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79-647: Defunct Newspapers Journals TV channels Websites Other Economics Gun rights Identity politics Nativist Religion Watchdog groups Youth/student groups Miscellaneous Other The Redeemers were a political coalition in the Southern United States during the Reconstruction Era that followed the American Civil War . Redeemers were the Southern wing of

158-479: A quid pro quo . Michael Les Benedict accepts the existence of an informal agreement but notes that the agreement itself had no legal effect, in contrast to the earlier legislative compromises of 1820, 1824, 1850 and 1861. In formal legal terms, the election of 1876 was not decided by negotiation, but by the official vote of Congress to accept the recommendations of the Electoral Commission. The reliance on

237-462: A "bulwark of morality", the largely Protestant South took on a Bible Belt identity long before H. L. Mencken coined the term. When Reconstruction died, so did all hope for national enforcement of adherence to the constitutional amendments that the U.S. Congress had passed in the wake of the Civil War . As the last Federal troops left the ex-Confederacy, two old foes of American politics reappeared at

316-438: A Compromise of 1877? (1973), argue that both Hayes's election and the assurances offered to Southern Democrats to prevent a filibuster were not a compromise at all. Though Peskin admits that Woodward's interpretation had become almost universally accepted in the nearly quarter century since he had published it, he argues that three of Woodward's five conditions for compromise were not met, and those which were met were not made for

395-528: A brief period, roughly between 1877 and 1900, during which some fusion governments and candidates – supported both by Republicans and by Populists or another third party – were occasionally elected to state-level offices, particularly in North Carolina prior to the Wilmington insurrection of 1898 . The majority of white voters supported national Democratic candidates well into the 20th century before shifting to

474-652: A deal exists and its precise details are a matter of historical debate, but most historians agree that the federal government adopted a policy of leniency towards the South to ensure federal authority and Republican Rutherford B. Hayes 's election as president. The existence of an informal agreement to secure Hayes's political authority, known as the Bargain of 1877, was long accepted as a part of American history. Its supposed terms were reviewed by historian C. Vann Woodward in his 1951 book Reunion and Reaction: The Compromise of 1877 and

553-460: A majority. Four states (Florida, Louisiana, Oregon, and South Carolina) returned disputed slates of presidential electors with a total of 20 electoral votes at stake. Any of the disputes being resolved in Tilden's favor would secure him the presidency, while Hayes needed all 20 votes to be certified in his favor. To resolve these disputes in the absence of a clear constitutional directive, Congress passed

632-461: A policy he claimed led to misgovernment and corruption. The Dunning School historians argued that the freedman were manipulated by corrupt White carpetbaggers interested only in raiding the state treasury and staying in power. They claimed that the South had to be "redeemed" by foes of corruption. Reconstruction, in short, was said to violate the values of "republicanism" and all Republicans were classified as "extremists". This interpretation of events,

711-533: A region's group of countries') parliament(s), and, in a broader scope, to foster the bilateral relations between said countries. Parliamentary friendship groups play an important role in New Zealand's engagement in inter-parliamentary relations, with group members often called upon to participate and host meetings for visiting delegations from the other part, as well as often being invited by the other country's parliament to visit it. Friendship Groups do not speak for

790-604: A total of 79,311 voters on the rolls; by June 1, 1903, after the new constitution was passed, registration had dropped to just 1,081. Statewide Alabama in 1900 had 181,315 Blacks eligible to vote, but by 1903 only 2,980 were registered, although at least 74,000 were literate. From 1900 to 1903, the number of White registered voters fell by more than 40,000, although the White population grew overall. By 1941, more poor Whites than Blacks had been disenfranchised in Alabama, mostly due to effects of

869-507: Is to support the leadership by enforcing party discipline . In Armenia , political parties often form parliamentary groups before running in elections. Prior to the 2021 Armenian parliamentary elections , four different parliamentary groups were formed. A parliamentary group must pass the 7% electoral threshold in order to gain representation in the National Assembly . Higher electoral thresholds for parliamentary groups discourages

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948-407: Is typically led by a parliamentary group leader or chairperson , though some parliamentary groups have two or more co-leaders . If the parliamentary group is represented in the legislature, the leader is almost always chosen from among the sitting members; if the leader does not yet have a seat in the legislature, a sitting member of the group may be expected to resign to make way for him or her. If

