and Thomas Massie, Fortescue's son-in-law, who were accused of murdering Joseph Kahahawai . Kahahawai had been accused, along with four other men, of raping and beating Thalia Massie , Thomas's wife and Fortescue's daughter;

6432-519: The agency's tactic of secretly infiltrating labor groups and its sometimes violent methods of strike breaking. The police assumed that an anarchist had thrown the bomb as part of a planned conspiracy; their problem was how to prove it. On the morning of May 5, they raided the offices of the Arbeiter-Zeitung , arresting its editor August Spies and his brother, who was not charged. Also arrested were editorial assistant Michael Schwab and Adolph Fischer,

6566-532: The ages of the "boys" (before the Vietnam War, the age of majority was 21) and noted that "never had there been a case in Chicago where on a plea of guilty a boy under 21 had been sentenced to death." His plea was designed to soften the heart of Judge John Caverly, but also to mold public opinion, so that Caverly could follow precedent without too huge an uproar. Darrow succeeded. Caverly sentenced Leopold and Loeb to life in prison plus 99 years. Darrow's closing argument

6700-502: The basis of interviews, that the anarchists had been experimenting for years with dynamite and other explosives, refining the design of their bombs before coming up with the effective one used at the Haymarket. At the last minute, when it was discovered that instructions for manslaughter had not been included in the submitted instructions, the jury was called back, and the instructions were given. The jury returned guilty verdicts for all eight defendants. Before being sentenced, Neebe told

6834-433: The basis of what biological principles, and by what psychological hocus-pocus [Dr. William McDougall] reaches the conclusion that the ability to read intelligently denotes a good germ-plasm and desirable citizens I cannot say," he wrote. Darrow also criticized the idea that humanity knows what qualities it would take to make humanity "better," and compared humanity's biology experiments unfavorably to those of Nature. Darrow

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6968-595: The beginning that this meeting has not been called for any such purpose. The object of this meeting is to explain the general situation of the eight-hour movement and to throw light upon various incidents in connection with it. Following Spies' speech, the crowd was addressed by Parsons, the Alabama-born editor of the radical English-language weekly The Alarm . The crowd was so calm that Mayor Carter Harrison Sr. , who had stopped by to watch, walked home early. Parsons spoke for almost an hour before standing down in favor of

7102-406: The bomb exploded. Spies and Fielden had spoken at the peaceful rally and were stepping down from the speaker's wagon in compliance with police orders to disperse just before the bomb went off. Two others had been present at the beginning of the rally but had left and were at Zepf's Hall, an anarchist rendezvous, at the time of the explosion. They were Arbeiter-Zeitung typesetter Adolph Fischer , and

7236-407: The bomber, was traced to Omaha and brought back to Chicago. After interrogation, Rau offered to cooperate with police. He alleged that the defendants had experimented with dynamite bombs and accused them of having published what he said was a code word, "Ruhe" ("peace"), in the Arbeiter-Zeitung as a call to arms at Haymarket Square. Rudolf Schnaubelt, the police's lead suspect as the bomb thrower,

7370-411: The building down, it ignited nearby ink barrels and natural gas main lines. In the ensuing fire, 20 people were killed. The AFL appealed to local, state, regional and national unions to donate 25 cents per capita to the defense fund, and set up defense committees in larger cities throughout the nation to accept donations. In the weeks before the jury was seated, Darrow became increasingly concerned about

7504-513: The case as a justified honor killing by Thomas Massie. Considered by The New York Times to be one of Darrow's three most compelling trials (along with the Scopes Trial and the Leopold and Loeb case), the case captivated the nation and most of America strongly supported the honor killing defense. In fact, the final defense arguments were transmitted to the mainland through a special radio hookup. In

7638-587: The case, but was reinstated in 1892. The case was appealed in 1887 to the Supreme Court of Illinois , then to the United States Supreme Court where the defendants were represented by John Randolph Tucker , Roger Atkinson Pryor , General Benjamin F. Butler and William P. Black . The petition for certiorari was denied. After the appeals had been exhausted, it was left to Illinois Governor Richard James Oglesby to decide whether to commute

