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76-492: Vladimiro Lenin Ilich Montesinos Torres ( Spanish pronunciation: [bla.ð̞iˌmi.ɾo ˌle.nĩn iˌlit͡ʃ mõn̪.t̪eˌsi.nos ˈt̪o.res] ; born May 20, 1945) is a Peruvian former intelligence officer and lawyer, most notorious for his role as the head of Peru's National Intelligence Service (SIN) during the presidency of Alberto Fujimori . Montesinos was widely regarded as the power behind the throne , often regarded as

152-513: A coup d'état against Fujimori in November 1992 later stated that Montesinos took an active part in torturing them. On 16 March 1998, former Peruvian Army Intelligence Agent Luisa Zanatta accused Montesinos of ordering illegal wiretaps of leading politicians and journalists. Zanatta also said that army intelligence agents had killed fellow agent Mariella Barreto Riofano because she gave a magazine information about human rights violations, as well as

228-1025: A death squad known as the Grupo Colina , part of the National Intelligence Service, which was thought to have been responsible for the Barrios Altos massacre and the La Cantuta massacre , actions intended to repress the Shining Path ( Sendero Luminoso ), the major communist insurgency movement that had been operating since the 1980s, but only resulted in the execution of civilians. Montesinos avoided large-scale violence against opponents, saying he wanted to avoid performing "clumsy" acts that occurred under Chilean president Augusto Pinochet . Violence instead targeted peasants and students, avoiding prominent individuals in order to remain covert. Four officers who were tortured during interrogation after plotting

304-535: A jungle area of the Huallaga region (where he operated an illegal airstrip). Recordings of radio communications presented during the trial showed that members of the army had let Chávez's organization operate freely in the Huallaga region in exchange for bribes. During a latter appearance in the court, Chávez appeared tortured and drugged, evidenced by his incoherent speaking. After sentencing, while in prison, Chávez talked to

380-467: A national scandal in 2000. This exposure forced him to flee Peru and precipitated Fujimori's resignation. Investigations unveiled Montesinos' involvement in a wide range of illegal activities, including embezzlement, drug trafficking, and orchestrating extrajudicial killings. He was subsequently captured, tried, and convicted on multiple charges. Despite his imprisonment, Montesinos continued to influence Peruvian politics and sought to protect allies within

456-495: A number of Colombian and Peruvian members of the illegal drug trade , as well as police officers accused of being involved in drug trafficking. Between 1978 and 1979, he represented Colombian drug lords Evaristo "Papá Doc" Porras Ardila and Jaime Tamayo. In addition, he acted as guarantor on Tamayo's lease of several offices and warehouses used to manufacture cocaine . Between 1980 and 1983, Montesinos revealed sensitive information related to military wiretapping and assassinations to

532-600: A smell of burnt hair was present within the facility. By 1998, the group was alleged to be related to the Colina Group . For that, 45 days were offered to proceed with the complete deactivation by Marcial Rubio. The service was deactivated by President Alberto Fujimori in October 2000, under pressure from the Organization of American States . This was after Montesinos was discovered paying bribes to important figures in politics,

608-683: A story about potential attacks against Peru's southern rival, Chile , then ruled by dictator Augusto Pinochet , an ally of the U.S. In February 1978, Montesinos was freed after two years in jail. He was given work by his cousin Sergio Cardenal Montesinos, a lawyer who persuaded him to pursue a degree in law. In April of the same year, Montesinos applied to the National University of San Marcos in Lima. He received his law diploma only three months later, through fraudulent means. Book No. 24 of

684-836: A technical specialist as liaison points with the SIN in Lima. With the support of the SIN, the KGB carried out actions in Peru against the CIA and against the embassies of Mexico , the United States and Chile present in the Peruvian capital . In addition, joint operations were carried out in Chile, Argentina and other Latin American countries. Years later, the regulations of the SIN in Peru would be modernised only in 1984, during

760-534: The Fujimorist faction, including Keiko Fujimori . Montesinos' early life was influenced by his communist parents and his cousin, a leader of the Shining Path guerrilla group. He received military training in the U.S. and Peru, later becoming involved in intelligence and political advisory roles. His legal career, following a brief imprisonment for espionage, was marred by fraudulent activities and associations with drug traffickers. Former Vladimiro Montesinos

