116-816: The Red Hand Commando (RHC) is a small secretive Ulster loyalist paramilitary group in Northern Ireland that is closely linked to the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF). Its aim was to combat Irish republicanism – particularly the Irish Republican Army (IRA) – and to maintain Northern Ireland's status as part of the United Kingdom . The Red Hand Commando carried out shootings and bombings, primarily targeting Catholic civilians. As well as allowing other loyalist groupings to claim attacks in their name,
232-630: A series of car bombs in Dublin and Monaghan , in the Republic. This killed 34 civilians, making it the deadliest attack of the Troubles. The strike brought down the agreement and power-sharing government. Loyalists were involved in the major protest campaign against the 1985 Anglo-Irish Agreement . They saw it as a breach of sovereignty, because it gave the Republic an advisory role in some Northern Ireland affairs. The many street protests led to loyalist clashes with
348-551: A civilian Royal Ulster Constabulary escort, save in the most exceptional circumstances. The Irish government made thousands of protests at violations of this undertaking by 1997. The British House of Commons voted for a motion to approve the Agreement by a majority of 426 (473 for and 47 against, the biggest majority during Thatcher's premiership). Most of the Conservative members voted for it, although there were some unionists in
464-452: A few days later to his congregation, compared Thatcher to " Jezebel who sought to destroy Israel in a day". He wrote to Thatcher: "Having failed to defeat the IRA you now have capitulated and are prepared to set in motion machinery which will achieve the IRA goal... a united Ireland. We now know that you have prepared Ulster Unionists for sacrifice on the altar of political expediency. They are to be
580-501: A loyalist ' invasion ' of the village of Clontibret in the Republic of Ireland, near the border. The loyalists vandalised many buildings and beat up two police officers. Robinson was arrested, leading to rioting before and after his trial. In November 1986 at an invitation-only ceremony at the Ulster Hall the DUP launched Ulster Resistance , a new paramilitary organisation intended to oppose
696-589: A major way". By January 1985, Thatcher was persuaded that progress must be made on the issue. Her primary aim was security but realised that in order for help in this area she would need to concede in other areas, such as grievances over policing and the courts. She also hoped that this would help reconcile the Catholic population to the United Kingdom. She invited John Hume to Chequers on 16 January to discuss Northern Ireland. She now accepted that an "Irish dimension"
812-471: A paramilitary campaign to force a British withdrawal from Northern Ireland. Loyalist paramilitaries attacked the Catholic community as alleged retaliation for IRA actions, and the vast majority of their victims were random Catholic civilians. During the Troubles there were incidents where British security forces colluded with loyalist paramilitaries , such as the attacks by the Glenanne group . Signed in 1973,
928-649: A political solution to the Troubles. The Anglo-Irish Agreement's origins lay in the behind-the-scenes negotiations between the British and Irish foreign offices, co-ordinated by the Cabinet Secretary, Robert Armstrong , and the secretary to the Irish government, Dermot Nally. The New Ireland Forum had been founded (with the backing of then-Taoiseach Garret FitzGerald ) in May 1983 by John Hume in an attempt to undercut support for
1044-418: A referendum was held on the Agreement, with 65% of Catholic Nationalists saying they would vote 'Yes'. Following the resignation of the unionist members of parliament, who represented 15 of the 17 Westminster seats in the province, the 1986 Northern Ireland by-elections were held on 23 January 1986, and all the resigning members except one were re-elected, standing on an anti-Agreement platform. The exception
1160-568: A republican front. Loyalist opposition was led primarily by Ian Paisley , a Protestant fundamentalist preacher. They held counter-protests, attacked civil rights marches, and put pressure on moderate unionists. Loyalist militants carried out false flag bombings that were blamed on republicans and civil rights activists. This unrest led to the August 1969 riots . Irish nationalists/republicans clashed with both police and with loyalists, who burned hundreds of Catholic homes and businesses. The riots led to
1276-452: A statement that it would transform to a "non-military, civilianised" organisation. This was to take effect from midnight. It also stated that it would retain its weaponry but put them beyond reach of normal volunteers. Its weapon stockpiles were to be retained under the watch of the RHC leadership. Following a direct engagement with all the units and departments of our organisation, the leadership of
