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71-527: Founded in the 1870s as Goodridge & Marfell by Henry Goodridge (1832 - ?) and Erie, Colorado pioneer Hiram Marfell (1840-1904), both immigrants from England, the coal dealership was incorporated in 1890 as Stewart Coal & Lime Company, located in Denver. Stewart Coal & Lime Company was purchased in 1893 by the dashing former Nebraska farmer Edgar Edmund Shumway (1862-1914), who launched his coal dealership Shumway & Company in 1891. Shumway's partner in

142-604: A New Deal official she helped shape the modern American welfare state. She was inducted into the Colorado Women's Hall of Fame in 1986. Josephine Roche was born in Neligh, Nebraska , and raised in Omaha , attending private girls' schools there before matriculating at Vassar College in 1904. There she double-majored in economics and classics , and participated in basketball and track clubs. After graduating in 1908, Roche earned

213-414: A confrontation. Colorado Governor Davis Waite convinced the mine owners to go back to the shorter workday in what was called the "Waite agreement." Governor Waite also called out the state militia to disarm the 1,200 gunmen who were no longer taking orders from the sheriff. The Waite agreement on miners' hours and wages subsequently went into effect, and lasted nearly a decade. Downtown Cripple Creek

284-486: A dynamite attack in the middle of the night destroyed the powerhouse at the Sun and Moon mine, where strikebreakers were working. The attackers fled, leaving behind a union miner mortally injured by a premature dynamite explosion. A number of union officials were arrested that same night, and accused of complicity in the bombing. The following night, nearly 500 people, including most businessmen and city officials, met to decide on

355-520: A future of arbitration and conciliation with employers, and an eventual end to the need for strikes. Bill Haywood , the WFM's powerful secretary treasurer and second in command, had adopted the industrial unionism philosophy of his mentor, former WFM leader Ed Boyce . Boyce disagreed with Samuel Gompers , head of the AFL, over union organization. Haywood thought that unions should cover whole industries, and that

426-633: A majority interest in the company and become president. She then proceeded to enact a variety of pro-labor policies, including an invitation for the United Mine Workers of America (UMWA) to return to Colorado and unionize her mines, 15 years after her father and other coal mine owners had broken the unions in the aftermath of the Ludlow Massacre of 1914. In 1934, Roche left Rocky Mountain Fuel to run for Governor of Colorado . After being defeated in

497-415: A master's degree in social work in 1910 from Columbia University . In 1906, her parents, John and Ella Roche, moved to Denver , where much of her life's work would be centered. Roche volunteered for social causes in both New York City and Denver, studied cost of living issues, and in 1912 returned to Denver full-time to become that city's first female police officer . However, her tenure there

568-523: A mine or smelter were hazardous to workers' health, and that the eight hour day should become state law for mine and mill workers. Republicans opposed the law, and sought an opinion from the Colorado Supreme Court. The Court advised that such a law would be unconstitutional. Then a similar law was passed in Utah, and it withstood a U.S. Supreme Court challenge. Legislators used the precise language from

639-517: A number of business and civic organizations, and received honorary degrees from Smith College , Oglethorpe University , Mount Holyoke College , and the University of Colorado . Roche was a leader in health care reform, but organized efforts to launch national health insurance in failed repeatedly—most notably in 1916, 1938–40, and 1943. Roche headed the New Deal insurance campaign in 1938-40, which had

710-452: A referendum, which submitted to voters. On November 4, 1902, Colorado voters passed the amendment 72,980 to 26,266, an approval rate of greater than 72 percent. The new law, with the force of a state constitutional amendment, had only to go back to the state legislature in the 1903 session for final implementation. Under pressure from mining companies, the Colorado state government ignored

781-459: A response. After angry speeches, the crowd marched to the jail, removed the prisoners and expelled 23 union members from the town. Suggs wrote that the Citizen's Protective League, "directed law enforcement, held secret strategy sessions, ordered the arrest and interrogation of suspects whom they held incommunicado, watched incoming trains, and warned union sympathizers to leave town." Although this

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852-511: A time the USRRC paid the salaries of additional deputies protecting its properties. Limited production continued with non-union workers, and strike-breakers were hired with the understanding that their jobs were permanent. Tensions mounted on the picket line, and the sheriff appointed more than seventy men for strike duty. But MacNeill was demanding 250 guards for the USRRC properties alone. W.R. Gilbert, sheriff of El Paso County, requested troops from

