A word is a basic element of language that carries meaning , can be used on its own, and is uninterruptible. Despite the fact that language speakers often have an intuitive grasp of what a word is, there is no consensus among linguists on its definition and numerous attempts to find specific criteria of the concept remain controversial. Different standards have been proposed, depending on the theoretical background and descriptive context; these do not converge on a single definition. Some specific definitions of the term "word" are employed to convey its different meanings at different levels of description, for example based on phonological , grammatical or orthographic basis. Others suggest that the concept is simply a convention used in everyday situations.
66-860: The concept of "word" is distinguished from that of a morpheme , which is the smallest unit of language that has a meaning, even if it cannot stand on its own. Words are made out of at least one morpheme. Morphemes can also be joined to create other words in a process of morphological derivation . In English and many other languages, the morphemes that make up a word generally include at least one root (such as "rock", "god", "type", "writ", "can", "not") and possibly some affixes ("-s", "un-", "-ly", "-ness"). Words with more than one root ("[type][writ]er", "[cow][boy]s", "[tele][graph]ically") are called compound words . Contractions ("can't", "would've") are words formed from multiple words made into one. In turn, words are combined to form other elements of language, such as phrases ("a red rock", "put up with"), clauses ("I threw
132-417: A "word" in the opinion of the writers of that language. This written form of a word constitutes a lexeme . The most appropriate means of measuring the length of a word is by counting its syllables or morphemes. When a word has multiple definitions or multiple senses, it may result in confusion in a debate or discussion. One distinguishable meaning of the term "word" can be defined on phonological grounds. It
198-663: A certain way), etc. In languages with a literary tradition , the question of what is considered a single word is influenced by orthography . Word separators , typically spaces and punctuation marks are common in modern orthography of languages using alphabetic scripts , but these are a relatively modern development in the history of writing . In character encoding , word segmentation depends on which characters are defined as word dividers. In English orthography , compound expressions may contain spaces. For example, ice cream , air raid shelter and get up each are generally considered to consist of more than one word (as each of
264-414: A following semi-vowel /j/, yielding the corresponding palatal sound, but only within one word. Conversely, external sandhi rules act across word boundaries. The prototypical example of this rule comes from Sanskrit ; however, initial consonant mutation in contemporary Celtic languages or the linking r phenomenon in some non-rhotic English dialects can also be used to illustrate word boundaries. It
330-513: A group of words called articles , such as the (the definite article) or a (the indefinite article), which mark definiteness or identifiability. This class is not present in Japanese, which depends on context to indicate this difference. On the other hand, Japanese has a class of words called particles which are used to mark noun phrases according to their grammatical function or thematic relation, which English marks using word order or prosody. It
396-495: A lexeme, especially in agglutinative languages. For example, there is little doubt that in Turkish the lexeme for house should include nominative singular ev and plural evler . However, it is not clear if it should also encompass the word evlerinizden 'from your houses', formed through regular suffixation. There are also lexemes such as "black and white" or "do-it-yourself", which, although consisting of multiple words, still form
462-448: A lexicon; and syntactically , as the smallest permutable and substitutable unit of a sentence. In some languages, these different types of words coincide and one can analyze, for example, a "phonological word" as essentially the same as "grammatical word". However, in other languages they may correspond to elements of different size. Much of the difficulty stems from the eurocentric bias, as languages from outside of Europe may not follow
528-464: A line below: The underline represents that the consonant in question is retroflex , rather than alveolar . The only word in Pitjantjatjara that uses at least one letter absent from the Pitjantjatjara alphabet is the word Jesu ("Jesus"), which uses the letter ⟨s⟩ which is not present in the Pitjantjatjara alphabet. Furthermore, the letter ⟨j⟩ is only present in
594-703: A rock"), and sentences ("I threw a rock, but missed"). In many languages, the notion of what constitutes a "word" may be learned as part of learning the writing system. This is the case for the English language , and for most languages that are written with alphabets derived from the ancient Latin or Greek alphabets . In English orthography , the letter sequences "rock", "god", "write", "with", "the", and "not" are considered to be single-morpheme words, whereas "rocks", "ungodliness", "typewriter", and "cannot" are words composed of two or more morphemes ("rock"+"s", "un"+"god"+"li"+"ness", "type"+"writ"+"er", and "can"+"not"). Since