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#17328375334801392-949: A total membership of around 30,000, an all-time high. According to the Parades Commission, a total of 1,354 loyalist parades (not counting funerals) were held in Northern Ireland in 2007. The Police Service of Northern Ireland uses different statistics, and recorded a total of 2,863 parades in 2007. Of these, 2,270 (approximately 80%) were held by loyalist marching bands. [REDACTED] Category Does not include organisations focused on Unionism which do not mention British nationalism in their official makeup. Does not include organisations supportive of Unionism or Scottish independence without mentioning nationalism in their official makeup. Does not include organisations supportive of Unionism or Welsh independence without mentioning nationalism in their official makeup. Anglo-Irish Agreement The Anglo-Irish Agreement
1508-653: Is justified?" In Northern Ireland there are a number of Protestant fraternities and marching bands who hold yearly parades. They include the Orange Order and Apprentice Boys of Derry . These fraternities, often described as the "Loyal Orders", have long been associated with unionism/loyalism. Yearly events such as the Eleventh Night (11 July) bonfires and The Twelfth (12 July) parades are strongly associated with loyalism. A report published in 2013 estimated there were at least 640 marching bands in Northern Ireland with
1624-467: Is noted for using an Irish language motto, Lámh Dearg Abú (Victory to the Red Hand) as opposed to a Latin motto like most other Loyalist groups. Works cited [REDACTED] Category Ulster loyalism#Paramilitary and vigilante groups Ulster loyalism is a strand of Ulster unionism associated with working class Ulster Protestants in Northern Ireland. Like other unionists, loyalists support
1740-573: The News Letter , a Belfast-based newspaper with a unionist editorial stance, sought the view of the Protestant community on a recent upsurge in loyalist paramilitary violence . The poll found that 42 per cent of callers responded "Yes" to the question: "Do you support loyalist paramilitary violence?" Over 50 per cent of callers chose "Yes" in response to the question "Do you believe there are any current circumstances in which loyalist paramilitary violence
1856-541: The Anglo-Irish Agreement and in 1988 the RHC was tied to at least two attempted murders. The group routinely used cover names during the first years of this resurgence in activity but later opted to claim attacks under the RHC title. RHC violence intensified in the years leading up to the 1994 Loyalist ceasefire, although never claiming as many victims as it did in the 1970s. According to the Sutton database of deaths at
1972-571: The Anglo-Irish Intergovernmental Conference , made up of officials from the British and Irish governments. This body was concerned with political, legal and security matters in Northern Ireland, as well as "the promotion of cross-border co-operation". It had a consultative role only – no powers to make decisions or change laws were given to it. The Conference would only have power to make proposals "insofar as those matters are not
2088-714: The Belfast suburb of Maryfield. The presence of civil servants from the Republic particularly incensed unionists. The Maryfield offices closed in December 1998 after the British–Irish Intergovernmental Conference superseded the Anglo-Irish Intergovernmental Conference. In the communiqué accompanying the agreement, the UK agreed that all British Army patrols in Northern Ireland would have
2204-714: The Combined Loyalist Military Command (CLMC) declared a ceasefire on behalf of all loyalist paramilitary groups. The RHC, along with all major Loyalist groups, supported the signing of the 1998 Good Friday Agreement and maintained a ceasefire from 1994 until (arguably) 2005. On 3 May 2007, the RHC declared it was officially ending its armed campaign, following recent negotiations between the Progressive Unionist Party (PUP) and Irish Taoiseach Bertie Ahern and with Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) Chief Constable Sir Hugh Orde . The RHC made
2320-536: The Falklands War , leading to the meeting scheduled for July 1982 to be cancelled. However, the British Northern Irish Secretary, Jim Prior , proposed "rolling devolution": a step by step approach whereby local government was devolved to an assembly elected by proportional representation. This was boycotted by the nationalist community and the plan was dead by June 1983. The IRA 's campaign on
2436-535: The Glenanne gang ), giving weapons and intelligence to loyalists, not taking action against them, and hindering official investigations. The modus operandi of loyalist paramilitaries involved assassinations, mass shootings, bombings and kidnappings. They used sub machine-guns , assault rifles , pistols , grenades (including homemade grenades), incendiary bombs , booby trap bombs and car bombs . Bomb attacks were usually made without warning. However, gun attacks were more common than bombings. In January 1994,
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#17328375334802552-671: The Greysteel massacre by the UDA and Loughinisland massacre by the UVF. The main loyalist paramilitary groups called a ceasefire in 1994, shortly after the Provisional IRA's ceasefire and beginning of the Northern Ireland peace process . This ceasefire came under strain during the Drumcree dispute of the mid-to-late 1990s. The Protestant Orange Order was blocked from marching its traditional route through