836-6704: The Government of Peru . He was a recipient of the Order of May . References [ edit ] Biografía en el Ejército Preceded by Óscar Vargas Prieto Prime Minister of Peru January 31 – July 16, 1976 Succeeded by Guillermo Arbulú Galliani v t e Prime ministers of Peru 19th century (1856–1900) Juan Manuel del Mar Bernedo José Maria Raygada y Gallo Miguel de San Román José Maria Raygada y Gallo Juan Antonio Pezet Juan Antonio Ribeyro Estrada Manuel Costas Arce Manuel Ignacio de Vivanco Pedro José Calderón Mariano Ignacio Prado Pedro José de Saavedra Luis La Puerta Antonio Arenas José Balta José Allende José Jorge Loayza José Miguel Medina José Eusebio Sánchez Pedraza José de la Riva-Agüero y Looz Corswaren Nicolás Freire de Neira Antonio Arenas Teodoro La Rosa Juan Buendía Noriega José Jorge Loayza Manuel Irigoyen Larrea Manuel de Mendiburu Manuel Gonzáles de la Cotera Aurelio Denegri Lorenzo Iglesias Pino de Arce Manuel Antonio Barinaga Mariano Castro Zaldívar Iglesias Joaquín Iglesias Pino de Arce Antonio Arenas Pedro Alejandrino del Solar Gabans José Nicolas Araníbar y Llano Pedro Alejandrino del Solar Gabans Mariano Santos Álvarez Villegas Carlos Maria Elías y de la Quintana Raymundo Morales Arias * Aurelio Denegri José Mariano Jiménez Wald Pedro Alejandrino del Solar Gabans Manuel Irigoyen Larrea Augusto Huaman-Velasco Billinghurst Alberto Elmore Fernández de Córdoba * Federico Herrera Justiniano Borgoño Federico Herrera Juan Ibarra Carlos Maria Elías y de la Quintana Manuel Velarde Seoane José Mariano Jiménez Wald Baltasar García Urrutia Cesáreo Chacaltana Reyes Manuel Irigoyen Larrea Antonio Bentín y La Fuente Manuel Antonio Barinaga Manuel Pablo Olaechea Guerrero Alejandro López de Romaña Alvizuri José Jorge Loayza Manuel María Gálvez Egúsquiza Enrique de la Riva-Agüero y Looz Corswaren Enrique Coronel Zegarra y Cortés Domingo M. Almenara Butler 20th century (1901–2000) Cesáreo Chacaltana Reyes Cesáreo Octavio Deustua Escarza Eugenio Larrabure y Unanue José Pardo y Barreda Alberto Elmore Fernández de Córdoba Augusto B. Leguía Agustín Tovar Carlos A. Washburn Salas Eulogio I. Romero Salcedo Rafael Fernández de Villanueva Cortez Javier Prado y Ugarteche Germán Schreiber Waddington José Salvador Cavero Ovalle José Salvador Cavero Ovalle Enrique C. Basadre Stevenson Agustín Guillermo Ganoza Cavero Elías Malpartida Enrique Varela Vidaurre Federico Luna y Peralta Aurelio Sousa Matute Enrique Varela Vidaurre Pedro E. Muñiz Sevilla Manuel Melitón Carvajal Aurelio Sousa Matute Germán Schreiber Waddington Carlos Isaac Abril Galindo Enrique de la Riva-Agüero y Looz Corswaren Francisco Tudela y Varela Germán Arenas y Loayza Juan Manuel Zuloaga Germán Leguía y Martínez Jakeway Julio Enrique Ego Aguirre Alejandrino Maguiña Pedro José Rada y Gamio Benjamín Huamán de los Heros Fernando Sarmiento Luis Miguel Sánchez Cerro Antonio Beingolea Germán Arenas y Loayza Francisco R. Lanatta Ramírez Luis Alberto Flores Ricardo Rivadeneyra Barnuevo José Matías Manzanilla Barrientos Jorge Prado y Ugarteche José de la Riva-Agüero y Osma Alberto Rey de Castro y Romaña Carlos Arenas y Loayza Manuel Esteban Rodríguez Ernesto Montagne Markholz Alberto Rey de Castro y Romaña Alfredo Solf y Muro Manuel Cisneros Sánchez Rafael Belaúnde Diez Canseco Julio Ernesto Portugal Escobedo José R. Alzamora Freundt Roque Augusto Saldías Maninat Armando Revoredo Iglesias Zenón Noriega Agüero Roque Augusto Saldías Maninat Manuel Cisneros Sánchez Luis Gallo Porras Pedro Beltrán Espantoso Carlos Moreyra y Paz Soldán Nicolás Lindley López Julio Óscar Trelles Montes Fernando Schwalb López Aldana Daniel Becerra de la Flor Edgardo Seoane Corrales Raúl Ferrero Rebagliati Oswaldo Hercelles García Miguel Mujica Gallo Ernesto Montagne Sánchez Luis Edgardo Mercado Jarrín Francisco Morales-Bermúdez Óscar Vargas Prieto Jorge Fernández Maldonado Solari Guillermo Arbulú Galliani Óscar Molina Pallochia Pedro Richter Prada Manuel Ulloa Elías Fernando Schwalb López Aldana Sandro Mariátegui Chiappe Luis Pércovich Roca Luis Alva Castro Guillermo Larco Cox Armando Villanueva del Campo Luis Alberto Sánchez Guillermo Larco Cox Juan Carlos Hurtado Miller Carlos Torres y Torres Lara Alfonso de Los Heros Oscar De La Puente Alfonso Bustamante Efrain Goldenberg Dante Cordova Alberto Pandolfi Javier Valle Riestra Alberto Pandolfi Víctor Joy Way Alberto Bustamante Belaunde Federico Salas Javier Pérez de Cuéllar 21st century (2001–) Roberto Dañino Zapata Luis Solari Beatriz Merino Carlos Ferrero Pedro Pablo Kuczynski Jorge del Castillo Yehude Simon Javier Velásquez José Antonio Chang Rosario Fernández Salomón Lerner Ghitis Oscar Valdés Juan Jiménez Mayor César Villanueva René Cornejo Ana Jara Pedro Cateriano Fernando Zavala Mercedes Aráoz César Villanueva Salvador del Solar Vicente Zeballos Pedro Cateriano Walter Martos Ántero Flores Aráoz Violeta Bermúdez Guido Bellido Mirtha Vásquez Héctor Valer Aníbal Torres Betssy Chávez Pedro Angulo Arana Alberto Otárola Gustavo Adrianzén *Acting Retrieved from " https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Jorge_Fernández_Maldonado_Solari&oldid=1240176882 " Categories : 1922 births 2000 deaths Peruvian soldiers Prime ministers of Peru Members of