1027-527: The Constitution . Numerous educated Blacks moved to the South to work for Reconstruction. Some were elected to office in the Southern states, or were appointed to positions. The Reconstruction governments were unpopular with many White Southerners, who were not willing to accept defeat and continued to try to prevent Black political activity by any means. While the elite planter class often supported insurgencies, violence against freedmen and other Republicans

1106-554: The Corrupt Bargain or the Bargain of 1877. In this compromise, it was claimed, Hayes became president in exchange for numerous favors to the South, one of which was the removal of Federal troops from the remaining "unredeemed" Southern states; this was however a policy Hayes had endorsed during his campaign. With the removal of these forces, Reconstruction came to an end. In the 1870s, Democrats began to muster more political power, as former Confederate Whites began to vote again. It

1185-685: The Democratic Party . They sought to regain their political power and enforce white supremacy . Their policy of Redemption was intended to oust the Radical Republicans , a coalition of freedmen , " carpetbaggers ", and " scalawags ". They were typically led by White yeomen and dominated Southern politics in most areas from the 1870s to 1910. During Reconstruction, the South was under occupation by federal forces, and Southern state governments were dominated by Republicans, elected largely by freedmen and allies. Republicans nationally pressed for

1264-518: The Dunning School , described Reconstruction as a failure because of what they characterized as its political and financial corruption, its failure to heal the hatreds of the war, and its control by self-serving Northern politicians, such as those around President Grant. Historian Claude Bowers said that the worst part of what he called "the Tragic Era" was the extension of voting rights to freedmen ,

1343-669: The Electoral Commission Act , which established a 15-member commission of eight Republicans and seven Democrats to review the contested elections. The Commission voted 8 to 7 along party lines to certify each disputed vote in favor of Hayes. Under the Act, the Commission's findings were final unless rejected by both the Senate and House of Representatives. The Senate, controlled by Republicans, declined to do so, but Democratic Representatives in

1422-496: The Netherlands ( fractie ); Poland ( klub ), Switzerland ( fraction / Fraktion / frazione ); Romania ( grup parlamentar ); and Russia ( фракция/fraktsiya ), Spain ('grupo parlamentario'), and Ukraine ( фракція/fraktsiya ). Generally, parliamentary groups have some independence from the wider party organisations. It is often thought improper for elected MPs to take instructions solely from non-elected party officials or from

1501-486: The Parliamentary Friendship Groups , also called Inter-Parliamentary Friendship Groups , Friendship Parliamentary Groups , or Parliamentary Group of Friendship [and Cooperation] . "Parliamentary Friendship" groups are groups of congresspeople/members of parliament who voluntarily organise themselves to promote parliamentary relations between their own Parliament and another country's (or even

1580-517: The Red Shirts formed as a prominent paramilitary group that enforced Democratic voting by intimidation and murder. Chapters of paramilitary Red Shirts arose and were active in North Carolina and South Carolina as well. They disrupted Republican meetings, killed leaders and officeholders, intimidated voters at the polls, or kept them away altogether. The Redeemers' program emphasized opposition to

1659-504: The United Kingdom Parliament there exist associations of MPs called "all-party parliamentary groups", which bring together members of different parliamentary groups who wish to involve themselves with a particular subject. This term is in a sense the opposite of the term 'parliamentary group', which designates a group that includes only members of the same party or electoral fusion. One special kind of parliamentary groups are

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1738-758: The White League , a Democratic paramilitary group originating in Grant Parish of the Red River area of Louisiana, with chapters arising across the state, especially in rural areas. In August the White League turned out six Republican office holders in Coushatta, Louisiana , and told them to leave the state. Before they could make their way, they and five to twenty Black witnesses were assassinated by White paramilitary . In September, thousands of armed White militia, supporters of

1817-460: The "Redeemer" governments that displaced the Republican governments. After 1877, support for white supremacy generally caused whites to vote for Democrats and the region became known as the " Solid South ". Until the end of the 19th century, black Republicans continued to elect numerous candidates to local office, although Democrats controlled most state representative and statewide seats, except for