923-524: The Columbine Mine and Ludlow Massacres . Roche's pro-labor policies, however, were effective - within a few years, the company's productivity per worker was the best in the state. After leaving the company in 1934 to enter politics, Roche returned in 1937, but even with the active support of her workers she was unable to save the company, which folded in 1944. The company was ordered by bankruptcy court to liquidate assets and all mines ceased operation but

994-655: The Democratic Party primary by Edwin C. Johnson , president Franklin D. Roosevelt appointed her as Assistant Secretary of the Treasury . She held that post from 1934 until 1937. In 1936, she had John L. Lewis , president of the UMWA and also of the nascent Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) meet with New Deal legal expert Lee Pressman , later an admitted Communist and alleged Soviet spy. In 1937, she resigned to return to Colorado and run Rocky Mountain Fuel following

1065-753: The Molly Maguires years earlier in Pennsylvania, ran the Denver Pinkerton office. He directed the activities of scores of spies that had been placed within the Western Federation of Miners. Charles MacNeill, general manager of the USRRC refining company, had been a Pinkerton client since 1892. The agreement settling the 1894 strike in the Cripple Creek District provided an eight-hour day for miners. The WFM argued that working long hours in

1136-544: The Western Labor Union , a federation formed in response to the American Federation of Labor (AFL) which had federated the craft unions in the east. In 1899, the WFM wrote industrial unionism , its response to the AFL's craft philosophy, into its charter. Colorado's employers observed the WFM's socialist pronouncements with trepidation, because the union's goal was now the elimination of private ownership of

1207-738: The American Medical Association and private insurance companies was intense. Historian C. Richard Mulcahy argues that Roche herself was responsible for the 1938-40 failure. She did not try to develop a national support base and she did not provide a rationale for establishing health care as a national right. Reformers hoped Roche would become the administrator of the new Federal Security Agency in 1939, but President Franklin Roosevelt passed her over. Her poor performance in building support for national health insurance annoyed FDR. She had wide contacts but they worked at cross purposes and there

1278-509: The Citizens' Alliance of Denver had enrolled nearly 3,000 individual and corporate members, and had a war chest of nearly $ 20,000. The Citizens' Alliance of Denver believed in the principle of an employer's absolute control over the management of business. Craig led the fight against union labor throughout Colorado. The organization had a "clandestine character," and all the inner workings of the organization were enshrouded "in deep secrecy," raising

1349-531: The Citizens' Protective League vigilantes, charging them with "rioting and making threats and assaults." The district attorney had cooperated with the League, and refused to prosecute the warrants. The Western Federation of Miners local at Durango, Colorado , ordered a strike on 29 August 1903. Out of the 200 employees of the Durango smelter , 175 walked off, demanding an 8-hour day. The strike effectively stopped work at

1420-564: The Colorado Reduction and Refining Company held out, and refused to increase wages. Western Federation of Miners union members working at the Grant and Globe smelters in Denver proposed a reduction in the work day from the existing 10 or 12 hours down to 8. American Smelting and Refining Company (ASARCO), which owned the smelters, refused. On 3 July 1903, at a meeting of the local also attended by national officers Charles Moyer and Bill Haywood,

1491-476: The Colorado labor wars include: Two scholars of American labor violence concluded, "There is no episode in American labor history in which violence was as systematically used by employers as in the Colorado labor war of 1903 and 1904." The WFM as well embraced more violent strike tactics, and "entered into the one of the most insurgent and violent stages that American labor history had ever seen." In late 1902,

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1562-481: The Cripple Creek District, however, things were not going well for the WFM. The union had lost a strike in Leadville in 1896, and in 1899 there was another confrontation at Coeur d'Alene, Idaho which ended with hundreds of union miners locked up by the militia in temporary prisons. WFM Secretary-Treasurer Bill Haywood concluded that the companies and their supporters in government were conducting class warfare against

1633-472: The Democrats and Populists split the progressive ticket. Peabody saw the Western Federation of Miners as a threat to his own class interests, to private property, to democratic institutions, and to the nation itself. He promised in his inaugural address to make Colorado safe for investments, if necessary using all the power of the state to accomplish his aims. A national employers' movement aimed directly at

1704-633: The Rocky Mountain Fuel Company. Colorado Labor Wars The Colorado Labor Wars were a series of labor strikes in 1903 and 1904 in the U.S. state of Colorado , by gold and silver miners and mill workers represented by the Western Federation of Miners (WFM). Opposing the WFM were associations of mine owners and businessmen at each location, supported by the Colorado state government . The strikes were notable and controversial for