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912-626: The National Intelligence Service (SIN), General Edwin “Cucharita” Díaz, beside Montesinos also played a key role with making Fujimori abide by the military's demands. Díaz and Montesinos allegedly convinced Fujimori that he was being targeted by the Túpac Amaru Revolutionary Movement and made Fujimori stay at the Círculo Militar, limiting his access to only military officials. Rospigliosi states "an understanding

988-620: The Peruvian Army . This was important in the Latin American cultural Cold War . During the government of Juan Velasco Alvarado , the SIN was related to the KGB , the intelligence agency of the Soviet Union . Negotiations were held between the SIN and the KGB for the training of agents, exchange of intelligence and cooperation in security measures. The KGB assigned two operations officers and

1064-524: The University of Southern California were documented to have met with Montesinos. Such trips for foreign individuals provided by the United States were rare at the time and were only reserved for high-value recruits destined to carry out US interests. Upon his return to Lima, he was arrested for having failed to obtain formal government permission to make the trip. In 1977, Major José Fernández Salvatteci of

1140-532: The Venezuelan government in Caracas and extradited back to Peru. Then his trial began. Montesinos was convicted of embezzlement, illegal assumption of his post as intelligence chief, abuse of power , influence peddling and bribery. Those charges carried sentences of between five and fifteen years each, but Peruvian prison sentences are served concurrently, so prosecutors continued to pursue him on additional charges. He

1216-462: The internal conflict in Peru that involved the genocide of impoverished and indigenous Peruvians, the control or censorship of media in the nation and the establishment of a neoliberal economy controlled by a military junta in Peru. The military decided against committing a coup as initially outlined in Plan Verde as they expected Mario Vargas Llosa , a neoliberal candidate, to be elected in

1292-725: The "most theoretically sophisticated of young military officers in national security doctrine" and that he had "considerable leadership potential". Montesinos expressed during the nomination process that he wanted to meet with officials of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the United States National Security Council of President Gerald Ford to discuss military and economic relations. He also specified to US officials that he did not want to "waste time" going to tourist destinations such as Walt Disney World . The United States Department of State and

