An act of parliament , as a form of primary legislation , is a text of law passed by the legislative body of a jurisdiction (often a parliament or council ). In most countries with a parliamentary system of government, acts of parliament begin as a bill , which the legislature votes on. Depending on the structure of government, this text may then be subject to assent or approval from the executive branch .
87-608: The Trade Facilities Acts were a series of Acts of the Parliament of the United Kingdom that were designed to alleviate the problem of large scale unemployment in the aftermath of the First World War. Acts were passed in 1921, 1922, 1924, 1925 and 1926 by four successive governments. The acts enabled companies to borrow money, with the capital and interest guaranteed by the government, for projects which would create employment. By
174-591: A bit". Law was followed by the Earl of Balfour , the former Prime Minister, who made a speech in support of the Coalition. He dismissed the suggestion that Lloyd George was insinuating Liberal principles onto the Conservative ministers and believed that breaking up the Coalition would destroy the machinery that would best tackle future political issues and artificially revive the two-party system. He concluded by strongly urging
261-518: A coalition to have principles. He believed it would be wrong to pretend to the electors that the Conservative Party was independent when it was intended that the Coalition would continue as before. Frank Mildmay regarded some of the criticism of Lloyd George as unfair and unpatriotic but referred to a previous speech by Chamberlain that declared that the Government should not go into an election as
348-492: A coalition. He referred to his history as a Liberal Unionist and paid tribute to the measures introduced by Conservatives and Liberal Unionists in Coalition governments but appealed for "real true fidelity to the principles" of the Unionist Party . Sir Henry Craik also spoke in support of fighting the election independently, believing the party had not fully exercised its influence in Government. Law then spoke, admitting it
435-507: A critical decision was needed. Explaining that the real fight was not between Conservative and Liberal but between those who stand for individual freedom and those who are for the socialisation of the state, he asserted that it was not a moment to break with old allies and that it would be impossible to get a majority against the Labour Party without cooperation with the Liberals. He then rejected
522-473: A delegation to Law to persuade him to oppose the coalition and drafted a motion for the Carlton Club meeting. Simultaneously with the crisis, there was a by-election campaign underway in the borough of Newport caused by the death of the sitting Coalition Liberal MP. The general expectation among the press was that the Labour Party would win. The poll was held on 18 October and counted immediately after with
609-458: A large following within the party. On 7 October, a letter from Law was published by The Times , outlining his views on future British policy in the Near East , which differed from that of the Coalition. While his attendance at the meeting was not certain as his health was still poor, the driving factor for Law was thought to be Conservative Party unity. Law made up his mind the day before to go to
696-585: A list kept at the time by Austen Chamberlain, 273 MPs voted, 187-86 with “at least a dozen abstentions”. Some ballot cards “may have been mixed up or marked inaccurately”. The resolution was a moderate one, calling for the Conservatives to fight the next election as a separate party, but not ruling out the negotiation of a new coalition, and some MPs - P. J. Ford told Austen Chamberlain at the time that it may have been as many as 50, but as he only named two Kinnear believes this to be an exaggeration - voted for it in
783-426: A short period of economic boom, which then turned into a major recession . The costs of materials and labour were significantly greater than in the pre-war period, and unemployment rose rapidly during 1921. By the end of the year, there were over two million workers registered as unemployed, amounting to 16.9 per cent of the workforce. The British economy had been geared towards exports, particularly to its colonies, but
870-448: Is known as a private member's bill . In territories with a multicameral parliament, most bills may be first introduced in any chamber. However, certain types of legislation are required, either by constitutional convention or by law, to be introduced into a specific chamber. For example, bills imposing a tax , or involving public expenditure , are introduced into the House of Commons in