1775-748: The Simpson, Rex, Industrial, Vulcan and Nonpareil mines in Boulder County and the coal rights associated with or formerly held by Empire Coal Company, Aguilar Coal and Mining Company, Louisville Coal Mining Company, Imperial Coal Mining Company and Union Pacific Coal Company. The sale also included 214 residential lots in Louisville, 25 residential lots in Lafayette, 1,150 pit cars, 80 air mining machines, 26 horses, 29 wagons and 140 mules. Company President E.E. Shumway died in 1914 from injuries sustained while investigating

1846-456: The USRRC. Peabody described MacNeill and Penrose as his two "Colorado Springs Colonels." The WFM asked all mines not to sell ore to the ore mills in Colorado City, with the understanding that the union would call a strike at any mine not cooperating. The mine owners met on 5 March 1903, and refused to stop selling ore to the struck mills. The businessmen of Victor convinced the WFM to delay

1917-527: The Utah law in the legislation. The Colorado Supreme Court again ruled that the law was unconstitutional, this time with respect to the state constitution. It would take an amendment to the Colorado Constitution to satisfy the Colorado high court. The amendment to the Colorado Constitution was endorsed by the Republican, Democratic, and Populist parties. The Colorado State Legislature put the matter to

1988-420: The WFM should extend to workers at ore processing mills as well, and that all workers in an industrial union should stand up for the rights of other workers. Haywood believed he had the necessary weapon to force the mill owners to negotiate: the solidarity of the workers in the mines that fed the mills. Under the leadership of Ed Boyce , Cripple Creek unions also helped to organize, and provided leadership for

2059-565: The Western Federation of Miners boasted seventeen thousand members in one hundred locals. In January 1894, mine owners tried to lengthen the workday for Cripple Creek miners from eight to ten hours without raising pay. This action provoked a strike by the miners . In response, mine owners brought in strike breakers. The miners intimidated the strike breakers, so the mine owners raised a private army of an estimated 1,200 armed men. The gunmen were deputized by El Paso County Sheriff F. M. Bowers . The miners were also armed, and were prepared for

2130-538: The accompanying violence, and the imposition of martial law by the Colorado National Guard in order to put down the strikes. A nearly simultaneous strike in Colorado's northern and southern coal fields was also met with a military response by the Colorado National Guard. Colorado's most significant battles between labor and capital occurred between miners and mine operators. In these battles

2201-638: The aftermath of the disastrous 1913 explosion that killed 37 miners at the Coryell Vulcan mine in Garfield County. David W. Brown (1860-1922), who joined RM Fuel in about 1900, succeeded Shumway. Company financial statements from 1920 show that RM Fuel and its nine-store mercantile division, the Rocky Mountain Stores Company, was managed by D. W. Brown and had over $ 12 million in assets, $ 3.5 million in debt and employed 845 people. The company

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2272-543: The best chance of success. From her position as Roosevelt's assistant secretary of the treasury, Roche led an interdepartmental study team and convened a 1938 conference to address national health. However, after the conference, Roosevelt withdrew his support. The major legislation proposed by the liberal leader in the Senate, Robert F. Wagner , died in 1940 in the face of opposition from the Conservative coalition . Opposition from

2343-477: The company from 1927 to 1939. Still holding valuable land, water rights and mineral rights, the RM Fuel experienced a resurgence of sorts in the 1970s under direction of Gerald “Jerry” R. Armstrong, who was RM Fuel president from 1973 to 2006. Josephine Roche Josephine Aspinwall Roche (December 2, 1886 – July 1976) was a Colorado humanitarian , industrialist, Progressive Era activist, and politician. As

2414-408: The company's non-liquidated assets until her death in 1976. Beginning in 1948, Roche served as one of three directors of the United Mine Workers ' welfare and retirement fund. In 1968, the union and its leadership were sued for mismanagement of the fund. The mismanagement charge was eventually proven in court, forcing Roche to step down in 1971. Over the course of her life, Roche was honored by

2485-461: The death of D.W. Brown in June 1922. The largest stockholder in the company, Roche died in 1927 and left an $ 128,000 estate. The company is notable among the many coal mine operators in the same region at the time for its leadership by Josephine Roche . She inherited a minority stock ownership from her father upon his death in 1927, becoming vice president of the company in 1928 and president by 1929. Roche