2668-565: The Irish Volunteers to ensure home rule was implemented. Home rule was postponed by the outbreak of the First World War in 1914. Both loyalists and nationalists fought in the war , with many Ulster Volunteers joining the 36th (Ulster) Division . By the end of the war, most Irish nationalists wanted full independence. After winning most Irish seats in the 1918 general election , Irish republicans declared an Irish Republic , leading to
2784-560: The Irish War of Independence between the Irish Republican Army (IRA) and British forces. Meanwhile, the Fourth Home Rule Bill passed through the British parliament in 1920. It would partition Ireland into two self-governing polities within the UK: a Protestant-majority Northern Ireland , and a Catholic-majority Southern Ireland . During 1920–22, in what became Northern Ireland, partition
2900-638: The Loyalist Volunteer Force (LVF), attacked Catholics over a two-year period before calling a ceasefire. Loyalist representatives had helped negotiate the Good Friday Agreement of 1998, and it was backed by the UVF-linked Progressive Unionist Party and UDA-linked Ulster Democratic Party . However, wider loyalist support for the Agreement was tenuous from the outset, and these parties received many fewer votes than
3016-799: The Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), whom loyalists accused of enforcing the Agreement and betraying the Protestant community. This caused a rift between loyalists and the police, and there were numerous loyalist attacks on police officers' homes during the protests. From the late 1980s, there was a rise in loyalist paramilitary violence, partly due to anger over the Anglo-Irish Agreement. It also resulted from loyalist groups being re-armed with weapons smuggled from South Africa, overseen by British Intelligence agent Brian Nelson . From 1992 to 1994, loyalists carried out more killings than republicans. The deadliest attacks during this period were
3132-617: The Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC). Later RUC figures stated that there had been 237 reported cases of intimidation, 57 people arrested, and 47 RUC officers injured. The British government and the security forces were later criticised for not keeping arterial routes open and for not trying to end the intimidation. Alliance Party politician Seamus Close , whose family had been a victim of intimidation, criticised UUP leader Jim Molyneaux for downplaying reports of intimidation. DUP Chief Whip Jim Allister denied roadside pickets which surrounded motorists amounted to intimidation. The willingness of
3248-704: The Shankill area of west Belfast , by Ronnie "Flint" McCullough, William "Plum" Smith and colleagues from the Shankill Defence Association . Membership was high in the Shankill, east Belfast, Sandy Row and Newtownabbey areas as well as in parts of County Down . A cell was also allegedly based in County Tyrone, near Castlederg . The RHC also reportedly had a presence in the Fermanagh and South Tyrone region in
3364-547: The Sunningdale Agreement sought to end the conflict by establishing power-sharing government between unionists and Irish nationalists, and ensuring greater co-operation with the Republic of Ireland. In protest, loyalists organised the Ulster Workers' Council strike in May 1974. It was enforced by loyalist paramilitaries and brought large parts of Northern Ireland to a standstill. During the strike, loyalists detonated
3480-702: The Third Home Rule Bill in 1912 sparked the Home Rule Crisis . Ulster unionists signed the Ulster Covenant , pledging to oppose Irish home rule by any means. They founded a large paramilitary force, the Ulster Volunteers , threatening to violently resist the authority of any Irish government over Ulster. The Ulster Volunteers smuggled thousands of rifles and rounds of ammunition into Ulster from Imperial Germany . In response, Irish nationalists founded
3596-477: The University of Ulster 's CAIN project, the RHC has allegedly killed 13 people, including 12 civilians, and one of its own members. However, as a satellite grouping of the UVF, attacks carried out by the RHC have been in some cases attributed to the UVF; per other sources the RHC has killed at least 40 people. The following is a timeline of RHC attacks, and attacks in which RHC members were killed: In October 1994,
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3712-465: The deployment of British troops and are often seen as the beginning of the Troubles . The beginning of the Troubles saw a revival of loyalist paramilitaries , notably the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) and Ulster Defence Association (UDA). Their stated goals were to defend Protestant areas, to fight those they saw as "enemies of Ulster" (namely republicans), and thwart any step towards Irish unification . The Provisional Irish Republican Army waged
3828-445: The 1970s, involved in bombings and issuing threats to nationalists. The RHC agreed in 1972 to become an integral part of the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF). It kept its own structures but in operational matters agreed to share weapons and personnel and often carried out attacks in the name of the UVF. It was proscribed by William Whitelaw , Secretary of State for Northern Ireland , on 12 November 1973. According to Jim Wilson, chairman of