7772-649: The charges against Moyer were then dropped. In 1911, the American Federation of Labor (AFL) called on Darrow to defend the McNamara brothers , John and James, who were charged in the Los Angeles Times bombing on October 1, 1910, during the bitter struggle over the open shop in Southern California. The bomb had been placed in an alley behind the building, and although the explosion itself did not bring

7906-418: The congress that in the exercise of its wise discretion it should take into consideration the coming to this country of anarchists or persons professing principles hostile to all government ... They and those like them should be kept out of this country; and if found here they should be promptly deported to the country whence they came. President Theodore Roosevelt signed the Act, officially "An Act To regulate

8040-466: The convention of the American Federation of Labor (AFL) in 1888, the union decided to campaign for the shorter workday again. May 1, 1890, was agreed upon as the date on which workers would strike for an eight-hour workday. Clarence Darrow Clarence Seward Darrow ( / ˈ d ær oʊ / ; April 18, 1857 – March 13, 1938) was an American lawyer who became famous in the 19th century for high profile representations of trade union causes, and in

8174-596: The court that Schaack's officers were among the city's worst gangs, ransacking houses and stealing money and watches. Schaack laughed and Neebe retorted, "You need not laugh about it, Captain Schaack. You are one of them. You are an anarchist, as you understand it. You are all anarchists, in this sense of the word, I must say." Judge Gary sentenced seven of the defendants to death by hanging and Neebe to 15 years in prison. The sentencing provoked outrage from labor and workers' movements and their supporters, resulting in protests around

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8308-513: The court trial was that one of the defendants may have built the bomb, but none of those on trial had thrown it, and only two of the eight were at the Haymarket at the time. Seven were sentenced to death and one to a term of 15 years in prison. Illinois Governor Richard J. Oglesby commuted two of the sentences to terms of life in prison; another died by suicide in jail before his scheduled execution. The other four were hanged on November 11, 1887. In 1893, Illinois Governor John Peter Altgeld pardoned

8442-474: The date by which the eight-hour work day would become standard, declaring that they resolved that "eight hours shall constitute a legal day's labor, from and after May 1, 1886, and that we recommend to labor organizations that they so direct their laws". As the chosen date approached, U.S. labor unions prepared for a general strike in support of the eight-hour day. On Saturday, May 1, thousands of workers who went on strike and attended rallies held throughout

8576-422: The deciding factor that turned public opinion against Bryan in the trial: After about two hours, Judge John T. Raulston cut the questioning short and on the following morning ordered that the whole session (which in any case the jury had not witnessed) be expunged from the record, ruling that the testimony had no bearing on whether Scopes was guilty of teaching evolution. Scopes was found guilty and ordered to pay

8710-474: The defendants. The prosecution, led by Julius Grinnell, argued that, since the defendants had not actively discouraged the person who had thrown the bomb, they were therefore equally responsible as conspirators. The jury heard the testimony of 118 people, including 54 members of the Chicago Police Department and the defendants Fielden, Schwab, Spies and Parsons. Albert Parsons's brother claimed there

8844-441: The defendants." He further notes that the conspiracy charge was legally unprecedented, the judge was "partisan," and all the jurors admitted prejudice against the defendants. Historian Carl Smith writes, "The visceral feelings of fear and anger surrounding the trial ruled out anything but the pretense of justice right from the outset." Smith notes that scholars have long considered the trial a "notorious" "miscarriage of justice". In

8978-542: The defense proposed. The defense's position weakened when, on November 28, Darrow was accused of orchestrating to bribe a prospective juror. The juror reported the offer to police, who set up a sting and observed the defense team's chief investigator, Bert Franklin, delivering $ 4,000 to the juror two blocks away from Darrow's office. After making payment, Franklin walked one block in the direction of Darrow's office before being arrested right in front of Darrow himself, who had just walked to that very intersection after receiving

9112-582: The defense team until after Prendergast's conviction, in an effort to spare him the noose. Darrow soon became one of America's leading labor attorneys. He helped organize the Populist Party in Illinois and then ran for U.S. Congress as a Democrat in 1895 but lost to Hugh R. Belknap . In 1897, his marriage to Jessie Ohl ended in divorce. He joined the Anti-Imperialist League in 1898 in opposition to