2556-522: The death of its president. However, the company was too much impacted by a variety of economic forces, and declared bankruptcy in 1944. The company was ordered by bankruptcy court to liquidate assets and all mines ceased operation but the liquidation was not completed. Roche continued in control of the defunct company and the remaining assets and moved to Washington, D.C. Roche became president of Rocky Mountain Fuel Company in 1950 and maintained control of

2627-452: The governor's arm-twisting, and verbally promised not to discriminate against union workers in the future. The strikes in both Colorado City and Cripple Creek were called off. On 1 May, after the strike had ended, the WFM negotiated a wage increase for the mill workers at the Portland and Telluride mills. Wages of $ 1.80 per day for the lowest-paid workers increased to $ 2.25. Again, the mills of

2698-483: The governor, writing: "It has been brought to my attention that men have been severely beaten, and there is grave danger of destruction of property. I accordingly notify you of the existence of a mob, and armed bodies of men are patrolling the territory, from which there is a danger of commission of felony." Historian Benjamin Rastall declared that there was "No apparent necessity for the presence of troops... Colorado City

2769-599: The laws of Wyoming as Rocky Mountain Fuel Company of Wyoming in 1910. In October 1911, RM Fuel purchased the Northern Coal and Coke Company for $ 5 million from owners F.F. Struby, G.A. Easterly and C.B. Kountze. At its peak in 1898, Northern Coal Co. executives boasted assets exceeding $ 30 million. RM Fuel borrowed $ 1 million and raised another $ 3.8 million via a bond sale to purchase Northern Coal assets that included 2,500 acres of coal land, nine coal mines, several company stores and Denver coal yards. The mines purchased included

2840-463: The liquidation was not completed. Roche continued in control of the reorganized company and the remaining assets and moved to Washington, D.C. Roche became president of Rocky Mountain Fuel Company in 1950 and maintained control of the company's non-liquidated assets until her death in 1976. John R. Lawson , unionist and United Mine Workers of America leader during the 1903 Cripple Creek strike and 1913-14 Coalfield War , served as vice president of

2911-493: The local union. Crane became "rather influential" in the union, and forty-two union men were fired. It was "practically admitted" that the dismissals were simply for joining the union. Charles MacNeill, vice-president and general manager of the United States Reduction and Refining Company (USRRC), refused to negotiate with the union, declining even to accept a document with the union's list of demands. The demands were

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2982-510: The mill workers voted to strike. The strikers immediately went to the Grant smelter and ordered the employees to quit working. They then went to the Globe smelter and did likewise; 5 or 6 workers at the Globe smelter were beaten and kicked by the strikers. By the time the company manager learned of the strike, the smelters were closed and the fires extinguished. The strikers forced three of the furnaces to shut down so quickly that molten metal congealed in

3053-427: The mills, and escort non-union employees to and from work. The Colorado City mayor, the chief of police, and the city attorney complained to the governor in a letter that "there is no disturbance here of any kind." At least 600 citizens of Colorado City opposed the deployment by signing petitions or sending wires to the governor stating, for example, that "a few occasional brawls" did not justify military occupation. But

3124-620: The mine owners. Backed by the pro-union Victor and Cripple Creek Daily Press , the unions elected union members to public office, and split the mining district from El Paso County, by creating Teller County. Teller County was a union county where the eight-hour workday was enforced, and workers were paid union scale. Unions used social pressure, boycotts, and strikes to ensure that union goals were enforced. The unions were powerful enough to simply announce wages and hours, and any businesses that failed to comply were boycotted. Non-union products were eliminated from saloons and grocery stores. Outside

3195-471: The mines. Republican James Peabody ran a campaign for governor of Colorado pledging to restore a conservative government which would be responsive to business and industry. He nonetheless expressed warm sentiments toward unionism while campaigning in the Cripple Creek District. Labor organizations were not persuaded and opposed his candidacy, but the Republicans gained control of the state government when

3266-456: The negotiations, but the Portland mill and Telluride mill signed agreements to hire back fired union members, and not to discriminate against union members going forward. The strikes against those two mills were called off, but those against the two Colorado Reduction and Refining mills continued. The governor agreed to withdraw the National Guard troops. Manager MacNeill finally succumbed to

3337-458: The office of adjutant general, For secretary of Colorado's state military board, Peabody appointed John Q. MacDonald , manager of the Union smelter at Florence , part of the USRRC, the company in the middle of a Western Federation of Miners strike. Peabody appointed two aides-de-camp, Spencer Penrose and Charles M. MacNeill , who were, respectively, treasurer and vice-president/general manager of