1896-410: The 1877 crisis lack any discussion of the backroom negotiations. Neither Abram Hewitt 's papers nor a 1901 history written by select committee secretary Milton H. Northrup mentions any sort of deal to secure Hayes's presidency, though Woodward argues that neither man would have been privy to such talks. In his 1913 "inside history" of the crisis, Henry Watterson recounts a White House dinner during

1975-643: The 1890s. George Henry White , the last Southern Black of the post-Reconstruction period to serve in Congress, retired in 1901, leaving Congress completely White until 1929. In the 1890s, William Jennings Bryan defeated the Southern Bourbon Democrats and took control of the Democratic Party nationwide. The Democrats also faced challenges with the Agrarian Revolt , when their control of the South

2054-491: The 20th century. Those who could not vote were also ineligible to run for office or serve on juries, so they were shut out of all offices at the local and state as well as federal levels. Congress actively intervened for more than 20 years in elections in the South, which the House Elections Committee judged to be flawed. After 1896, Congress backed off from intervening. Many Northern legislators were outraged about

2133-522: The Compromise theory to criticism of Woodward's emphasis of certain influences or outcomes, but critics concede that the theory became almost universally accepted in the years after Woodward published Reunion and Reaction . In the November 1876 United States presidential election , Samuel J. Tilden received 184 uncontested electoral votes and Rutherford B. Hayes received 165, with 185 votes necessary for

2212-533: The Deep South there was a return to "home rule". Nowhere was this more true than Georgia, where an unbroken line of Democrats occupied the governor's office for 131 years, a period of dominance that only came to an end in 2003. In the aftermath of the Compromise of 1877 , Southern Democrats held the South's Black community under increasingly tight control. Politically, Blacks were gradually evicted from public office, as

2291-460: The Democratic Party conducted intimidation, terrorism and violence against Black voters and their allies to reduce Republican voting and turn officeholders out. These included the White League and Red Shirts . They worked openly for specific political ends, and often solicited coverage of their activities by the press. Every Southern election year from 1868 on was surrounded by intimidation and violence; they were usually marked by fraud as well. In

2370-663: The Democratic gubernatorial candidate John McEnery , fought against New Orleans police and state militia in what was called the Battle of Liberty Place . They took over the state government offices in New Orleans and occupied the capitol and armory. They turned Republican governor William Pitt Kellogg out of office, and retreated only in the face of the arrival of Federal troops sent by President Ulysses S. Grant . Similarly, in Mississippi,

2449-590: The End of Reconstruction, which also coined the modern name in an effort to compare the political resolution of the election to the famous Missouri Compromise and Compromise of 1850 . Under the compromise, Democrats controlling the House of Representatives allowed the decision of the Electoral Commission to take effect, securing political legitimacy for Hayes's legal authority as President. The subsequent withdrawal of

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2528-546: The Government of their own country, or even for the whole of the Parliament/Congress to which they belong, as they are usually self-regulating and self-fulfilling. Parliamentary Friendship Groups are active in the national congresses/parliaments of countries such as Armenia, Australia, Brazil, Canada, Germany, Israel, Laos, New Zealand, Pakistan, Peru, Romania, Serbia, Slovenia, South Korea, Switzerland, and

2607-515: The House resorted to dilatory tactics by raising spurious objections to electors from Vermont and Wisconsin and filibustering the debate on those objections, which threatened to extend the controversy beyond the scheduled inauguration on March 5. However, Speaker of the House Samuel J. Randall refused to entertain the dilatory motions and eventually, the filibusterers gave up. A few Democrats complained loudly that Tilden had been cheated. There

2686-505: The Mexican Republic . Downs argues that "too often the 1876 election becomes in the historiography a site of fraud that outrages and also reinforces the centrality of electoral democracy to the nation's story instead of prompting deeper examination of the central role of violence in broadly defining what politics is." The prospect of delegitimization or dual presidencies during a period of relative fragility in an international context

2765-508: The Republican Party. President Harry Truman , formerly a Democratic Senator from the upper-South, in 1948 made the first presidentially-proposed Civil Rights Act in America , which included anti-lynching, voter rights, and elimination of segregation. "No political act since the Compromise of 1877," argued biographer Taylor Branch , "so profoundly influenced race relations; in a sense it was