1368-476: The 1990 election. According to Fernando Rospigliosi, Montesinos was not initially involved with Plan Verde , but his ability to resolve issues for the military resulted in the armed forces tasking him with implementing the plan with Fujimori, while Alfredo Schulte-Bockholt would say that both General Nicolás de Bari Hermoza and Montesinos were responsible for the relationship between the armed forces and Fujimori. Peruvian political analyst Umberto Jara would describe

1444-777: The Americas in Panama . A year later, he graduated from the Chorrillos Military School , in Lima, Peru . In 1973, during the Revolutionary Government of the Armed Forces of Peru 's leftist military junta of General Juan Velasco Alvarado , Montesinos became an artillery captain in the Peruvian army and was appointed to the role of aide to General Edgardo Mercado Jarrín , who served as both Prime Minister and Chief of

1520-502: The Armed Forces. While working with Jarrín, Montesinos travelled with the prime minister to Algeria , Colombia , Cuba , France , Spain and Venezuela . While visiting Cuba, he stayed with Raúl Castro as a personal guest. The Armed Forces Movement of Portugal had also reportedly been in contact with Montesinos. He visited several foreign institutions as an official representative of the Peruvian army, also without authorization. When

1596-603: The Army Intelligence Service ( Spanish : Servicio de Inteligencia del Ejército (SIE)) charged Montesinos with the crimes of spying and treason, accusing him of delivering military documents to the embassy of the United States in Lima. The documents included a list of weapons which Peru had purchased from the Soviet Union. The subsequent investigation revealed that top-secret documents had been found in his possession, and that he had photographed them and given copies to

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1672-484: The CIA purportedly being supportive of Fujimori's candidacy were authentic. Rendón writes that the United States supported Fujimori because of his relationship with Montesinos. Fujimori's campaign exploited the popular distrust of the existing Peruvian political establishment and the uncertainty about the proposed neoliberal economic reforms of his opponent Vargas Llosa. Fujimori would win the election, and according to Oiga ,

1748-638: The CIA then began its relationship with Montesinos. From 5 to 21 September 1976, Montesinos travelled to Washington, D.C. paid for by the United States government, meeting with multiple US officials; Robert Hawkins of the CIA's Office of Current Intelligence, Luigi R. Einaudi , policy-planning chief of the US State Department's Latin America division, Alfred Stepan of Yale University , Albert Fishlow of University of California, Berkeley , Riordan Roett of Johns Hopkins University and Abraham Lowenthal of

1824-457: The CIA. Montesinos had travelled to the U.S. without authorization from army command, and had forged military documents to allow him to complete the trip without being detained. Montesinos was dishonorably discharged from the military and sentenced two years in the military prison at Bolivar Barracks in Pueblo Libre . This was a far less severe sentence than the customary death penalty that

1900-491: The Fujimori years, Montesinos gained extensive control over the Peruvian media by bribing television channel executives in an effort to know and control all information within Peru. Bribes ranged from approximately US$ 500,000 per month to Channels 2 and 5 to $ 1.5 million per month to Channel 4. In total, Montesinos paid more than US$ 3 million per month in bribes to Peruvian television channels. Montesinos funneled additional funds to

1976-537: The National Intelligence System ( Spanish : Sistema de Inteligencia Nacional , SINA) and the National Directorate of Intelligence ( Spanish : Dirección Nacional de Inteligencia , DINI). The following list does not include Vladimiro Montesinos , de facto leader from 1990 to 2000. Jorge Fern%C3%A1ndez Maldonado Solari In this Spanish name ,

2052-599: The Peruvian army and air force and obtaining money for US antinarcotics missions in Peru upon demand. One of his largest accomplishments for the United States was granting majority mining rights of the Yanacocha mine – the fourth largest gold mine in the world – to the US-based Newmont . French mining company Bureau de Recherches Géologiques et Minières discovered the Yanacocha, though Newmont sought majority rights to access

2128-521: The SIN through the 1990s, Montesinos served the interests of the United States on multiple occasions according to the Harvard International Review . The United States reportedly support Fujimori's candidacy in the 1990 elections due to Montesinos' ties. The United States reportedly maintained a relationship with Montesinos as a way to have direct influence in Peru; the SIN head would clear bureaucratic obstacles and would immediately implement

2204-495: The SIN. Fujimori would go on to adopt many of the policies outlined in Plan Verde. Just days after Fujimori took office, the United States shared concerns in diplomatic cables that paramilitary death squads had been created by Montesinos. The Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) , according to documents, believed in 1990 that Montesinos effectively ruled Peru through the SIN. Former Peruvian generals and commanders also reported to