3408-459: The pipes, requiring laborious repair work. The number of workers idled at the two smelters was 773, about half of whom were union members. The union established pickets at the two smelters, in spite of a court injunction against picketing. On 7 July, the Globe smelter brought back 20 employees to do repair work caused when the furnaces were extinguished unexpectedly, while a police force of 31 guarded both plants. The picketing remained peaceful, and

3479-573: The police guards were withdrawn on 21 July. WFM members at ASARCO's Eiler smelter in Pueblo made the same demand for 8-hour days, but agreed to keep working when management agreed to grant to its Pueblo employees any concessions won by the WFM strikers in Denver. Likewise the owners of the Argo smelter in Denver agreed to match any concessions by the Grant or Globe smelters On 19 July, Asarco brought 62 workers from Missouri to Denver, but when they learned of

3550-540: The policy, the company negotiated, and the Pinkerton guards were replaced by guards nominated by the union. The new agreement stipulated that miners suspected of theft would be searched by a fellow miner in the presence of a watchman. To ensure a cooperative work force, mine managers and superintendents found it useful to urge all miners to join the union. El Paso County included both heavily working class Cripple Creek and more conservative Colorado Springs , home to many of

3621-432: The possibility that "the group might take extralegal action against all organized labor." The alliance stepped into the middle of labor disputes, and one of their early accomplishments was preventing amicable settlements between companies and their unions. Other employers' alliances in Colorado followed the constitutional formula of the Citizens' Alliance of Denver. James McParland , famous for his role in prosecuting

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3692-520: The power of unions was gaining strength. In his 1972 book Colorado's War On Militant Unionism , George Suggs, Jr. reported that antiunion employers' organizations in Ohio, Illinois, Missouri, and Wisconsin had effectively stopped the growth of unions through open shop campaigns. In 1903, David M. Parry delivered a speech at the annual convention of the National Association of Manufacturers (NAM) that

3763-672: The purchase was Joseph Mitchell Jr. (1847-1921), owner of the New Mitchell mine in Lafayette, Colorado. Mitchell's father, Joseph Sr., was the superintendent at the mine and lived in Lafayette. In July 1894, Shumway and Mitchell changed the name of the company from Stewart Coal & Lime Company to Rocky Mountain Fuel Company, operating at 1609 Curtis in Denver. Fifteen years later and owning eight Southern Colorado and Western Slope coal mines in Rockvale, Sopris, Trinidad, Maitland and Cardiff, E.E. Shumway — sans Joseph Mitchell Jr. — incorporated under

3834-449: The rehiring of the union workers, the right to organize, and a wage increase. Thwarted in their efforts to negotiate, the mill workers went on strike on February 14 to protest the dismissals. When other mills also declined to accept the union's terms, they were struck as well. There was close cooperation between the mill operators and El Paso County law enforcement. General Manager MacNeill received an appointment as deputy sheriff, and for

3905-469: The results of the referendum, and did not pass the enabling legislation. Governor Peabody, elected with pro-business support, had the opportunity to rescue the amendment, but opted not to do so. In 1906, President Theodore Roosevelt would write that Peabody's failure to pass an 8-hour law was "a grave error" and "unpardonable." In Idaho Springs , WFM miners struck in May 1903 for an eight-hour day. In July,

3976-428: The smelter for several days, but the smelter replaced the strikers, and resumed normal operation. Extra deputies were hired, and arrangements made to house workers on the smelter grounds. The strike failed. In August 1902, the WFM organized the mill workers of Colorado City, who refined the ore brought down from the Cripple Creek District. The mill operators hired Pinkerton detective A.H. Crane to infiltrate and spy upon

4047-415: The soldiers dispersed union pickets. They searched union member's homes and they put the union hall under surveillance. Governor Peabody worked in close association with Craig to form an employer-based citizens' alliance for his home town of Canon City, which the governor later joined. He appointed an anti-union mine manager and former sheriff's deputy from the Cripple Creek District, Sherman Bell , to

4118-545: The state government, with one exception, sided with the mine operators. Additional participants have included the National Guard, often informally called the militia; private contractors such as the Pinkertons , Baldwin–Felts , and Thiel detective agencies; and various labor entities, Mine Owners' Associations , and vigilante groups and business-dominated groups such as the Citizens' Alliance . The WFM strikes considered part of

4189-488: The strike one week, to see if the mill strike could be negotiated without the strike spreading to the mines. On 14 March, the union locals at Cripple Creek declared a strike against 12 mines shipping ore to the Colorado Reduction and Refining mills, and 750 miners walked out. By this time, the Portland and Telluride mills had signed agreements with the union. Two mines, the Vindicator and Mary McKinney agreed not to sell ore to