2844-638: The Republican governments, which they considered to be corrupt and a violation of true republican principles. The crippling national economic problems and reliance on cotton meant that the South was struggling financially. Redeemers denounced taxes higher than what they had known before the war. At that time, however, the states had few functions, and planters maintained private institutions only. Redeemers wanted to reduce state debts. Once in power, they typically cut government spending; shortened legislative sessions; lowered politicians' salaries; scaled back public aid to railroads and corporations; and reduced support for

2923-425: The Republican vote. By the presidential election of 1876 , only three Southern states – Louisiana , South Carolina , and Florida – were "unredeemed," or not yet taken over by White Democrats. The disputed Presidential election between Rutherford B. Hayes (the Republican governor of Ohio ) and Samuel J. Tilden (the Democratic governor of New York) was allegedly resolved by the Compromise of 1877 , also known as

3002-592: The South was brought back under the yoke of the Southern Democrats , who had been politically undermined during Reconstruction. Whites in the South were committed to reestablish its own sociopolitical structure with the goal of a new social order enforcing racial subordination and labor control. While the Republicans succeeded in maintaining some power in part of the Upper South, such as Tennessee and East Kentucky, in

3081-617: The South were manipulated to do their bidding. The Redeemers, furthermore, were also tools of the railroads and were themselves corrupt. In 1935, W. E. B. Du Bois published a Marxist analysis in his Black Reconstruction : An Essay toward a History of the Part which Black Folk Played in the Attempt to Reconstruct Democracy in America, 1860–1880 . His book emphasized the role of African Americans during Reconstruction, noted their collaboration with Whites, their lack of majority in most legislatures, and also

3160-777: The Supreme Court in Smith v. Allwright (1944), civil rights organizations rushed to register African-American voters. By 1947 the All-Citizens Registration Committee (ACRC) of Atlanta managed to get 125,000 voters registered in Georgia, raising black participation to 18.8% of those eligible. This was a major increase from the 20,000 on the rolls who had managed to get through administrative barriers in 1940. However, Georgia, among other Southern states, passed new legislation (1958) to once again repress Black voter registration. It

3239-787: The United States, among many others. Compromise of 1877 [REDACTED] The Compromise of 1877 , also known as the Wormley Agreement , the Bargain of 1877 , or the Corrupt Bargain , was an unwritten political deal in the United States to settle the intense dispute over the results of the 1876 presidential election , ending the filibuster of the certified results and the threat of political violence in exchange for an end to federal Reconstruction . No written evidence of such

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3318-471: The achievements of Reconstruction: establishing universal public education, improving prisons, establishing orphanages and other charitable institutions, and trying to improve state funding for the welfare of all citizens. He also noted that despite complaints, most Southern states kept the constitutions of Reconstruction for many years, some for a quarter of a century. By the 1960s, neo-abolitionist historians led by Kenneth Stampp and Eric Foner focused on

3397-526: The aftermath of the disputed gubernatorial election of 1872 in Louisiana , for instance, the competing governors each certified slates of local officers. This situation contributed to the Colfax Massacre of 1873, in which White Democratic militia killed more than 100 Republican Blacks in a confrontation over control of parish offices. Three whites died in the violence. In 1874 remnants of White militia formed

3476-460: The birth of a new Southern society, rather than a return to its prewar predecessor. Historian Gaines M. Foster explains how the South became known as the " Bible Belt " by connecting this characterization with changing attitudes caused by slavery 's demise. Freed from preoccupation with federal intervention over slavery, and even citing it as precedent, White Southerners joined Northerners in the national crusade to legislate morality. Viewed by some as

3555-458: The context of the electoral dispute. Instead of a negotiated compromise between opposing factions, Downs frames the dispute in a transnational context of "state fragility" and "state stabilization" in a period when many Americans feared "Mexicanization" of politics, whereby force would be used to settle a presidential election, resulting in a chaotic spiral of violent reprisals which were associated with foreign intervention and foreign domination of

3634-576: The control over credit lines and property. Effectively, the Black community was placed under a three-fold subjugation that was reminiscent of slavery. Also, historian Edward L. Ayers argues that after 1877 the Redeemers were sharply divided and fought for control of the Democratic Party: In the years immediately following Reconstruction, most Blacks and former abolitionists held that Reconstruction lost