9246-678: The deportation of these criminals... and should one remain in hiding sufficiently long to become naturalized he should, at the first symptoms, be shorn of his cloak and forthwith deported. The 1903 Act was amended by the Immigration Act of 1918 , which expanded and elaborated the brief definition of anarchist found in the 1903 Act and enhanced the government's ability to deport adherents of anarchism. Haymarket Affair August Spies   [REDACTED] Albert Parsons   [REDACTED] Samuel Fielden Carter Harrison Sr. John Bonfield The Haymarket affair , also known as

9380-631: The district attorney agreed not to retry Darrow if he promised not to practice law again in California. Darrow's early biographers, Irving Stone and Arthur and Lila Weinberg, asserted that he was not involved in the bribery conspiracy, but more recently, Geoffrey Cowan and John A. Farrell, with the help of new evidence, concluded that he almost certainly was. In the biography of Earl Rogers by his daughter Adela , she wrote: "I never had any doubts, even before one of my father's private conversations with Darrow included an admission of guilt to his lawyer." As

9514-452: The eminent Edwards family (of the theologian Jonathan Edwards) ignored that family's mediocre relatives, and even ignored some immediately related murderers. Eugenicist arguments about the Jukes family did just the opposite, leaving ignored or untraced many functional and law-abiding relatives. In Darrow's subsequent essay, "The Eugenics Cult" (1926), he attacked the reasoning of eugenicists. "On

9648-521: The end of his third year of teaching, his family urged him to enter the law department at Ann Arbor. Darrow studied there for only a year when he decided that it would be much more cost-effective to read law in an actual law office. When he felt that he was ready, he took the Ohio bar exam and passed. He was admitted to the Ohio bar in 1878. The Clarence Darrow Octagon House , his childhood home in Kinsman, contains

9782-558: The end of the debate those in the hall were asked to vote for the man they thought had won the debate. Darrow received 1,022 votes while Chesterton received 2,359 votes. There is no known transcript of what was said except for third party accounts published later on. The earliest of these was in the February 4, 1931, issue of The Nation in an article written by Henry Hazlitt . In the edition of November 18, 1915, of The Washington Post , Darrow stated: " Chloroform unfit children. Show them

9916-454: The end, the jury came back with a unanimous verdict of guilty, but on the lesser crime of manslaughter. As to Darrow's closing, one juror commented, "[h]e talked to us like a bunch of farmers. That stuff may go over big in the Middle West, but not here." Governor Lawrence Judd later commuted the sentences to one hour in his office. Years later Deacon admitted to shooting Kahahawai; Kahahawai

10050-464: The event, Henry David wrote a history, which preceded another scholarly treatment by Paul Avrich in 1984, and a "social history" of the era by Bruce C. Nelson in 1988. In 2006, labor historian James Green wrote a popular history. Christopher Thale writes in the Encyclopedia of Chicago that lacking credible evidence regarding the bombing, "...the prosecution focused on the writings and speeches of

10184-468: The evidence points to Rudolph Schnaubelt, brother-in-law of Schwab, as the likely perpetrator. An extensive collection of documents relating to the Haymarket Affair and the legal proceedings related to it, The Haymarket Affair Digital Collection, has been created by the Chicago Historical Society . Among supporters of the labor movement in the United States and abroad and others, the trial

10318-411: The evidence supported it, refusing to dismiss for prejudice. Eventually the peremptory challenges of the defense were exhausted. Frustrated by the hundreds of jurors who were being dismissed, a bailiff was appointed who selected jurors rather than calling them at random. The bailiff proved prejudiced himself and selected jurors who seemed likely to convict based on their social position and attitudes toward

10452-554: The families issue a statement insisting that there would be no large legal fees and that his fees would be determined by a committee composed of officers from the Chicago Bar Association . After trial, Darrow suggested $ 200,000 would be reasonable. After lengthy negotiations with the defendants' families, he ended up getting some $ 70,000 in gross fees, which, after expenses and taxes, netted Darrow $ 30,000, worth over $ 375,000 in 2016. In 1925, Darrow defended John T. Scopes in

10586-453: The first murder case of his career, defending Patrick Eugene Prendergast , the "mentally deranged drifter" who had confessed to murdering Chicago mayor Carter Harrison, Sr. Darrow's insanity defense of Prendergast failed and he was executed. Among fifty defenses in murder cases in Darrow's career, the Prendergast case was the only one that resulted in an execution, though Darrow did not join