957-445: Is passed by Parliament it becomes an act and part of statute law. There are two types of bill and act, public and private . Public acts apply to the whole of the UK or a number of its constituent countries – England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. Private acts are local and personal in their effect, giving special powers to bodies such as local authorities or making exceptions to
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#17328523808241044-934: The Federation of British Industries (FBI), there were new groupings pushing for solutions, including the Empire Development Union, established in 1922, and the Empire Industries Association, which followed in 1924. Major industries and the banks were represented by the Advisory Committee to the Board of Trade , who spoke directly to ministers, while the workers themselves had formed the National Unemployed Workers' Movement in 1921, to organise hunger marches and demonstrations, which were not always peaceful affairs. The Bank of England, in concert with
1131-639: The First World War in 1915 under H. H. Asquith . A crisis of confidence in December 1916 led to Asquith's replacement by David Lloyd George , and the Liberal Party split between supporters of the two with Asquith's faction going into increasingly open opposition. The coalition continued after the end of the war with the 1918 election delivering a large majority for ' Coalition Coupon ' candidates, although most coalition supporters were Conservatives. Lloyd George
1218-579: The Hampstead Tube at Camden Town to the City and South London Railway at Euston , to build an extension northwards from Golders Green to Edgware , to enlarge the tunnels between Euston and Clapham , and to purchase 250 new cars to equip the extended railway, which subsequently became the Northern line in 1937. Private funding by that time was not an option, as the interest on loans was around 5.5 per cent, and
1305-407: The Parliament of England did not originally have titles, and could only be formally cited by reference to the parliamentary session in which they were passed, with each individual act being identified by year and chapter number. Descriptive titles began to be added to the enrolled acts by the official clerks, as a reference aid; over time, titles came to be included within the text of each bill. Since
1392-624: The Parliament of India , every bill passes through following stages before it becomes an Act of Parliament of India : In the Irish Parliament, the Oireachtas , bills pass through the following stages. Bills may be initiated in either the Dáil or the Seanad, and must pass both houses. In New Zealand, the bill passes through the following stages: A draft piece of legislation is called a bill ; when this
1479-503: The head of state . In some countries, such as in France, Belgium, Luxembourg , Spain and Portugal, the term for a bill differs depending on whether it is initiated by the government (when it is known as a "draft"), or by the parliament (a "proposition", i.e., a private member's bill). In Australia, the bill passes through the following stages: In Canada, the bill passes through the following stages: The committee considers each clause of
1566-559: The 43rd act passed in 1980 would be 1980 chapter 43. The full reference includes the (short) title and would be the Magistrate's Court Act 1980 (c. 43). Until the 1980s, acts of the Australian state of Victoria were numbered in a continuous sequence from 1857; thus the Age of Majority Act 1977 was No. 9075 of 1977. Carlton Club meeting The Carlton Club meeting , on 19 October 1922,
1653-452: The City and South London Railway were linked at the southern end, by constructing new tunnels from Charing Cross (now Embankment ) to Kennington , and the line was extended by tunnelling southwards from Clapham Common to Morden , where a new depot for stabling the trains was constructed. The number of cars expanded from 250 to 521. When John Moore-Brabazon , the junior Transport Minister, opened
1740-464: The City of London, industrialists and the Treasury, were adamant that prices needed to be driven down to reverse inflation, and that this required lower taxation and less public spending. The government were caught between the Treasury, who believed their policies would provide a long-term fix for the economy, and the need to be doing something for the unemployed in the short term, even if that went against
1827-635: The Coalition, while those in safe Conservative seats opposed it. The Coalition's strongest supporters were in Scotland, East Lancashire, the Southwest of England, and the East of England. Immediately after the meeting, the dissenting Conservative ministers, including Baldwin and Sir Arthur Griffith-Boscawen , gave in their resignations to Lloyd George, being followed by former Coalition supporters including Chamberlain and Balfour. Lloyd George drove to Buckingham Palace in