660-411: A similar fundamental classification into a nominal (nāma, suP) and a verbal (ākhyāta, tiN) class, based on the set of suffixes taken by the word. Some words can be controversial, such as slang in formal contexts; misnomers, due to them not meaning what they would imply; or polysemous words, due to the potential confusion between their various senses. In ancient Greek and Roman grammatical tradition,
726-488: A single collocation with a set meaning. Grammatical words are proposed to consist of a number of grammatical elements which occur together (not in separate places within a clause) in a fixed order and have a set meaning. However, there are exceptions to all of these criteria. Single grammatical words have a fixed internal structure; when the structure is changed, the meaning of the word also changes. In Dyirbal , which can use many derivational affixes with its nouns, there are
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#1732829631666792-567: A suffix, e.g. ya-nta 'go!', thus conforming to a segmental pattern of Walmatjari words. In the Pitjantjatjara dialect of the Wati language , another language form Australia, a word-medial syllable can end with a consonant but a word-final syllable must end with a vowel. In most languages, stress may serve a criterion for a phonological word. In languages with a fixed stress, it is possible to ascertain word boundaries from its location. Although it
858-509: A voluntary imposition, whereby such a word is made arbitrarily the mark of such an idea". Wittgenstein 's thought transitioned from a word as representation of meaning to "the meaning of a word is its use in the language." Each word belongs to a category, based on shared grammatical properties. Typically, a language's lexicon may be classified into several such groups of words. The total number of categories as well as their types are not universal and vary among languages. For example, English has
924-619: Is a dialect of the Western Desert language traditionally spoken by the Pitjantjatjara people of Central Australia. It is mutually intelligible with other varieties of the Western Desert language, and is particularly closely related to the Yankunytjatjara dialect . The names for the two groups are based on their respective words for 'come/go.' Pitjantjatjara is a relatively healthy Aboriginal language , with children learning it. It
990-418: Is a general rule to determine the category of a morpheme: Roots are composed of only one morpheme, but stems can be composed of more than one morpheme. Any additional affixes are considered morphemes. For example, in the word quirkiness , the root is quirk , but the stem is quirky , which has two morphemes. Moreover, some pairs of affixes have identical phonological form but different meanings. For example,
1056-477: Is a highly analytic language with few inflectional affixes, making it unnecessary to delimit words orthographically. However, there are many multiple-morpheme compounds in Mandarin, as well as a variety of bound morphemes that make it difficult to clearly determine what constitutes a word. Japanese uses orthographic cues to delimit words, such as switching between kanji (characters borrowed from Chinese writing) and
1122-436: Is a type of morpheme that carries semantic meaning but is not represented by auditory phoneme. A word with a zero-morpheme is analyzed as having the morpheme for grammatical purposes, but the morpheme is not realized in speech. They are often represented by / ∅ / within glosses . Generally, such morphemes have no visible changes. For instance, sheep is both the singular and the plural form of that noun; rather than taking
1188-411: Is a unit larger or equal to a syllable, which can be distinguished based on segmental or prosodic features, or through its interactions with phonological rules. In Walmatjari , an Australian language, roots or suffixes may have only one syllable but a phonologic word must have at least two syllables. A disyllabic verb root may take a zero suffix, e.g. luwa-ø 'hit!', but a monosyllabic root must take
1254-803: Is based on the work of Dionysius Thrax , who, in the 1st century BC, distinguished eight categories of Ancient Greek words: noun , verb , participle , article , pronoun , preposition , adverb , and conjunction . Later Latin authors, Apollonius Dyscolus and Priscian, applied his framework to their own language; since Latin has no articles, they replaced this class with interjection . Adjectives ('happy'), quantifiers ('few'), and numerals ('eleven') were not made separate in those classifications due to their morphological similarity to nouns in Latin and Ancient Greek. They were recognized as distinct categories only when scholars started studying later European languages. In Indian grammatical tradition, Pāṇini introduced
1320-564: Is common in Pitjantjatjara, especially among younger people. For example, among schoolchildren, the predominant language used in the classroom and on the playground is English, though Pitjantjatjara is occasionally used in both settings (more so the latter than the former). Furthermore, swearing and abuse is almost entirely done in English, while storytelling is virtually always in Pitjantjatjara. Outside school and business, Pitjantjatjara speakers use both Pitjantjatjara and English interchangeably, and