10720-512: The first time on the political field in the summer following the Haymarket Affair.... [T]he Knights of Labor doubled its membership, reaching 40,000 in the fall of 1886. On Labor Day the number of Chicago workers in parade led the country. On the first anniversary of the event, May 4, 1887, the New-York Tribune published an interview with Senator Leland Stanford , in which he addressed the consensus that "the conflict between capital and labor

10854-529: The gates to confront strikebreakers when the end-of-the-workday bell sounded. Spies called for calm, but the police fired on the crowd. Two McCormick workers were killed; some newspaper accounts said there were six fatalities. Spies later testified, "I was very indignant. I knew from experience of the past that this butchering of people was done for the express purpose of defeating the eight-hour movement." Outraged by this act of police violence , local anarchists quickly printed and distributed fliers calling for

10988-509: The greatest lawyer of the 20th century. He was posthumously inducted into the Trial Lawyer Hall of Fame. Called a "sophisticated country lawyer ", Darrow's wit and eloquence made him one of the most prominent attorneys and civil libertarians in the nation. Clarence Darrow was born in the small town of Farmdale, Ohio , on April 18, 1857, the fifth son of Amirus and Emily Darrow (née Eddy), but grew up in nearby Kinsman, Ohio . Both

11122-464: The illogic of the eugenicists, especially the confirmation bias in eugenicist arguments. In a 1925 essay, "The Edwardses and the Jukeses", he imitated the eugenicists' tracking of pedigrees as a way to demonstrate that their retrospective centuries-long family tree studies were omitting literally thousands of relatives whose lives did not support the researchers' preconceptions. Eugenicist arguments about

11256-457: The imaginary love of thrills, doing something different ... the satisfaction and the ego of putting something over." Chicago newspapers labeled the case the " Trial of the Century " and Americans around the country wondered what could drive the two young men, blessed with everything their society could offer, to commit such a depraved act. The killers had been arrested after a passing workman spotted

11390-417: The immigration of aliens into the United States, x ch. 1012, 32  Stat.   1222 , into law on March 3, 1903, the last day of the 57th United States Congress . It codified previous immigration law and added four inadmissible classes: anarchists, people with epilepsy, beggars, and importers of prostitutes. It also allowed for the deportation within two years of anyone unlawfully in the country and raised

11524-562: The incident as the "bloody fruit" of "the villainous teachings of the Anarchists". ref> The New York Times , May [4] 6, 1886, quoted in Avrich, The Haymarket Tragedy , p. 217.</ref> The Chicago Times described the defendants as "arch counselors of riot, pillage, incendiarism and murder"; other reporters described them as "bloody brutes", "red ruffians", "dynamarchists", "bloody monsters", "cowards", "cutthroats", "thieves", "assassins", and "fiends". The journalist George Frederic Parsons wrote

11658-589: The incident from complications related to injuries received that day. Police captain Michael Schaack later wrote that the number of wounded workers was "largely in excess of that on the side of the police". The Chicago Herald described a scene of "wild carnage" and estimated at least fifty dead or wounded civilians lay in the streets. It is unclear how many civilians were wounded since many were afraid to seek medical attention, fearing arrest. They found aid where they could. A harsh anti-union clampdown followed

11792-583: The labor and immigrant press. During the economic slowdown between 1882 and 1886, socialist and anarchist organizations were active. Membership of the Knights of Labor , which rejected socialism and radicalism but supported the eight-hour work day, grew from 70,000 in 1884 to over 700,000 by 1886. In Chicago, the anarchist movement of several thousand, mostly immigrant, workers centered on the German-language newspaper Arbeiter-Zeitung ("Workers' Newspaper"), edited by August Spies . Other anarchists operated

11926-741: The last speaker of the evening, the English-born socialist, anarchist, and labor activist Methodist pastor, Rev. Samuel Fielden, who delivered a brief ten-minute address. Many of the crowd had already left as the weather was deteriorating. A New York Times article, with the dateline May 4, and headlined "Rioting and Bloodshed in the Streets of Chicago ... Twelve Policemen Dead or Dying", reported that Fielden spoke for 20 minutes, alleging that his words grew "wilder and more violent as he proceeded". Another New York Times article, headlined "Anarchy's Red Hand" and dated May 6, opens with: "The villainous teachings of