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#17328523808241914-491: The Coalition. Opinion from the Conservative Party membership was reported to say that holding a general election as a Coalition would split the party, but there was speculation that if Lloyd George were replaced by a Conservative as Prime Minister, the situation might be different. Chamberlain, in his speech in Birmingham on 13 October, asserted that the Coalition was united and that Lloyd George had behaved with perfect loyalty to
2001-463: The Conservative Party should come out on its own, he moved a resolution: That this meeting of Conservative members of the House of Commons declares its opinion that the Conservative Party, whilst willing to cooperate with Coalition Liberals, fights the election as an independent party, with its own leader and its own programme. The motion was seconded by George Lane-Fox , who said that it was impossible for
2088-405: The Conservatives in it. He also stated that he did not intend to call a meeting for Conservatives to decide their attitude to the coalition. On 15 October Chamberlain called a meeting of all Conservative Members of the House of Commons , to ask for a vote of confidence in his leadership and in the continuation of the coalition. Chamberlain intended that a common electoral programme be agreed for
2175-470: The Government was formed. A meeting of the Unionist Party was summoned for Monday 23 October at the Hotel Cecil and unanimously confirmed Law as the new Leader; he " kissed hands " and formally succeeded Lloyd George as Prime Minister in the afternoon, and immediately obtaining a dissolution of Parliament and calling a general election for 15 November. The Conservatives secured an overall majority at
2262-528: The House of Commons in February 1926, stated that it was difficult to estimate the precise number of people who were now employed as a result of the provisions of the various Trade Facilities Acts, but that it probably exceeded 100,000. The 1926 Act became law on 26 March 1926. There were attempts to revive the concept of the acts in 1927 and 1929, championed by industrialists and some ministers, in order to fund industrial reconstruction, but both attempts failed, due to
2349-501: The House of Commons, or S- if they originate in the Senate. For example, Bill C-250 was a private member's bill introduced in the House. Bills C-1 and S-1 are pro forma bills, and are introduced at the beginning of each session in order to assert the right of each Chamber to manage its own affairs. They are introduced and read a first time, and then are dropped from the Order Paper . In
2436-519: The Royal Assent on 10 November 1921. By February 1922, three applications had been granted, for amounts between £100,000 and £1.5 million. A further ten applicants, requesting a total of £14 million, had been notified that their applications would be accepted, while five more applications for a total of £10 million had been considered by the Committee, and the applicants had been notified of
2523-612: The Secretary of State for the Colonies, for a period of ten years, to fund development works which would ultimately create the new markets. Amery, the First Lord of the Admiralty, proposed raising this sum to £5 million per year, but the Treasury resisted, on the basis that unemployment was not as bad as it seemed, birth rates were dropping, there was a shortage of domestic servants, and much of
2610-693: The Trade Facilities Act 1921, and was followed by sections on loans to Austria implementing a resolution made by the League of Nations , Treasury guarantees to pay the interest on a loan to the Sudan for irrigation of the Gezireh Plain, amendments to the Overseas Trade Acts 1920 ( 10 & 11 Geo. 5 . c. 29) and 1921 ( 11 & 12 Geo. 5 . c. 26), with a final section on how the costs of administering any of
2697-399: The Trade Facilities Act to £50 million, and to extend the period during which applications could be made by one year. The coalition government collapsed on 19 October 1922, and a Conservative government took over, led by Bonar Law . The Trade Policy Committee was replaced by an Unemployment Committee, and as the bill for the revised Trade Facilities Act had not then been drafted, some of
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2784-724: The Turkish threat to the British and French troops stationed at Çanakkale . The Foreign Secretary in the coalition government, Lord Curzon , was a Conservative but was absent when the Cabinet agreed a strong response. Curzon knew that the response would cause a diplomatic breach with France where the Prime Minister was friendly towards the Turks; in fact, the French had already ordered their troops' withdrawal. At
2871-467: The United Kingdom, Canada's House of Commons , Lok Sabha of India and Ireland's Dáil as a matter of law. Conversely, bills proposed by the Law Commission and consolidation bills traditionally start in the House of Lords . Once introduced, a bill must go through a number of stages before it can become law. In theory, this allows the bill's provisions to be debated in detail, and for amendments to