1386-496: Is derived from English, with some English loan words being used instead of some traditional terms. A common example of this is the usage of "and" in Teenage Pitjantjatjara. Furthermore, Teenage Pitjantjatjara loan words are often pronounced more like the original English word, even if this involves using the sound from a letter that does not traditionally exist in Pitjantjatjara, such as B , D , O , S and V . However,
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#17328296316661452-484: Is identical in pronunciation (and written form) but has an unrelated meaning and function: a comparative morpheme that changes an adjective into another degree of comparison (but remains the same adjective) (e.g. small → smaller ). The opposite can also occur: a pair of morphemes with identical meaning but different forms. In generative grammar , the definition of a morpheme depends heavily on whether syntactic trees have morphemes as leaves or features as leaves. Given
1518-402: Is impossible to predict word boundaries from stress alone in languages with phonemic stress, there will be just one syllable with primary stress per word, which allows for determining the total number of words in an utterance. Many phonological rules operate only within a phonological word or specifically across word boundaries. In Hungarian , dental consonants /d/, /t/, /l/ or /n/ assimilate to
1584-448: Is not clear if any categories other than interjection are universal parts of human language. The basic bipartite division that is ubiquitous in natural languages is that of nouns vs verbs . However, in some Wakashan and Salish languages , all content words may be understood as verbal in nature. In Lushootseed , a Salish language, all words with 'noun-like' meanings can be used predicatively, where they function like verb. For example,
1650-412: Is often the case that a phonological word does not correspond to our intuitive conception of a word. The Finnish compound word pääkaupunki 'capital' is phonologically two words ( pää 'head' and kaupunki 'city') because it does not conform to Finnish patterns of vowel harmony within words. Conversely, a single phonological word may be made up of more than one syntactical elements, such as in
1716-627: Is taught in some Aboriginal schools. The literacy rate for first language speakers is 50–70%; and is 10–15% for second-language learners. There is a Pitjantjatjara dictionary , and the New Testament of the Bible has been translated into the language, a project started at the Ernabella Mission in the early 1940s and completed in 2002. Work continues on the Old Testament . The Ernabella Mission
1782-430: Is the distinction, respectively, between free and bound morphemes . The field of linguistic study dedicated to morphemes is called morphology . In English, inside a word with multiple morphemes, the main morpheme that gives the word its basic meaning is called a root (such as cat inside the word cats ), which can be bound or free. Meanwhile, additional bound morphemes, called affixes , may be added before or after
1848-415: Is the process of segmenting a sentence into a row of morphemes. Morphological analysis is closely related to part-of-speech tagging , but word segmentation is required for those languages because word boundaries are not indicated by blank spaces. The purpose of morphological analysis is to determine the minimal units of meaning in a language (morphemes) by comparison of similar forms: such as comparing "She
1914-403: Is the smallest segment of sound that can be theoretically isolated by word accent and boundary markers; on the orthographic level as a segment indicated by blank spaces in writing or print ; on the basis of morphology as the basic element of grammatical paradigms like inflection , different from word-forms; within semantics as the smallest and relatively independent carrier of meaning in
1980-403: Is the study of word formation and structure. Words may undergo different morphological processes which are traditionally classified into two broad groups: derivation and inflection . Derivation is a process in which a new word is created from existing ones, with an adjustment to its meaning and often with a change of word class. For example, in English the verb to convert may be modified into
2046-428: Is their function in relation to words. Allomorphs are variants of a morpheme that differ in form but are semantically similar. For example, the English plural marker has three allomorphs: /-z/ ( bug s ), /-s/ ( bat s ), or /-ɪz, -əz/ ( bus es ). An allomorph is a concrete realization of a morpheme, which is an abstract unit. That is parallel to the relation of an allophone and a phoneme . A zero-morpheme
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2112-445: Is true of the English root nat(e) — ultimately inherited from a Latin root meaning "birth, born" — which appears in words like native , nation , nature , innate , and neonate . These sample English words have the following morphological analyses: Every morpheme can be classified as free or bound: Bound morphemes can be further classified as derivational or inflectional morphemes. The main difference between them