3713-413: The cumulative poll tax; estimates were that 600,000 Whites and 500,000 Blacks had been disenfranchised. In addition to being disenfranchised, African Americans and poor Whites were shut out of the political process as Southern legislatures passed Jim Crow laws imposing segregation in public facilities and places. The discrimination, segregation, and disenfranchisement lasted well into the later decades of

3792-636: The disenfranchisement of Blacks and some proposed reducing Southern representation in Congress, but they never managed to accomplish this, as Southern representatives formed a strong one-party voting bloc for decades. Although educated African Americans mounted legal challenges (with many secretly funded by educator Booker T. Washington and his northern allies), the Supreme Court upheld Mississippi's and Alabama's provisions in its rulings in Williams v. Mississippi (1898) and Giles v. Harris (1903). People in

3871-399: The election was avoided. A variety of theories have emerged, with the most thorough and widely accepted being introduced by C. Vann Woodward in 1951. Because of the paucity of documentary evidence or publicity, which Woodward attributes to the nature of the negotiations and agreement, the existence and nature of the Compromise have been hotly debated by historians. Contemporary accounts of

3950-574: The fall election in Louisiana. Over a few days, they killed some two hundred freedmen in St. Landry Parish in the Opelousas massacre . Other violence erupted. From April to October, there were 1,081 political murders in Louisiana, in which most of the victims were freedmen. Violence was part of campaigns prior to the election of 1872 in several states. In 1874 and 1875, more formal paramilitary groups affiliated with

4029-508: The federal government during the Hayes administration: Whether by informal deal or simply reassurances already in line with Hayes's announced plans, talks with Southern Democrats satisfied the worries of many. This prevented a congressional filibuster that had threatened to extend resolution of the election dispute beyond Inauguration Day 1877. Some historians, such as Allan Peskin in Was There

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4108-534: The few that remained saw the sway they held over local politics considerably decreased. Socially, the situation was worse, as the Southern Democrats tightened their grip on the labor force. Vagrancy and "anti-enticement" laws were reinstituted. It became illegal to be jobless, or to leave a job before the required contract expired. Economically, the Blacks were stripped of independence, as new laws gave White planters

4187-507: The filibuster than those from the South. For instance, Speaker of the House Samuel J. Randall was from Pennsylvania and was more interested in ensuring that the Radical state government in Louisiana was abandoned than in any southern railroad. Peskin argues that Tilden would have been unable to challenge the election successfully, and thus the abandonment of the filibuster by Randall was pragmatic recognition of limited bargaining power, rather than

4266-436: The first Grover Cleveland administration, at which four unnamed insiders attempted to outdo each other in revealing the most salacious secret from the 1877 crisis, though Watterson himself concludes "the whole truth... will never be known." Despite the lack of solid contemporary accounts, after the crisis the story of a "Bargain of 1877" had gradually come to plausibly explain how Southern Democrats, though convinced that Tilden

4345-544: The formation of parliamentary groups like Centre-right coalition and Centre-left coalition . In the Swiss Federal Assembly , at least five members are required to form a parliamentary group. The most important task is to delegate members to the commissions. The parliamentary groups are decisive in Swiss Federal Assembly and not the political parties, which are not mentioned in the parliamentary law. In

4424-532: The formation of parliamentary groups running in elections. The parliamentary groups of the European Parliament must consist of no less than 25 MEPs from seven different EU member states . No party discipline is required. Parliamentary groups gain financial support and can join committees. Hungarian mixed-member majoritarian representation rewards the formation of parliamentary groups, like United for Hungary . Italian parallel voting system rewards

4503-485: The granting of political rights to the newly freed slaves as the key to their becoming full citizens and the votes they would cast for the party. The Thirteenth Amendment (banning slavery ), Fourteenth Amendment (guaranteeing the civil rights of former slaves and ensuring equal protection of the laws ), and Fifteenth Amendment (prohibiting the denial of the right to vote on grounds of race, color, or previous condition of servitude), enshrined such political rights in