4260-414: The strike, all but 20 left town. The Grant smelter had out-of-date equipment, and the company decided to keep it closed. But in mid-August, ASARCO restarted its Globe smelter. Striking employees were re-hired only if they declared that they had quit the union. On Thanksgiving Day 1903, a crowd of strikers attacked 7 workers at the Globe smelter, also badly beating a policeman who came to their aid. Nine of

4331-451: The struck mills, and were not struck. Some mines had contracts with the struck mills, and could not stop shipping ore without incurring legal penalties. The governor spoke to representatives of the union, but he simultaneously sought information about obtaining "an allotment of Krag guns," because "a serious strike was imminent." Governor Peabody invited both sides to meet in the governor's office on 14 March. Manager MacNeill walked out of

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4402-426: The working class. At their 1901 convention the WFM delegates proclaimed that a "complete revolution of social and economic conditions" was "the only salvation of the working classes." WFM leaders openly called for the abolition of the wage system. By the spring of 1903 the WFM was the most militant labor organization in the country. This was a considerable change from the WFM's founding Preamble, which envisioned

4473-403: Was a "brazen, illegal exercise of power," Governor Peabody ignored it. District Judge Frank W. Owers ruled the expulsions illegal, and issued an injunction against the League to prevent interference with the return of the union miners. Eight WFM members returned to Idaho Springs, were arrested and tried for the powerhouse explosion, and were acquitted. Owers then issued bench warrants for 129 of

4544-408: Was a dedicated believer in labor unions , and soon after becoming president she invited the United Mine Workers of America back to Rocky Mountain Fuel Company's mines, offering top pay and taking actions to repair labor-management relations. This was to the great chagrin of fellow mine owners, who broke the unions in 1914 after years of intense and often violent disputes, culminating in events such as

4615-541: Was a diatribe against organized labor. He argued that unions' goals would result in "despotism, tyranny, and slavery." Parry advocated the establishment of a great national anti-union federation under the control of the NAM, and the NAM responded by initiating such an effort. Among those present at the Chicago conference was President James C. Craig of the Citizens' Alliance of Denver. Within three weeks after its creation on April 9,

4686-571: Was briefly married to author Edward Hale Bierstadt , a colleague at the Foreign Language Information Service , of which she was the director; the marriage lasted from 1920 to 1922 and ended in divorce. In 1925, she returned to Colorado due to her father's failing health, and in 1927 inherited his holdings in the Rocky Mountain Fuel Company , a coal mining company which he had founded. By 1929, she had purchased

4757-526: Was destroyed by fires in 1896. Carpenters and other construction workers rushed to the area to rebuild the city, and unions arose to organize them. The carpenter's union and other unions owed their leverage to the Western Federation of Miners. The strike victory in 1894 enabled the WFM to build labor organizations at the district, state, and regional levels. Mining companies acted on a concern about miners stealing high grade ore by hiring Pinkerton guards. In one case three hundred miners walked out to protest

4828-533: Was no self-contained and unified female network. In Lafayette, Colorado , two Boulder County housing projects have been named after Roche: Josephine Commons affordable senior housing, with October 2011 groundbreaking and first residents in summer 2012, and the Aspinwall Development, adjacent to the Josephine Roche Open Space. Both housing projects are located on land previously owned by

4899-409: Was producing one million tons of coal each year. John J. Roche (1848-1927), a lawyer and banker by trade, interviewed for a position at Rocky Mountain Fuel Company in 1906, then moved his family from Nebraska to Denver in 1907 to join RM Fuel, replacing company Secretary-Treasurer H.E. Stewart. Roche eventually became Vice-President and Treasurer of the company, and took over management of RM Fuel after

4970-409: Was quiet... No destruction of property had occurred, and 65 deputies would seem an ample number." Gilbert later testified that the troops were necessary not to suppress existing violence, but to prevent it. The investigation revealed enormous pressure on the sheriff from the refining companies to secure state troops. More than three hundred National Guard soldiers arrived in Colorado City to protect

5041-536: Was short-lived, as her zealous prosecution of sumptuary laws and prostitution caused the city's more lenient law enforcement community to force her resignation. Over the following decade, Roche held a number of jobs in Denver and Washington, D.C. , including serving as chair of the Colorado Progressive Party and campaigning against child labor in the sugar beet industry. While in Washington, she

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