2958-462: The above were to be handled. Lieutenant-Commander Kenworthy , the Member of Parliament for Central Hull raised objections to such a collection, on the basis that there was no option to support one part of the bill but not another. Although his opinion was that this sort of grouping was without precedent, a number of similar collections of disparate legislation were quoted by others. Despite these misgivings,
3045-541: The act received royal assent on 15 December 1922. Within government, there were two streams of thought as to the role of the colonies. The Colonial Office was convinced that major investment into the colonies would result in them becoming self-sufficient economically, and thus no longer a drain on the British Treasury. Most of their allies saw the colonies as places that could be developed to buy British goods, and thus alleviate domestic unemployment. Philip Lloyd-Greame ,
3132-515: The anti-Coalition Conservatives. There was a large turnout of Members of Parliament to the meeting, which began at 11 AM on 19 October in the Carlton Club . Many of those arriving at the meeting were still shocked by recently learning of the Newport result. It was noted that Chamberlain was rather coldly received, in contrast to Law and Baldwin. Although the meeting was private, a report was issued to
3219-413: The belief that they were supporting Chamberlain. Although Kinnear listed the contemporary views of all MPs, where known, in a long appendix, and named nine for whom Chamberlain and Davidson gave a different result, he stated that it was not possible to reconcile all discrepancies. R. J. Q. Adams also examined the voting cards for his 1999 biography of Law, and writes that the true figure is 187 against
3306-453: The bill, and may make amendments to it. Significant amendments may be made at the committee stage. In some cases, whole groups of clauses are inserted or removed. However, if the Government holds a majority, almost all the amendments which are agreed to in committee will have been tabled by the Government to correct deficiencies in the bill or to enact changes to policy made since the bill was introduced (or, in some cases, to import material which
3393-722: The clause stand part of the bill are made. In the Report stage, the debate is on the motions for specific amendments. Once a bill has passed both Houses in an identical form, it is presented to the Governor General , who gives it royal assent . Although the Governor General can refuse to assent a bill, this power has never been exercised. Bills being reviewed by Parliament are assigned numbers: 2 to 200 for government bills, 201 to 1000 for private member's bills , and 1001 up for private bills . They are preceded by C- if they originate in
3480-405: The coalition and 88 in favour. To add to the confusion, the result is incorrectly listed as 186–87 on the wrapping paper in which they are held. Adams lists Sir Robert Clough , MP for Keighley 1918–22, as the only abstention. Historian Michael Kinnear noted that according to Austen Chamberlain's list MPs voted according to a clear pattern, with those in traditionally Liberal areas supporting
3567-412: The colonies which could easily have been funded without them. They were pressing for much more substantial aid. The Trade Facilities Committee agreed with them that the guarantees did little to encourage development in the colonies. When these proposals were presented to the cabinet, they prevaricated, postponing any decision, but eventually agreed to double the amount of money that could be guaranteed under
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3654-521: The colonies which would stimulate the demand for British goods and so ease unemployment in Britain. In the three years the scheme operated, only five projects were supported, mainly because the colonies found it too difficult to meet the requirements of the scheme, and total expenditure in Britain amounted to just £500,000. The Trade Facilities and Loans Guarantee Act 1922 had expired on 9 November 1923, at which time between £11 million and £12 million of
3741-599: The committee to authorise only those schemes which were likely to be a financial success, in the hope that none of the guarantees would be invoked. There were three members of the committee: Sir Robert Kindersley was the Chairman and Sir William Plender and George Schuster were members. They could authorise schemes up to a total of £25 million, and in order to placate the Colonial Office , applications could also be made for projects abroad, as well as those at home. It received