2280-408: The U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) for over 25 years and was said to have received $ 10 million from the agency for his government's anti-terrorist activities, with international bank accounts possessed by Montesinos reportedly holding at least $ 270 million. Monstesinos was directly involved with assisting American businesses establish deals in Peru, mediating US-led drug enforcement efforts in

2356-563: The US government showed that by 1996 the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) was aware of the allegations. Despite evidence that Montesinos was in business with Colombian narco-traffickers, the CIA paid Montesinos's intelligence organization $ 1 million a year for 10 years to fight drug trafficking. One of the most notorious scandals during this period was the 11 May 1996 seizure of 169–176 kg of cocaine (the quantity depends on

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2432-525: The United States that Montesinos controlled Fujimori. Montesinos then reportedly made Fujimori nominate former artillery officers to head key sectors of civilian and military posts, including Ministry of Defense of Peru and the Ministry of Interior, effectively giving Montesinos control of Peru's military. In a statement to a colleague at the time, Montesinos would remark "[Fujimori] is completely malleable: he does nothing at all without me knowing". While leading

2508-541: The United States would not support Peru's territorial dispute with Ecuador from the Cenepa War . The Supreme Court ultimately decided 4-3 in favor of granting the rights to Newmont. The DEA documented in December 1990, that Montesinos utilized illegal surveillance acts both domestically and internationally. Montesinos is widely accused of threatening or harassing Fujimori's political opponents. Evidence proves that he supervised

2584-621: The University of San Marcos Office of Records, where Montesinos' graduation would be noted, has disappeared from the Office. Montesinos' undergraduate thesis and other materials related to his academic record have never been produced. On 15 August 1978, Montesinos used his degree to register as a lawyer with the Superior Court of Lima. Ten days later, on 25 August 1978, he became a member of the Lima bar association . He became notorious for representing

2660-473: The Velasco government fell in 1975, Montesinos was able to maintain his position in the military during the more conservative government of General Francisco Morales-Bermúdez. He would also serve as an aide for prime ministers Guillermo Arbulú Galliani and Jorge Fernández Maldonado Solari during the government of Francisco Morales Bermúdez . A talented writer, Montesinos wrote many of the speeches for ministers of

2736-582: The agency to gather and control all information within Peru. Wiretapping was common by SIN agents under Montesinos. Surveillance cameras were placed at the Legislative Palace , the Palace of Justice , the Government Palace , Jorge Chávez International Airport , at brothels visited by politicians and in other locations throughout Lima , all being personally reviewed by Montesinos. Under Montesinos,

2812-480: The agency was surrounded by a halo of mystery, as it was considered the main responsible for cases of torture, murders, kidnappings and acts of repression against opponents of Fujimori's government . Former employees of the headquarters of the Peruvian Army , known locally as "The little Pentagon ", reported that a sub-basement existed where political opponents were imprisoned, tortured and killed. According to them, those killed were cremated in an incinerator and

2888-424: The agency's power expanded, and its de facto chief, Vladimiro Montesinos , used the agency for political purposes. Funding for the agency was not supervised by Congress; SIN's budget grew fifty times larger between 1990 and 2000, with the budget being between $ 96 million and $ 108 million in the latter year. In 2000, La República reported that around 2,300 people were agents of the organisation. Montesinos used

2964-482: The armed forces finalized plans on 18 June 1990 involving multiple scenarios for a coup to be executed on 27 July 1990, the day prior to Fujimori's inauguration. The magazine noted that in one of the scenarios, titled " Negotiation and agreement with Fujimori. Bases of negotiation: concept of directed Democracy and Market Economy ", Fujimori was to be directed on accepting the military's plan at least twenty-four hours before his inauguration. Rospigliosi writes that head of

3040-505: The arms deal broke into his offices and stole the video that was subsequently broadcast. Because of the arms deal, Montesinos lost the support of the US, which attached high strategic importance to crushing the FARC. On 14 September 2000, Peruvian television broadcast a video of Montesinos bribing an opposition congressman, Alberto Kouri , to support Perú 2000 , Fujimori's party. The video caused Fujimori's remaining support to collapse. He accepted

3116-471: The arms were airlifted from Jordan via Peru, to the FARC insurgent guerrillas in southern Colombia . Montesinos claimed the credit for uncovering the arms smuggling, which involved upwards of 10,000 Kalashnikov assault rifles . Jordan rejected the Peruvian version of events, insisting the shipments were legitimate government-to-government deals. Evidence emerged which pointed to Montesinos having orchestrated