12060-413: The last time, were arrested and searched for bombs (none was found). According to witnesses, in the moments before the men were hanged , Spies shouted, "The time will come when our silence will be more powerful than the voices you strangle today." In their last words, Engel and Fischer called out, "Hurrah for anarchism!" Parsons then requested to speak, but he was cut off when the signal was given to spring

12194-452: The law's definitions of those who could be excluded or deported. Immigration officials complained about the law's limitation on deportation to the first three years of an immigrant's residency: The anarchist of foreign birth... remains very quiet, as a rule, until the time limit protects him from deportation and then he is loud and boisterous and begins his maniac cry against all forms of organized government.... There should be no time limit to

12328-491: The leading English-language communist-anarchist periodical in the US at the time. They were all later released because no evidence of conspiracy could be found. Also, there were some viewpoints in the anarchist opinion that strongly denounced Czolgosz, with some calling him a "dangerous crank," despite what was to come next. Theodore Roosevelt urged the exclusion and deportation of anarchist immigrants in his first address to Congress on December 3, 1901: I earnestly recommend to

12462-531: The line, he said he would not speak at the rally unless the words were removed from the flier. All but a few hundred fliers were destroyed, and new fliers were printed without the offending words; More than 20,000 copies were distributed. The rally began peacefully under a light rain on the evening of May 4. August Spies , Albert Parsons , and the Rev. Samuel Fielden spoke to a crowd estimated variously at between 600 and 3,000 while standing in an open wagon adjacent to

12596-530: The minimum fine of $ 100. A year later, the Tennessee Supreme Court reversed the decision of the Dayton court on a procedural technicality—not on constitutional grounds, as Darrow had hoped. According to the court, the fine should have been set by the jury, not Raulston. Rather than send the case back for further action, however, the Tennessee Supreme Court dismissed the case. The court commented, "Nothing

12730-400: The movement out. Two months later, Darrow was charged with two counts of attempting to bribe jurors in both cases. He faced two lengthy trials. In the first, defended by Earl Rogers , he was acquitted. Rogers became ill during the second trial and rarely came to court. Darrow served as his own attorney for the remainder of the trial, which ended with a hung jury . A deal was struck in which

12864-459: The movement's center, an estimated 30,000 to 40,000 workers had gone on strike and there were perhaps twice as many people out on the streets participating in various demonstrations and marches, as, for example, a march by 10,000 men employed in the Chicago lumber yards. Though participants in these events added up to 80,000, it is disputed whether there was a march of that number down Michigan Avenue led by anarchist Albert Parsons , founder of

12998-491: The outcome of the trial and began negotiations for a plea bargain to spare the defendants' lives. During the weekend of November 19–20, 1911, he discussed with pro-labor journalist Lincoln Steffens and newspaper publisher E.W. Scripps the possibility of reaching out to the Times about the terms of a plea agreement. The prosecution had demands of its own, however, including an admission of guilt in open court and longer sentences than

13132-526: The path of the advancing police, where it exploded, killing policeman Mathias J. Degan and severely wounding many of the other policemen. Witnesses maintained that immediately after the bomb blast, there was an exchange of gunshots between police and demonstrators. It is unclear who fired first. Historian Paul Avrich maintains that "nearly all sources agree that it was the police who opened fire", reloaded and then fired again, killing at least four and wounding as many as 70 people. In less than five minutes,

13266-485: The people at the meeting as "ignorant and half-crazy dreamers" and declared that it was the country's "right - in the belief of Congress and of many, probably of most, Americans', it makes it our duty - to exclude him." Darrow and Masters presented their defense of Turner before the US Supreme Court . They argued that the law was unconstitutional and that Turner was merely a " philosophical anarchist " and therefore not

13400-529: The police were wounded by each other's revolvers. ... It was every man for himself, and while some got two or three squares away, the rest emptied their revolvers, mainly into each other." In all, seven policemen and at least four workers were killed. Avrich said that most of the police deaths were from police gunfire. Historian Timothy Messer-Kruse argues that, although it is impossible to rule out lethal friendly fire, several policemen were probably shot by armed protesters. Another policeman died two years after