2178-464: Is walking" and "They are walking" with each other, rather than either with something less similar like "You are reading". Those forms can be effectively broken down into parts, and the different morphemes can be distinguished. Both meaning and form are equally important for the identification of morphemes. An agent morpheme is an affix like -er that in English transforms a verb into a noun (e.g. teach → teacher ). English also has another morpheme that
2244-590: The Bible Society Australia . Pitjantjatjara Bible Translation Project, incorporated in 1981, completed a new translation of the New Testament and about 15% of the Old Testament , first published in 2002. In 2011 a new project to translate the rest of the OT was initiated, as of 2019 working on various OT books. 21st-century Bible Society missionary and local teacher since 1973, Paul Eckert, has worked with elders on
2310-513: The and of ). Some semanticists have put forward a theory of so-called semantic primitives or semantic primes , indefinable words representing fundamental concepts that are intuitively meaningful. According to this theory, semantic primes serve as the basis for describing the meaning, without circularity, of other words and their associated conceptual denotations. In the Minimalist school of theoretical syntax , words (also called lexical items in
2376-510: The "smallest meaningful unit" being longer than a word include some collocations such as "in view of" and "business intelligence" in which the words, when together, have a specific meaning. The definition of morphemes also plays a significant role in the interfaces of generative grammar in the following theoretical constructs: Pitjantjatjara dialect Pitjantjatjara ( / p ɪ tʃ ən tʃ ə ˈ tʃ ɑː r ə / ; Pitjantjatjara: [ˈpɪɟanɟaɟaɾa] or [ˈpɪɟanɟaɾa] )
2442-476: The English phrase I'll come , where I'll forms one phonological word. A word can be thought of as an item in a speaker's internal lexicon; this is called a lexeme . However, this may be different from the meaning in everyday speech of "word", since one lexeme includes all inflected forms. The lexeme teapot refers to the singular teapot as well as the plural teapots . There is also the question to what extent should inflected or compounded words be included in
2508-440: The English word motorcar has now almost entirely been replaced by the shortened form of the word, car , the Pitjantjatjara word mutuka (derived from "motorcar") is still used as the Pitjantjatjara word for " car ". Similarly, the words for "car" in most other Aboriginal languages (as well as in some other languages, such as Fijian and Māori ) are borrowed from "motorcar". Like in many Indigenous languages, code-switching
2574-434: The beginning of the study of linguistics, numerous attempts at defining what a word is have been made, with many different criteria. However, no satisfying definition has yet been found to apply to all languages and at all levels of linguistic analysis. It is, however, possible to find consistent definitions of "word" at different levels of description. These include definitions on the phonetic and phonological level, that it
2640-794: The components are free forms, with the possible exception of get ), and so is no one , but the similarly compounded someone and nobody are considered single words. Sometimes, languages which are close grammatically will consider the same order of words in different ways. For example, reflexive verbs in the French infinitive are separate from their respective particle, e.g. se laver ("to wash oneself"), whereas in Portuguese they are hyphenated, e.g. lavar-se , and in Spanish they are joined, e.g. lavarse . Not all languages delimit words expressly. Mandarin Chinese
2706-420: The definition of a morpheme as "the smallest meaningful unit", nanosyntax aims to account for idioms in which an entire syntactic tree often contributes "the smallest meaningful unit". An example idiom is "Don't let the cat out of the bag". There, the idiom is composed of "let the cat out of the bag". That might be considered a semantic morpheme, which is itself composed of many syntactic morphemes. Other cases of
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2772-422: The digraph ⟨tj⟩ . Some features distinctive to the Pitjantjatjara dialect, as opposed to other Western Desert Language dialects, include -pa endings to words that simply end in a consonant in other dialects (this is reflective of a general aversion in Pitjantjatjara to words ending with a consonant), and a reluctance to have y at the beginning of words. Pitjantjatjara uses case marking to show
2838-438: The dual suffix -jarran and the suffix -gabun meaning "another". With the noun yibi they can be arranged into yibi-jarran-gabun ("another two women") or yibi-gabun-jarran ("two other women") but changing the suffix order also changes their meaning. Speakers of a language also usually associate a specific meaning with a word and not a single morpheme. For example, when asked to talk about untruthfulness they rarely focus on