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3192-555: The arts and the military. These activities were financed with public resources and apparently with other types of sources of dubious origin. For this reason, and due to the scandalous budget irregularities, the General Comptroller's Office  [ es ] carried out a control action, the result of which has been used by the Judiciary in almost all processes that are linked to the SIN's budget management. After its deactivation,

3268-529: The bone to get him to give up the tape. In view of such tactics, the Clinton administration threatened briefly not to recognize Fujimori's victory. It backed off from this threat, and pressured Fujimori's government to take action to root out abuses, including ousting Montesinos. Continuing political unrest in Peru would have represented a serious problem as US operations against the FARC in Colombia got under way. Peru

3344-485: The drug's origin and destiny were never determined and the investigations were compromised by Fujimori's corrupt government and possibly Montesinos himself. A 2011 investigation revealed that some four drug shipments were made abroad, with Miami listed as a destination, in air force planes during 1993–1994. Only the material authors (several low-ranking officers) were processed, acquitted and publicly defended by Fujimori in late 1997 (amongst them Fujimori's aide-de-camp who

3420-419: The extent of influence he expected in return for the stated monetary bribe. The Fujimori government also controlled the content of Channel 7, Televisión Nacional de Peru , which was explicitly state owned. Canal N , remained the only independent television channel, funded entirely by monthly service fees. Montesinos did not bribe Canal N because of their low viewership, numbering in the tens of thousands, which

3496-456: The first or paternal surname is Maldonado and the second or maternal family name is Solari . Jorge Fernández Maldonado Solari (May 29, 1922 – November 10, 2000) was a Peruvian soldier and politician. He was Prime Minister of Peru (January–July 1976). He was a member of the Senate of Peru (1985–1990). He served as minister of economy and finance and energy and mines (1969–1975) in

3572-495: The former chief of the Armed Forces Joint Command, and Fujimori had both complete knowledge of the illicit acts of Montesinos. Frequently, Montesinos secretly videotaped himself bribing individuals in his office, incriminating politicians, officials and military officers. His downfall appears to have been precipitated by the discovery of a major illegal arms shipment. Arranged by guerrilla leader Tomás Medina Caracas ,

3648-576: The government and was a frequent contributor to newspapers. He was also reportedly writing various treatises regarding an invasion of Chile and granting Bolivia access to the Pacific Ocean . In 1974, political scientist Alfred Stepan of Yale University recommended to the Embassy of the United States, Lima that Montesinos be given the International Visitor's Leader Grant , describing him as

3724-495: The government of President Fernando Belaúnde , under the always inconvenient modality of delegated legislation, that is, through Legislative Decrees No. 270 and 271. Both constitute the first real attempt to institutionalise Peruvian intelligence, creating and designing for such purposes the Superior Intelligence Council ( Spanish : Consejo Superior de Inteligencia , CSI), a collegiate entity for decision-making of

3800-468: The government. In response, former United Nations Secretary-General Javier Pérez de Cuéllar said, "Peru is no longer a democracy. We are now a country headed by an authoritarian regime." The 2000 presidential elections, which followed years of political violence, was controversial. A journalist claimed to have a videotape of Montesinos bribing election officials to fix the vote. He claimed to have been kidnapped by secret police agents, who sawed his arm to

3876-404: The gun-running operation rather than dismantling it. A senior Peruvian general was found to have participated in the deal, and another principal participant was a government contractor. He had signed at least eleven deals with the Fujimori regime, most of them to provide supplies to the Peruvian military. According to one report, a group of military officers angered by Montesinos's apparent role in

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3952-776: The intelligence system and to promote its specialisation. In July 1992, the Government of Emergency and National Reconstruction of Alberto Fujimori promulgated Decree Law No. 25635, which specified that the National Intelligence Service (SINA) was the central and governing body of the National Intelligence System, it had a ministerial rank, depended on the President of the Republic and is responsible for producing, integrating, directing, coordinating, controlling and carrying out intelligence and counterintelligence activities required by National Security and Defence. During Fujimori's administration,

4028-578: The location of bodies from the La Cantuta massacre. Zanatta said that in early 1997, Barreto had told her that she was part of the Grupo Colina death squad responsible for the La Cantuta massacre. Barreto's dismembered body was found by a roadside on 29 March 1997, and showed evidence of torture before death and mutilation. The addiction to information is like the addiction to drugs. We live on information. I need information. —Vladimiro Montesinos During