13534-503: The possessing classes, which followed the throwing of the bomb on May 4, the Chicago wage earners only united their forces and stiffened their resistance. The conservative and radical central bodies – there were two each of the trade unions and two also of the Knights of Labor – the socialists and the anarchists, the single taxers and the reformers, the native born...and the foreign born Germans, Bohemians, and Scandinavians, all got together for

13668-425: The press that he had a "hanging case" for sure. Darrow stunned the prosecution when he had his clients plead guilty in order to avoid a vengeance-minded jury and place the case before a judge. The trial, then, was actually a long sentencing hearing in which Darrow contended, with the help of expert testimony, that Leopold and Loeb were mentally diseased. Darrow's closing argument lasted 12 hours. He repeatedly stressed

13802-479: The proceedings were fair for their time, a challenge to the historical consensus that the trial was a travesty. Historian Nathan Fine points out that trade-union activities continued to show signs of growth and vitality, culminating later in 1886 with the establishment of the Labor Party of Chicago. Fine observes: [T]he fact is that despite police repression, newspaper incitement to hysteria, and organization of

13936-547: The remaining defendant and criticized the trial. The site of the incident was designated a Chicago landmark in 1992, and a sculpture was dedicated there in 2004. In addition, the Haymarket Martyrs' Monument was designated a National Historic Landmark in 1997 at the defendants' burial site in Forest Park . The Haymarket affair is generally considered significant as the origin of International Workers' Day held on May 1. It

14070-416: The resulting 1931 case ended in a hung jury (though the charges were later dropped and repeated investigation has shown them to be innocent). Enraged, Fortescue and Massie then orchestrated the murder of Kahahawai in order to extract a confession and were caught by police officers while transporting his dead body. Darrow entered the racially charged atmosphere as the lawyer for the defendants. He reconstructed

14204-465: The same day as the incident, including round ones like the one used in Haymarket Square. Newspaper reports declared that anarchist agitators were to blame for the "riot", a view adopted by an alarmed public. As time passed, press reports and illustrations of the incident became more elaborate. Coverage was national, then international. Among property owners, the press, and other elements of society,

14338-458: The same mercy that is shown beasts that are no longer fit to live." However, Darrow was also critical of some eugenics advocates. By the 1920s, the eugenics movement was very powerful and Darrow was a pointed critic of that movement. In the years immediately before the Supreme Court of the United States would endorse eugenics through Buck v. Bell , Darrow wrote multiple essays criticizing

14472-489: The sentences of the convicted. Hundreds of thousands of people across the country petitioned him to do so, though the press at the time largely called for executions. Oglesby was troubled by the case. Parson's attorney had noted in the trial that hanging these men would be the equivalent of hanging abolitionists who had sympathized with John Brown . Oglesby, a former Radical Republican himself, acknowledged that under these laws "all of us abolitionists would have been hanged

14606-412: The shot on Garland Street. Henry was found not guilty on grounds of self-defense , and the prosecution determined to drop the charges on the remaining ten. The trials were presided over by Frank Murphy , who went on to become Governor of Michigan and an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States . Darrow's closing statement, which lasted over seven hours, is seen as a landmark in

14740-405: The square on Des Plaines Street. A large number of on-duty police officers watched from nearby. Paul Avrich , a historian specializing in the study of anarchism, quotes Spies as saying: There seems to prevail the opinion in some quarters that this meeting has been called to inaugurate a riot, hence these warlike preparations on the part of so-called 'law and order.' However, let me tell you at

14874-458: The square was empty except for the casualties. According to the May 4 New York Times , demonstrators began firing at the police, who then returned fire. In his report on the incident, Inspector Bonfield wrote that he "gave the order to cease firing, fearing that some of our men, in the darkness, might fire into each other". An anonymous police official told the Chicago Tribune , "A very large number of

15008-512: The teaching of "any theory that denies the story of the Divine Creation of man as taught in the Bible , and to teach instead that man has descended from a lower order of animals." During the trial, Darrow requested that Bryan be called to the stand as an expert witness on the Bible . Over the other prosecutor's objection, Bryan agreed. Popular media at the time portrayed the following exchange as