2904-520: The first time, and the people became literate in their own language before English. The first draft of the New Testament 's Gospel of Mark , Tjukurpa Palja Markaku , was completed in 1945 by Reverend Bob Love and Ronald Trudinger at the Mission, and was published by the British and Foreign Bible Society in 1949. Work continued over the next 20 years, with publication of a shorter New Testament in 1969 by
2970-504: The following consonant inventory, orthography shown in brackets: Pitjantjatjara has three vowels: Pitjantjatjara vowels have a length contrast , indicated by writing them doubled. A colon ⟨:⟩ used to be sometimes used to indicate long vowels: ⟨a:⟩ , ⟨i:⟩ , ⟨u:⟩ . Pitjantjatjara orthography includes the following underlined letters, which can be either ordinary letters with underline formatting, or Unicode characters which include
3036-431: The grammatical function of indicating past tense . Both categories may seem very clear and intuitive, but the idea behind them is occasionally more difficult to grasp since they overlap with each other. Examples of ambiguous situations are the preposition over and the determiner your , which seem to have concrete meanings but are considered function morphemes since their role is to connect ideas grammatically. Here
3102-464: The intuitions of European scholars. Some of the criteria developed for "word" can only be applicable to languages of broadly European synthetic structure . Because of this unclear status, some linguists propose avoiding the term "word" altogether, instead focusing on better defined terms such as morphemes . Dictionaries categorize a language's lexicon into individually listed forms called lemmas . These can be taken as an indication of what constitutes
3168-479: The letter C is never used. There are slightly different standardised spellings used in the Northern Territory and Western Australia compared to South Australia , for example with the first two writing ⟨w⟩ between ⟨a⟩ and ⟨u⟩ combinations and a ⟨y⟩ between ⟨a⟩ and ⟨i⟩ , which SA does not use. Pitjantjatjara has
3234-401: The literature) are construed as "bundles" of linguistic features that are united into a structure with form and meaning. For example, the word "koalas" has semantic features (it denotes real-world objects, koalas ), category features (it is a noun), number features (it is plural and must agree with verbs, pronouns, and demonstratives in its domain), phonological features (it is pronounced
3300-404: The meaning of morphemes such as -th or -ness . Leonard Bloomfield introduced the concept of "Minimal Free Forms" in 1928. Words are thought of as the smallest meaningful unit of speech that can stand by themselves. This correlates phonemes (units of sound) to lexemes (units of meaning). However, some written words are not minimal free forms as they make no sense by themselves (for example,
3366-471: The noun a convert through stress shift and into the adjective convertible through affixation. Inflection adds grammatical information to a word, such as indicating case, tense, or gender. In synthetic languages , a single word stem (for example, love ) may inflect to have a number of different forms (for example, loves , loving , and loved ). However, for some purposes these are not usually considered to be different words, but rather different forms of
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#17328296316663432-770: The programs were defunded, and teaching reverted to English only. In December 2018 it was announced that the South Australian Government would commit to teaching in the Pitjantjatjara and Yankunytjatjara languages , with English as an additional language, by 2029. Pitjantjatjara includes several loan words from other languages, predominantly from English. Some older loan words are derived from other Indigenous languages and from English, while newer loan words are almost entirely borrowed from English. Like other Indigenous languages, some older loan words that are still commonly used in Pitjantjatjara derive from English terms that are now uncommon or obsolete. For example, while
3498-554: The project for many years. The Book of Daniel was published in 2015, and the Pitjantjatjara version of the New Testament is available online. In 2017 members of the Pitjantjatjara Bible Translation Project and partners began a multi-voice recording of the Pitjantjatjara New Testament, with 50% completed by 2017. APY lands schools taught a bilingual curriculum until the late 1980s, when
3564-513: The role of nouns within the clause as subject, object, location, etc. Pitjantjatjara is a language with split ergativity , since its nouns and pronouns show different case marking patterns. Consider the following example, where the subject of a transitive verb is marked with the ergative case and the object with the absolutive case : Minyma-ngku woman. ERG tjitji child. ABS nya-ngu. see. PAST Minyma-ngku tjitji nya-ngu. woman.ERG child.ABS see.PAST 'The woman saw
3630-415: The root cat and the plural suffix -s, and so the singular cat may be analyzed as the root inflected with the null singular suffix - ∅ . Content morphemes express a concrete meaning or content , and function morphemes have more of a grammatical role. For example, the morphemes fast and sad can be considered content morphemes. On the other hand, the suffix -ed is a function morpheme since it has