4104-411: The mine, raising a judicial dispute between the two. US Ambassador to Peru Dennis Jett told the Fujimori government that "any appearance of succumbing to French pressure would feed rumors of corruption in the Peruvian judicial system and thus scare off international investors", with Montesinos later telling a supreme court judge tasked with decision that if the decision was not in favor with Newmont, then

4180-632: The newspaper Kausachum , run by Augusto Zimmerman, ex-spokesperson of deposed president Juan Velasco Alvarado . General Carlos Briceño, the Commander of the Peruvian Army, re-opened the investigation into Montesinos' alleged treason. Montesinos fled to Ecuador , where in 1984 he revealed information to the Ecuadorian Army about Peru's military weapons purchases. The investigation was closed that year in order to "protect institutional image", and Montesinos

4256-413: The political opposition on their channel. Another showed Channel 4 owners getting $ 1.5 million a month for similar cooperation. Others show Montesinos counting out $ 350,000 in cash to Channel 5's proprietor, and the owner of Channel 9 receiving $ 50,000 to cancel an investigative series called SIN censura (Uncensored). In June 2001, through the assistance of the U.S. Government, Montesinos was turned over to

4332-542: The presidential campaign for Fujimori in the 1990 Peruvian general election to enter as a dark horse candidate . In addition, evidence exists that Montesinos reportedly forged tax documents and the birth certificate of Fujimori according to the Harvard International Review . Prior to the election, the Peruvian Armed Forces created Plan Verde , a clandestine military operation developed during

4408-523: The press and revealed that Montesinos said to him at one point that he "did some work" with Pablo Escobar , leader of the Medellín Cartel . Montesinos was paid US$ 50,000 a month during 1991 and 1992. As proof, the government presented recordings during Chávez's trial of radio communications between his drug traffickers and members of the Armed Forces attesting to bribery of Montesinos. In addition, Chávez said that retired general Nicolás de Bari Hermoza ,

4484-628: The reason for the CIA's interest in Montesinos. In the 1970s, Peru was governed by one of the few left-wing regimes in South America, a continent dominated by right-wing governments. Locked in the Cold War with the Soviet Union and fearing its influence in the region, as well as that of the Communist government of Cuba, the US was seeking information about activities in Peru. Montesinos conjured up and told

4560-441: The recommendations of the CIA. During his years with Fujimori, Montesinos was said to be paid $ 1 million annually by the CIA from 1990 to 2000, according to US officials, while the CIA and the DEA defended him from allegations of misconduct. In a 1998 letter from the CIA chief in Lima sent to Montesinos, the American official would admire Montesinos' "leadership, dedication, and professionalism". Montesinos had strong connections with

4636-470: The relationship Montesinos had between the military and Fujimori: [Montesinos was] the nexus capable of uniting two weaknesses: an army that had lost its prestige because of subversion and human rights violations, and a political unknown, absolutely solitary, without a political organization or a social base. Mario Vargas Llosa later reported that United States Ambassador to Peru , Anthony C. E. Quainton , personally told him that allegedly leaked documents of

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4712-423: The resignation of Montesinos and thanked him for his services. He then announced the dissolution of the National Intelligence Service (SIN) and new elections, in which he would not run. Shortly thereafter, Montesinos sought political asylum in Panama. In following months, some of the most infamous "Vladi-videos" were released. One showed the owners of Channel 2 being offered US$ 500,000 a month to ban appearances of

4788-400: The risk of defection by the TV channel owners. He also ensured continued cooperation through blackmail, utilizing video evidence of sexual indiscretions by bribe recipients. To keep track of the numerous bribes and gain further evidence of the owners' complicity, which could also be used as blackmail, Montesinos filmed monetary exchanges and forced channel executives to sign contracts stipulating

4864-408: The service continued to be limitedly operated in 2001 by a decree law that financed it. Law No. 27479 of June 5 ultimately created the National Intelligence Council ( Spanish : Consejo Nacional de Inteligencia , CNI) and the National Directorate of Strategic Intelligence ( Spanish : Dirección Nacional de Inteligencia Estratégica , DINIE), themselves dissolved through Law No. 28664, which created