3828-504: The deep tube lines were only generating a 2 per cent return, even in good times. The guarantees enabled money to be raised by issuing 4.5 per cent debenture stock, which was a cheaper way of raising capital than conventional loans. When the original scheme was extended by the Trade Facilities and Loans Guarantee Act 1922, Lord Ashfield applied for more guarantees, to fund more extensions to the future Northern line. The Hampstead Tube and
3915-455: The election if the coalition continued and criticised the decision to call an election without consulting the party. Baldwin referred to the description of Lloyd George as "a dynamic force" and noted that the result of that force was the destruction of his own Liberal Party; he feared that the same destruction would be visited on the Conservative Party in time. As evidence he referred to the fact that both he and Chamberlain were prepared to "go into
4002-484: The election. The Conservative Members who were first elected to Parliament in that election formed the Conservative Private Members' Committee to discuss and influence political events; the membership expanded in subsequent years as more new Conservative MPs were elected, and in 1926 all backbench members were invited to become members. The committee became popularly known as the 1922 Committee . However
4089-523: The end of the scheme in March 1927, almost £75 million (equivalent to £5.5 billion in 2023) had been guaranteed to a range of industries. Whether the acts had a significant effect on unemployment has been debated, but one lasting legacy was the funding of the extension and refurbishment of what became the London Underground Northern line . Following the end of the First World War, Britain saw
4176-427: The extension to Edgware, said that he expected the Treasury to have to pay out on the guarantees in due course, as such projects rarely if ever paid their way. Since the price of land along the new routes always rose significantly he suggested that the railway could have financed itself by using this increase as security. Days later, Sir Robert Horne said that some £14 million had been guaranteed for improvements to
4263-402: The extension to Morden on 13 September 1926, he said that further tube extensions would only be possible if the system was well-used and earned the required dividends. Ashfield said that this would require 14 million extra passengers, but knew that it was never likely to happen. The evidence also appeared obvious to some Members of Parliament. Arthur Comyns Carr , speaking in early 1924 about
4350-409: The general election and the precise details be settled after the expected victory despite the fact that Lloyd George had specifically opposed that in his speech. Before the meeting there was particular speculation about the position of Bonar Law . He had been Leader of the Conservative Party for ten years, resigning both the leadership and his Government post in 1921 due to ill health, and he retained
4437-467: The idea of "half-hearted cooperation" in which the Conservatives would split with the Liberals after the election if they were able to form a government on their own. Chamberlain concluded that it would be arbitrary and mad to split from the Liberals "in face of the danger which confronts us". Chamberlain was followed by Stanley Baldwin , who put forward the views of the anti-coalition ministers. He openly threatened to stand as an Independent Conservative in
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#17328523808244524-499: The influence which the party ought to have". He concluded by referring to the replacement of Asquith by Lloyd George because of the loss of confidence in Asquith's ability to win the war and stated that he had the same feeling now about Lloyd George. One section of Law's speech was suppressed from the official report. In it Law accepted that he was "an opportunist" and that the smashing of the Liberal Party by Lloyd George "did not disturb me
4611-551: The last minute, Curzon arranged with the French to negotiate an armistice rather than withdraw. The incident also caused some of the Dominion governments to protest. Conservatives blamed Lloyd George personally for a needless confrontation. Amid increasing public attacks on the Coalition and on Lloyd George personally, the Cabinet on 10 October decided to call a general election as a Coalition. Austen Chamberlain and David Lloyd George both arranged to speak at public meetings in defence of
4698-663: The law in particular geographic areas. In the United Kingdom Parliament, each bill passes through the following stages: In the Scottish Parliament, bills pass through the following stages: There are special procedures for emergency bills, member's bills (similar to private member's bills in the UK Parliament), committee bills, and private bills. In Singapore, the bill passes through these certain stages before becoming into an Act of Parliament. Acts passed by