15142-406: The time of the bombing; he was also later pardoned. Not directly tied to the Haymarket rally, but arrested for their militant radicalism were George Engel , who had been at home playing cards on that day, and Louis Lingg , the hot-headed bomb-maker denounced by his associate, Seliger. Another defendant who had not been present that day was Oscar Neebe , an American-born citizen of German descent who

15276-461: The trap door. Witnesses reported that the condemned men did not die immediately when they dropped, but strangled to death slowly, a sight which left the spectators visibly shaken. Notwithstanding the convictions for conspiracy, no actual bomber was ever brought to trial, "and no lawyerly explanation could ever make a conspiracy trial without the main perpetrator seem completely legitimate." Historians such as James Joll and Timothy Messer-Kruse say

15410-504: The trial, anarchist Dyer Lum wrote a history of the trial critical of the prosecution. In 1888, George McLean, and in 1889, police captain Michael Schack, wrote accounts from the opposite perspective. Awaiting sentencing, each of the defendants wrote their own autobiographies (edited and published by Philip Foner in 1969), and later activist Lucy Parsons published a biography of her condemned husband Albert Parsons . Fifty years after

15544-478: The victim's body in an isolated nature preserve near the Indiana border just half a day after it was hidden, before they could collect a $ 10,000 ransom. Nearby were Leopold's eyeglasses with their distinctive, traceable frames, which he had dropped at the scene. Leopold and Loeb made full confessions and took police on a hunt around Chicago to collect the evidence that would be used against them. The state's attorney told

15678-415: The well-known activist Albert Parsons , who had spoken for an hour at the Haymarket rally before going to Zepf's. Parsons, who believed that the evidence against them all was weak, subsequently voluntarily turned himself in, in solidarity with the accused. A third man, Spies's assistant editor Michael Schwab (who was the brother-in-law of Schnaubelt) was arrested, as he had been speaking at another rally at

15812-425: The wishes of her family. Fox alleged that Brazelton owed him rent money, although other residents of Fox's boarding house testified to her sanity. In the summer of 1924, Darrow took on the case of Nathan Leopold Jr. and Richard Loeb, the teenage sons of two wealthy Chicago families who were accused of kidnapping and killing Bobby Franks , a 14-year-old boy, from their stylish southside Kenwood neighborhood. Leopold

15946-509: The world, and elevating the defendants to the status of martyrs, especially abroad. Portrayals of the anarchists as bloodthirsty foreign fanatics in the press along with the 1889 publication of Captain Schaack's sensational account, Anarchy and Anarchism, on the other hand, inspired widespread public fear and revulsion against the strikers and general anti-immigrant feeling, polarizing public opinion. In an article datelined May 4, entitled "Anarchy's Red Hand", The New York Times had described

16080-430: Was a law student at the University of Chicago about to transfer to Harvard Law School , and Loeb was the youngest graduate ever from the University of Michigan; they were 19 and 18, respectively, when they were arrested. When asked why they committed the crime, Leopold told his captors: "The thing that prompted Dick to want to do this thing and prompted me to want to do this thing was a sort of pure love of excitement ...

16214-604: Was also the climax of the social unrest among the working class in America, known as the Great Upheaval. Following the Civil War, particularly following the Long Depression , industrial production was rapidly expanded in the United States. Chicago was a major industrial center, and tens of thousands of German and Bohemian immigrants were employed at about $ 1.50 a day. American workers worked, on average, slightly over 60 hours during

16348-578: Was an afterlife , he would return on the small bridge (now known as the Clarence Darrow Memorial Bridge) located just south of the Museum of Science and Industry in Hyde Park, Chicago on the date of his death. Darrow was skeptical of a belief in life after death (he is reported to have said: "Every man knows when his life began... If I did not exist in the past, why should I, or could I, exist in

16482-433: Was arrested twice early on and released. By May 14, when it became apparent he had played a significant role in the event, he had fled the country. William Seliger, who had turned state's evidence and testified for the prosecution, was freed by the state. On June 4, 1886, eight other suspects were indicted by the grand jury, and stood trial for being accessories to the murder of Degan. Of these, only two had been present when