4940-401: The source) aboard a Peruvian Air Force Douglas DC-8 (frequently confused in the media as the presidential Boeing 737 as it had operated on this role until the acquisition of the Boeing) that was about to depart on a mission to Russia (with stopovers at the Canary Islands and Bordeaux ), carrying military aviation equipment for maintenance. The scandal remains a mystery to this day because

5016-453: The television channels through government advertising. From 1997 to 1999, the Peruvian government increased their advertising budget by 52%, becoming Peru's largest advertiser. Ultimately, Montesinos held editorial control over Peru's free-to-air television networks: Frecuencia Latina , América Televisión , Panamericana Televisión , ATV , and Red Global . To maintain this control he structured bribe payments in monthly installments, limiting

5092-435: The true authority in the government, supported by the Peruvian Armed Forces . Montesinos' career was marked by his deep connections with the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), through which he received substantial funding ostensibly for anti-terrorism efforts. His tenure saw numerous human rights abuses and corruption scandals. The " Vladi-videos ," secretly recorded tapes showing Montesinos bribing officials, led to

5168-438: Was a result of the unaffordability of the monthly fees for most Peruvians. Canal N was the first network to air the Kouri videotape, which exposed the extent of Montesinos's corruption. On 14 July 1997, the government legally stripped Baruch Ivcher , a native Israeli , of his Peruvian nationality for supposed offenses against the government. In September, control of Channel 2 was given to minority shareholders more sympathetic to

5244-412: Was accused of sixty-three crimes that range from drug trafficking to murder . National Intelligence Service (Peru) On January 26, 1961, President Manuel Prado Ugarteche created the National Intelligence Service (SIN) by Supreme Decree in a stage characterised by the triumph of the Cuban revolution , the phenomenon of unconventional war, and the process of recent modernisation carried out by

5320-426: Was acquitted of two specific charges of corruption and conspiracy related to the mayor of Callao, whom he was alleged to have helped evade drug-trafficking charges. Montesinos was imprisoned at the Centro de Reclusión de Máxima Seguridad (CEREC) in Callao (which was built under his orders during the 1990s) and is serving 15 years in prison, but he will have to face at least 8 more trials in the next years. In total he

5396-470: Was allowed to return to Peru. During his attorney career, Montesinos was hired by Susana Higuchi , the wife of engineer Alberto Fujimori , assisting Higuchi after she made controversial deals in real estate . The paperwork in the case disappeared and the charges were dropped. This began the relationship between Montesinos and Fujimori. Peruvian journalist Gustavo Gorriti reported that Montesinos allegedly used $ 1 million provided by Pablo Escobar to fund

5472-468: Was born in the city of Arequipa , the capital of the Arequipa Region in southern Peru. His parents were devout communists of Greek origin and named their son after Vladimir Lenin . Montesinos is a cousin of the incarcerated communist leader Óscar Ramírez Durand , a.k.a. "Feliciano", the leader of the Shining Path . In 1965, Montesinos graduated as a military cadet at the U.S. Army 's School of

5548-413: Was established between Fujimori, Montesinos and some of the military officers" involved in Plan Verde prior to Fujimori's inauguration. Montesinos and SIN officials would ultimately assume the armed force's position in the plan, placing SIN operatives into military leadership roles. After Fujimori won the presidential election on 28 July 1990, Montesinos became his chief advisor and the de facto head of

5624-536: Was needed as a base of operations and a defensive backstop against guerrillas based in Colombia's south, not far from the Peruvian border. The DEA was aware of reports in August 1990 that Montesinos was involved with being paid for the immunity of drug traffickers. Allegations circulated that Montesinos and General Nicolás Hermoza Ríos , the chairman of Peru's joint chiefs of staff, were taking protection money from drug traffickers. Documents that were later declassified by

5700-625: Was part of the plane's crew). Peruvian drug kingpin Demetrio Chávez Peñaherrera, known as "El Vaticano", testified that Montesinos was a protector of drug trafficking. During a trial audience on 16 August 1996, Chávez Peñaherrera stated that he had bribed members of the Peruvian Armed Forces and Montesinos himself, as the effective chief of the Peruvian Intelligence Service (SIN), to be able to operate freely in Campanilla,

5776-436: Was the punishment for traitors during the military regime. United States Ambassador to Peru Robert William Dean contacted Minister of Foreign Affairs of Peru José de la Puente Radbill to pressure for Montesinos' release while the attorney representing the imprisoned army captain was asked to contact Einaudi. General Mercado then ordered the charges be dropped. Years later, declassified US State Department documents revealed

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