4785-467: The main industries involved, which included coal, cotton, iron and steel, and shipbuilding failed to pick up, resulting in export levels being around half of what they had been in 1913. The political parties proposed differing solutions in their election campaigns of the 1920s, but governments of all flavours faced pressure from outside sources. As well as established organisations such as the Bank of England and
4872-540: The meeting to support its leader, at which there were cries of "Bonar Law!". Colonel Leslie Wilson, the Chief Whip of the Conservative Party and a junior Minister in the Coalition, said that it would be impossible for any member of the Government to take the course proposed by Chamberlain; if asked at the election whether he would serve under Lloyd George if the Conservatives won a majority, his answer would have to be 'No'. After James Fitzalan Hope made an attempt to adjourn
4959-594: The meeting until the following day, Sir A. Shirley Benn spoke of his recollection that the Coalition was to last one Parliament only. Lord Hugh Cecil urged a straight vote on whether there should be a Conservative policy supporting a Conservative Prime Minister, or a Coalition policy supporting Lloyd George. Chamberlain intervened from the Chair to accept that proposition and accepted that Pretyman's motion embodied it. He persuaded James Fitzalan Hope to withdraw his motion for an adjournment and then began to put Pretyman's motion to
5046-464: The meeting, and to oppose the Coalition there. Preparing for the meeting, several groups of Conservative MPs met to discuss the situation. Leo Amery , who disliked the idea of a Coalition which existed only for the "negative policy of anti-Socialism", called a meeting of 17 Conservative ministers on 16 October, at which he found many wanted Lloyd George deposed. Chamberlain heard of the meeting and accused Amery of plotting against him; Amery said that he
5133-491: The mid-nineteenth century, it has also become common practice for acts to have a short title , as a convenient alternative to the sometimes lengthy main titles. The Short Titles Act 1892 , and its replacement the Short Titles Act 1896 , gave short titles to many acts which previously lacked them. The numerical citation of acts has also changed over time. The original method was based on the regnal year (or years) in which
5220-462: The middle of the afternoon to offer the Government's resignation. King George V summoned Law and invited him to form a new Government, but Law demurred on the grounds that he was not leader of his party and could not accept until he was. His accession to the leadership was, however, regarded as a formality, and his first call after leaving the Palace was to invite Curzon to remain as Foreign Secretary when
5307-457: The more radical proposals for colonial aid were quietly dropped, though the extensions to the amount of money to be guaranteed and the time period were retained. By the time the bill was drafted, it had become a container for legislation covering five areas, to be called the Trade Facilities and Loans Guarantee Act 1922 ( 13 Geo. 5 Sess. 2 . c. 4). The first section covered the extensions to
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#17328523808245394-465: The only credible opposition. He then described the split in the Conservative Party in which many members had refused to stand as Coalition supporters and said that carrying out Chamberlain's intentions would repeat what happened when Robert Peel repealed the Corn Laws : a split in which "the body that is cast off will slowly become the Conservative Party, but it will take a generation before it gets back to
5481-422: The original bill to also be introduced, debated, and agreed to. In bicameral parliaments, a bill that has been approved by the chamber into which it was introduced then sends the bill to the other chamber. Broadly speaking, each chamber must separately agree to the same version of the bill. Finally, the approved bill receives assent; in most territories this is merely a formality and is often a function exercised by
5568-520: The original £50 million of guarantees had not been used. The government proposed to add another £15 million to that amount, and extend the deadline for applications to 31 March 1925. The act would also extend the period for guarantees made under the Overseas Trade Acts, 1920 to 1922, and increase the guaranteed amount of the loan to the Sudan made under the 1922 act to £7 million. The act received royal assent on 15 May 1924. The MacDonald government
5655-428: The papers of J. C. C. Davidson , and a list of how each MP voted was published by Robert Rhodes James in his 1969 edition of Davidson's memoirs. He gives a figure of 185 voting against the coalition and 88 in favour, a figure accepted by Robert Blake. Michael Kinnear later noted that despite giving a figure of 185 voting in favour, Rhodes James only actually listed 184 doing so. Kinnear (1973) wrote that according to