4582-405: The hallmark of the Dunning School , dominated most U.S. history textbooks from 1900 to the 1960s. Beginning in the 1930s, historians such as C. Vann Woodward and Howard K. Beale attacked the "redemptionist" interpretation of Reconstruction, calling themselves "revisionists" and claiming that the real issues were economic. The Northern Radicals were tools of the railroads, and the Republicans in

4661-468: The heart of the Southern polity – the twin, inflammatory issues of state rights and race. It was precisely on the ground of these two issues that the Civil War had broken out, and in 1877, sixteen years after the secession crisis, the South reaffirmed control over them. "The slave went free; stood a brief moment in the sun; then moved back again toward slavery", wrote W. E. B. Du Bois . The Black community in

4740-516: The last federal troops from the Southern United States effectively ended the Reconstruction Era and forfeited the Republican claims to the state governments in South Carolina , Florida and Louisiana . The outgoing president, Republican Ulysses S. Grant , removed the soldiers from Florida, and as president, Hayes removed the remaining troops from South Carolina and Louisiana. As soon as

4819-415: The movement chose the term Redemption from Christian theology . Historian Daniel W. Stowell concludes that White Southerners appropriated the term to describe the political transformation they desired, that is, the end of Reconstruction. This term helped unify numerous White voters, and encompassed efforts to purge southern society of its sins and to remove Republican political leaders. It also represented

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4898-413: The new systems of public education and some welfare institutions. As Democrats took over state legislatures, they worked to change voter registration rules to strip most Blacks (and many poor Whites) of their ability to vote. Blacks continued to vote in significant numbers well into the 1880s, with many winning local offices. Black Congressmen continued to be elected, albeit in ever smaller numbers, until

4977-424: The parliamentary and organisational leadership will be held by the same person or people, whether ex officio or not; other parties maintain a sharp distinction between the two offices. Nevertheless, in almost all cases, the parliamentary leader is the public face of the party, and wields considerable influence within the organisational wing, whether or not they hold any official position there. A parliamentary group

5056-415: The party is not represented in the legislature for the time being, the leader will often be put forward at a general election as the party's candidate for their most winnable seat. In some parties, the leader is elected solely by the members of the parliamentary group; in others, some or all members of the wider party participate in the election. Parliamentary groups often have one or more whips , whose role

5135-549: The purpose of securing Hayes's legitimacy. Hayes had already announced prior to the election that he supported the restoration of "home rule", including the withdrawal of federal troops and at the time, it was not unusual nor unexpected for a president, especially one so narrowly elected, to select a cabinet member favored by the other party. The remainder of the concessions, Peskin contends, were never made: Peskin also suggests that Northern Democrats, who gained little from Woodward's proposed terms, were more significant in quashing

5214-478: The railroads. They met secretly at Wormley's Hotel in Washington to forge a compromise with aid to internal improvements: bridges, canals and railroads wanted by the South. Under Woodward's Compromise theory, Southern Democrats acknowledged Hayes as president by ending their filibuster of the election, on the understanding that Republicans would meet certain demands. Woodward identified five points of compromise by

5293-449: The small subset of the electorate represented by party members. In any case, the exigencies of government, the need to cooperate with other members of the legislature and the desire to retain the support of the electorate as a whole often preclude strict adherence to the wider party's wishes. The exact relationship between the parliamentary party and the party varies between countries, and also from party to party. For example, in some parties,

5372-404: The struggle for civil rights for Black people because of violence against Blacks and against White Republicans. Frederick Douglass and Reconstruction Congressman John R. Lynch cited the withdrawal of federal troops from the South as a primary reason for the loss of voting rights and other civil rights by African Americans after 1877. By the turn of the 20th century, White historians, led by

5451-872: The struggle of freedmen. While acknowledging corruption in the Reconstruction era, they hold that the Dunning School overemphasized it while ignoring the worst violations of republican principles — namely denying African Americans their civil rights , including their right to vote. Although African Americans mounted legal challenges, the U.S. Supreme Court upheld Mississippi's and Alabama's provisions in its rulings in Williams v. Mississippi (1898), Giles v. Harris (1903), and Giles v. Teasley (1904). Booker T. Washington secretly helped fund and arrange representation for such legal challenges, raising money from northern patrons who helped support Tuskegee University . When White primaries were ruled unconstitutional by