16616-555: Was associated with the Arbeiter-Zeitung and had attempted to revive it in the aftermath of the Haymarket riot. Of the eight defendants, five – Spies, Fischer, Engel, Lingg and Schwab – were immigrants born in Germany; a sixth, Neebe, was a U.S.-born citizen of German descent. The remaining two, Parsons and Fielden, born in the U.S. and England, respectively, were of British heritage. The trial, Illinois vs. August Spies et al. , began on June 21, 1886, and went on until August 11. The trial

16750-409: Was conducted in an atmosphere of extreme prejudice by both public and media toward the defendants. It was presided over by Judge Joseph Gary , who displayed open hostility to the defendants, consistently ruled for the prosecution, and failed to maintain decorum. A motion to try the defendants separately was denied. The defense counsel included Sigmund Zeisler and William Perkins Black . Selection of

16884-562: Was evidence linking the Pinkertons to the bomb. This reflected a widespread belief among the strikers. Police investigators under Captain Michael Schaack had a lead fragment removed from a policeman's wounds chemically analyzed. They reported that the lead used in the casing matched the casings of bombs found in Lingg's home. A metal nut and fragments of the casing taken from the wound also roughly matched bombs made by Lingg. Schaack concluded, on

17018-400: Was finishing his speech, police arrived en masse, marching in formation towards the speakers' wagon, and ordered the rally to disperse. Fielden insisted that the meeting was peaceful. Police Inspector John Bonfield proclaimed: I command you [addressing the speaker] in the name of the law to desist and you [addressing the crowd] to disperse. A home-made fragmentation bomb was thrown into

17152-510: Was found not guilty in a posthumous trial . As part of a public symposium on belief held in Columbus, Ohio, in 1929, Darrow delivered a speech, later titled "Why I Am An Agnostic", on agnosticism , skepticism, belief, and religion. In the speech, Darrow thoroughly discussed the meaning of being an agnostic and questioned the doctrines of Christianity and the Bible. He concluded that "the fear of God

17286-576: Was from Harvard. It is in the McHenry County Courthouse that Darrow successfully tried one of his first cases in January 1880. Soon after Darrow decided to return to Ohio and opened a law office in Andover, Ohio , a small farming town just ten miles from Kinsman. Having little experience, he started off slowly and gradually building up his career by dealing with the everyday complaints and problems of

17420-469: Was killed and many workers injured. An unknown person threw a dynamite bomb at the police as they acted to disperse the meeting, and the bomb blast and ensuing retaliatory gunfire by the police caused the deaths of seven police officers and at least four civilians; dozens of others were wounded. Eight anarchists were charged with the bombing. The eight were convicted of conspiracy in the internationally publicized legal proceedings. The evidence put forward in

17554-656: Was partners in the firm of Darrow, Masters and Wilson with Edgar Lee Masters , who later became a famous poet, and Francis S. Wilson , who later served as Chief Justice of the Illinois Supreme Court. From 1906 to 1908, Darrow represented the Western Federation of Miners leaders William "Big Bill" Haywood , Charles Moyer , and George Pettibone when they were arrested and charged with conspiring to murder former Idaho Governor Frank Steunenberg in 1905. Haywood and Pettibone were acquitted in separate trials, and

17688-470: Was published in several editions in the late 1920s and early 1930s, and was reissued at the time of his death. The Leopold and Loeb case raised, in a well-publicized trial, Darrow's lifelong contention that psychological, physical, and environmental influences—not a conscious choice between right and wrong—control human behavior. Darrow's psychiatric expert witnesses testified that both boys "were decidedly deficient in emotion". Darrow later argued that emotion

17822-535: Was well-involved in Chicago's Democratic politics. In the 1903 Chicago mayoral election there was a strong push by members of the Chicago Federation of Labor and others to draft Darrow as a third-party candidate. Darrow considered accepting, and even seemed prepared to announce his candidacy, but ultimately declined to run. Darrow served in the Illinois House of Representatives from the 17th district during

17956-407: Was widely believed to have been unfair, and even a serious miscarriage of justice . Prominent people including novelist William Dean Howells , celebrated attorney Clarence Darrow , poet and playwright Oscar Wilde , playwright George Bernard Shaw , and poet William Morris strongly condemned it. On June 26, 1893, Illinois governor John Peter Altgeld , the progressive governor of Illinois, himself

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