5742-446: The parliament before it can become a law. In territories with a Westminster system , most bills that have any possibility of becoming law are introduced into parliament by the government. This will usually happen following the publication of a " white paper ", setting out the issues and the way in which the proposed new law is intended to deal with them. A bill may also be introduced into parliament without formal government backing; this
5829-679: The president of the Board of Trade, stated that the only long-term solution to unemployment was the development of new markets for British exports, and that the British Empire was the most likely source of these new markets. As a result of the large numbers of unemployed workers over the winter of 1922-23, Bonar Law asked the Board of Trade to propose new solutions. Their analysis showed that exports were 31 per cent lower than in 1913, when over one third of all exports had been to Europe. They suggested that some £2 million per year should be made available to
5916-461: The press by Conservative Central Office immediately after. According to this report, Chamberlain as chair began by complaining that the "storm of attack and criticism" over the Chanak Crisis had weakened Britain's influence and undermined its authority. Chamberlain referred to the imminent general election and the need to unify the party, saying that the Coalition could not continue as it was and
6003-537: The provision of the Trade Facilities and Loans Guarantee Act 1922 remained unclaimed. The Conservative government was replaced by the first Labour government, led by Ramsay MacDonald , on 22 January 1924, but a bill for a replacement act had already been drafted, and so little changed on this front. When the Trade Facilities Act 1924 ( 14 & 15 Geo. 5 . c. 8) was passed, it included the provision of £1 million to partially fund loan interest for projects in
6090-415: The relevant parliamentary session met. This has been replaced in most territories by simple reference to the calendar year, with the first act passed being chapter 1, and so on. In the United Kingdom, legislation has referenced by year and chapter number since 1963 ( Acts of Parliament Numbering and Citation Act 1962 ). Each act is numbered consecutively based on the date it received royal assent, for example
6177-481: The reluctance of the government to become involved in the fate of specific industries. The Trade Facilities Act 1926 lapsed on 31 March 1927. Shortly afterwards, Winston Churchill summarised how the total of £74,251,780 guaranteed under the five acts had been allocated, by industry. While the effects of the Trade Facilities Acts on levels of unemployment were disappointing, and an analysis of its effects on
6264-415: The requirement to reduce public spending. The solution proposed by David Lloyd George 's Coalition government was enshrined in the Trade Facilities Act 1921 ( 11 & 12 Geo. 5 . c. 65), which offered loans for public works that would provide employment, by guaranteeing the capital and interest. A Trade Facilities Committee was set up, to consider applications under the scheme, but the government instructed
6351-520: The result being declared at 2 AM. Conservative candidate Reginald Clarry won the seat, with the Liberal candidate finishing a poor third. Because of the timing, only two London newspapers were able to cover the result in much detail, but The Times gave it particular prominence including a leading article , which described it as a "complete condemnation of the Coalition Government" and vindicating
6438-532: The result. The most commonly-quoted result is 187 against the coalition and 87 in favour. This was the number published in Volume 56 of Gleanings & Memoranda , the official Conservative Central Office record at that time, and was repeated in classic works such as Beaverbrook's Decline and Fall of Lloyd George , AJP Taylor's English History 1914-1945 and The Unknown Prime Minister , Robert Blake 's 1955 biography of Law. The actual voting cards are preserved among
6525-559: The shipbuilding industry suggest that they were at best contentious, there were some benefits to the scheme, which are still being enjoyed by Londoners. In 1921 Lord Ashfield , by then chairman of the Underground Electric Railways Company of London , submitted an application for guarantees to enable parts of the London Underground to be extended and upgraded. He needed £5 million to construct tunnels to join
6612-466: The terms under which the Committee would recommend a guarantee, for their consideration. The smallest amount requested was just £4,700, while the largest was £6 million, and by 30 September 1922, £22,243,645 had been guaranteed. In July 1922, the government set up a Cabinet Trade Policy Committee. The Colonial Office explained to the Committee the shortcomings of the existing Trade Facilities Act 1921, which only seemed to offer guarantees to projects in