3696-404: The root, like the -s in cats , which indicates plurality but is always bound to a root noun and is not regarded as a word on its own. However, in some languages, including English and Latin , even many roots cannot stand alone; i.e., they are bound morphemes. For instance, the Latin root reg- ('king') must always be suffixed with a case marker: regis , regi , rex ( reg+s ), etc. The same
3762-530: The same word. In these languages, words may be considered to be constructed from a number of morphemes . In Indo-European languages in particular, the morphemes distinguished are: Thus, the Proto-Indo-European *wr̥dhom would be analyzed as consisting of Philosophers have found words to be objects of fascination since at least the 5th century BC, with the foundation of the philosophy of language . Plato analyzed words in terms of their origins and
3828-404: The sounds making them up, concluding that there was some connection between sound and meaning, though words change a great deal over time. John Locke wrote that the use of words "is to be sensible marks of ideas", though they are chosen "not by any natural connexion that there is between particular articulate sounds and certain ideas, for then there would be but one language amongst all men; but by
3894-629: The suffix -er can be either derivational (e.g. sell ⇒ seller ) or inflectional (e.g. small ⇒ smaller ). Such morphemes are called homophonous . Some words might seem to be composed of multiple morphemes but are not. Therefore, not only form but also meaning must be considered when identifying morphemes. For example, the word Madagascar is long and might seem to have morphemes like mad , gas , and car , but it does not. Conversely, some short words have multiple morphemes (e.g. dogs = dog + s ). In natural language processing for Japanese , Chinese , and other languages, morphological analysis
3960-562: The two kana syllabaries. This is a fairly soft rule, because content words can also be written in hiragana for effect, though if done extensively spaces are typically added to maintain legibility. Vietnamese orthography, although using the Latin alphabet , delimits monosyllabic morphemes rather than words. The task of defining what constitutes a word involves determining where one word ends and another begins. There are several methods for identifying word boundaries present in speech: Morphology
4026-561: The two languages are sometimes mixed together. This includes both in their local communities and whilst they are on holidays. Below is an example of code-switching in Pitjantjatjara, taken from a conversation among a group of teenagers playing a game of Monopoly : Teenage Pitjantjatjara is a distinct variety of Pitjantjatjara spoken by younger Pitjantjatjara people. The main differences between Standard Pitjantjatjara and Teenage Pitjantjatjara are in vocabulary and pronunciation. A much greater proportion of Teenage Pitjantjatjara vocabulary
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#17328296316664092-441: The usual plural suffix -s to form hypothetical *sheeps , the plural is analyzed as being composed of sheep + -∅ , the null plural suffix. The intended meaning is thus derived from the co-occurrence determiner (in this case, "some-" or "a-"). In some cases, a zero-morpheme may also be used to contrast with other inflected forms of a word that contain an audible morpheme. For example, the plural noun cats in English consists of
4158-533: The word sbiaw can be understood as '(is a) coyote' rather than simply 'coyote'. On the other hand, in Eskimo–Aleut languages all content words can be analyzed as nominal, with agentive nouns serving the role closest to verbs. Finally, in some Austronesian languages it is not clear whether the distinction is applicable and all words can be best described as interjections which can perform the roles of other categories. The current classification of words into classes
4224-433: The word was considered a unitary construct. The word ( dictiō ) was defined as the minimal unit of an utterance ( ōrātiō ), the expression of a complete thought. Morpheme A morpheme is any of the smallest meaningful constituents within a linguistic expression and particularly within a word. Many words are themselves standalone morphemes, while other words contain multiple morphemes; in linguistic terminology, this
4290-421: The word was the basic unit of analysis. Different grammatical forms of a given lexeme were studied; however, there was no attempt to decompose them into morphemes. This may have been the result of the synthetic nature of these languages, where the internal structure of words may be harder to decode than in analytic languages. There was also no concept of different kinds of words, such as grammatical or phonological –
4356-532: Was established by Charles Duguid and the Presbyterian Church of Australia in 1937 at the location now known as Pukatja , supported by the South Australian government . The Mission aimed to keep the language and culture alive, with the missionaries learning the language themselves and teaching it in the school as well as delivering sermons in it. This meant that the language became a written language for
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