5530-479: The threat of a filibuster against the wishes of the Democratic leadership indicates that there were already sufficient votes to accept the commission's recommendations. Greg Downs , in The Mexicanization of American Politics: The United States' Transnational Path from Civil War to Stabilization (2012), emphasizes the broad opposition to instability and political violence in the post-Civil War United States in

5609-480: The troops left, many white Republicans also left, and the " Redeemer " Democrats, who already dominated other state governments in the South, took control. Some black Republicans felt betrayed as they lost their political legitimacy in the South that had been defended by the federal military, and by 1905 most black people were effectively disenfranchised in every Southern state. Criticism from other historians have taken various forms, ranging from outright rejection of

5688-737: The votes of their members. Parliamentary groups correspond to " caucuses " in the United States Congress and the Parliament of Canada . A parliamentary group is sometimes called the parliamentary wing of a party, as distinct from its organizational wing . Equivalent terms are used in different countries, including: Argentina ( bloque and interbloque ), Australia (party room); Austria ( Klub ); Belgium ( fractie / fraction / Fraktion ); Brazil and Portugal ("grupo parlamentar" or, informally, "bancadas"); Germany ( Fraktion ); Italy ( gruppo ), Finland (eduskuntaryhmä/ riksdagsgrupp );

5767-516: Was a movement that gathered energy up until the Compromise of 1877 , in the process known as the Redemption. White Democratic Southerners saw themselves as redeeming the South by regaining power. More importantly, in a second wave of violence following the suppression of the Ku Klux Klan , violence began to increase in the Deep South. In 1868 white terrorists tried to prevent Republicans from winning

5846-409: Was feared to "Mexicanize" the United States. Downs credits this fear, combined with lobbying pressure along the same lines from prominent Tilden supporters such as Charles Francis Adams Sr. and Alexander Stephens , as an explanation for the ultimate abandonment of the Tilden cause. In any case, Reconstruction ended. The dominance of the Democratic Party in the South was cemented with the ascent of

5925-671: Was not until the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1957 , the Civil Rights Act of 1964 , and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 that the descendants of those who were first granted suffrage by the Fifteenth Amendment finally regained the ability to vote. Notes Bibliography Political coalition Parliamentary groups may elect a parliamentary leader ; such leaders are often important political players. Parliamentary groups in some cases use party discipline to control

6004-522: Was talk of forming armed units that would march on Washington, but President Grant tightened military security, and nobody marched on Washington. At 4:10 am on March 2, President pro tempore of the Senate Thomas W. Ferry announced that Hayes had been elected to the presidency by an electoral margin of 185–184. Hayes was peacefully inaugurated on March 5. Since Hayes's inauguration, observers and historians have sought to explain how civil conflict over

6083-623: Was the lawful President, were persuaded to recognize Hayes's authority. In 1951, C. Vann Woodward attempted to reconstruct a complete version of the "Compromise of 1877" (in reference to the Compromises of 1820, 1824, 1850, and failed Compromises of 1861) in Reunion and Reaction: The Compromise of 1877 and the End of Reconstruction. Emerging business and industry interests of the New South found common ground with Republican businessmen, particularly with

6162-771: Was threatened by the Farmers Alliance , the effects of Bimetallism , and the newly created People's Party . Democrats worked hard to prevent populist coalitions. In the former Confederate South, from 1890 to 1908, starting with Mississippi, legislatures of ten of the eleven states passed disenfranchising constitutions, which had new provisions for poll taxes , literacy tests , residency requirements and other devices that effectively disenfranchised nearly all Blacks and tens of thousands of poor Whites. Hundreds of thousands of people were removed from voter registration rolls soon after these provisions were implemented. In Alabama , for instance, in 1900 fourteen Black Belt counties had

6241-501: Was usually carried out by non-elite Whites. The secret Ku Klux Klan chapters developed in the first years after the war as one form of insurgency. In the 1870s, paramilitary organizations , such as the White League in Louisiana and Red Shirts in Mississippi and North Carolina , undermined the Republicans, disrupting meetings and political gatherings. These paramilitary bands also used violence and threats of violence to undermine

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