6699-450: The total amount of guarantees was raised to £70 million and it was raised again by the Trade Facilities Act 1926 to £75 million. By the end of 1925, £63,169,741 had been guaranteed, and it was estimated that the additional amount would be sufficient to cover further guarantees in 1926. The Trade Facilities Act 1926 again increased the time period for guarantees made under the Overseas Trade Acts, 1920 to 1924. Mr McNeill, speaking to
6786-476: The tube railways, and that these projects would not have begun without the promise of cheaper loans, as a result of the Acts. He recommended that the 1924 Act should be adopted, because the tube extensions funded by the previous acts had provided employment for thousands of men. Act of Parliament A draft act of parliament is known as a bill . In other words, a bill is a proposed law that needs to be discussed in
6873-469: The vote. Wilfrid Ashley quickly intervened to point out that those supporting the motion were in favour of a Conservative Prime Minister and a Conservative government. At least 286 MPs were present. At least 11 MPs were absent abroad on the day, none of whom were supporters of the Coalition. The vote was taken by cards marked with the name of the MP. A number of slightly different figures have been published for
6960-492: The wilderness" should the meeting go against them, a division he attributed to Lloyd George personally. This was famously summed up in his phrase: "a dynamic force can be a terrible thing". Veteran MP Captain Ernest Pretyman spoke next, opposing the Coalition and asserting that the issues of the day could "best be met by Conservative principles rather than by a Coalition of which many members are very doubtful". Believing that
7047-522: Was a formal meeting of Members of Parliament who belonged to the Conservative Party , called to discuss whether the party should remain in government in coalition with a section of the Liberal Party under the leadership of Liberal Prime Minister David Lloyd George . The party leadership favoured continuing, but the party rebels led by Bonar Law and Stanley Baldwin argued that participation
7134-462: Was damaging the party. The meeting voted decisively against the Coalition , which resulted in its collapse, the resignation of Austen Chamberlain as party leader , and the invitation of Law to form a Government. The Conservatives subsequently won the general election with an overall majority. The Conservatives and Liberals, traditional rivals, had first come together in a coalition government during
7221-454: Was never personally popular with Conservatives, and the government's introduction of Liberal policies led several Conservative MPs to go into opposition over the next four years. In October 1922, the overall state of the parties in Parliament was: Conservative discontent with the Coalition was maximised by the sudden diplomatic crisis with Turkey and Lloyd George's willingness to see war over
7308-447: Was not ready when the bill was presented). The debate on each stage is actually debate on a specific motion. For the first reading, there is no debate. For the second reading, the motion is "That this bill be now read a second time and be referred to [name of committee]" and for third reading "That this bill be now read a third time and pass." In the Committee stage, each clause is called and motions for amendments to these clauses, or that
7395-418: Was only at the last minute he decided to come to the meeting. He described the idea of the Coalition fighting and winning an election and the Conservatives then asking Lloyd George to resign in favour of Chamberlain as dishonourable since winning the election would be a mandate for Lloyd George. Law had no fear of a Labour Government being elected and thought continuing the Coalition would help Labour by making it
7482-513: Was short-lived, as it lost a vote of censure in October 1924, and the Conservatives returned to power in the ensuing election. Minor adjustments to the terms of the Trade Facilities Act 1924 were made by the Trade Facilities Act 1925 ( 15 & 16 Geo. 5 . c. 13) and the Trade Facilities Act 1926 ( 16 & 17 Geo. 5 . c. 3), but the scheme expired in 1927, and was not revived. Under the Trade Facilities Act 1925, which received royal assent on 27 March,
7569-419: Was trying to arrange a compromise. On 18 October, Amery told chief whip Leslie Wilson that the coalition's future should be decided by a party meeting after the election; Wilson obtained Chamberlain's agreement. Also on that day, about 80 Conservative MPs met under Sir Samuel Hoare ; they supported independence in the election with possible post-election co-operation with Coalition Liberals. This group organised
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