3944-430: The 1973 Sunningdale Agreement and 1985 Anglo-Irish Agreement . The paramilitaries called ceasefires in 1994 and their representatives were involved in negotiating the 1998 Good Friday Agreement . Since then, loyalists have been involved in protests against perceived threats to their cultural identity. Sections of the loyalist paramilitaries have attacked Catholics, taken part in loyalist feuds , and withdrawn support for
4060-403: The 1980s Loyalist paramilitary violence had dropped significantly from its height in the mid-1970s, and the RHC wasn't implicated in any killings for several years. The organisation was reportedly considered "extinct" by 1988, although it was also described as "largely intact" and capable of violence in 1984. However Loyalist paramilitary activity generally began to increase following the signing of
4176-556: The 1990s, loyalist paramilitaries have been responsible for numerous racist attacks in loyalist areas. A 2006 report revealed that 90% of racist attacks in the previous two years occurred in mainly loyalist areas. In the 1990s, the main loyalist paramilitaries called ceasefires . Following this, small breakaway groups continued to wage violent campaigns for a number of years, and members of loyalist groups have continued to engage in sporadic violence. A telephone poll conducted in March 1993 by
4292-595: The Agreement and said of Enoch Powell's opposition to the Agreement: "I now believe that his assessment was right". Prominent Irish Labour Party member Mary Robinson , who subsequently became President of Ireland , resigned from the Irish Labour Party because she believed that the Agreement "could not achieve its objective of securing peace and stability within Northern Ireland... because... it would be unacceptable to all sections of Unionist opinion". The agreement
4408-495: The Agreement, although their campaigns have not resumed. In Northern Ireland there is a tradition of loyalist Protestant marching bands , who hold numerous parades each year. The yearly Eleventh Night (11 July) bonfires and The Twelfth (12 July) parades are associated with loyalism. The term loyalist was first used in Irish politics in the 1790s to refer to Protestants who opposed Catholic Emancipation and Irish independence from Great Britain. Ulster loyalism emerged in
4524-443: The Agreement, with 56% opposed. The Agreement was widely rejected by unionists because it gave the Republic of Ireland government a role in the governance of Northern Ireland for the first time ever, and because they had been excluded from the agreement negotiations. The Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) and Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) led the campaign against the agreement, including mass rallies, strikes, civil disobedience and
4640-510: The Agreement. UUP politicians Christopher and Michael McGimpsey even brought a suit against the Irish government in the High Court of Ireland , arguing that the Agreement was invalid because it contradicted Articles 2 and 3 of the Constitution of Ireland . (This argument was unusual coming from a unionist because of the traditional unionist opposition to these two articles.) The case failed in
4756-525: The Anglo-Irish Agreement and fight Irish Republicanism. Ivan Foster claimed the group already had access to a significant arsenal of legally-owned firearms. In 1987 Ulster Resistance collaborated with the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF), Red Hand Commando (RHC) and the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) to smuggle in a substantial quantity of arms including assault rifles and rocket launchers. The weapons jointly imported by Ulster Resistance and
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4872-672: The British mainland was ongoing, with the bombing of Chelsea Barracks in October 1981, the Hyde Park and Regent's Park bombings in July 1982 and the Harrods bombings in December 1983. Thatcher herself was the target in the Brighton hotel bombing of October 1984. British military intelligence informed Thatcher that she could not take the IRA head on and the likelihood of never-ending violence persuaded her to seek
4988-625: The Catholic minority in retaliation for Irish republican activity. Northern Ireland's unionist governments discriminated against Catholics and Irish nationalists. Loyalists opposed the Catholic civil rights movement , accusing it of being a republican front. This unrest led to the Troubles (1969–98). During the conflict, loyalist paramilitaries such as the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) and Ulster Defence Association (UDA) often attacked Catholics, partly in retaliation for republican paramilitary actions. Loyalists undertook major protest campaigns against
5104-431: The Catholic part of Portadown . Catholic residents held mass protests against the yearly march, seeing it as triumphalist and supremacist , forcing police to halt the march. Loyalists saw this as an assault on Ulster Protestant traditions, and held violent protests throughout Northern Ireland. In Portadown, thousands of loyalists attacked lines of police and soldiers guarding the Catholic district. A new UVF splinter group,
5220-504: The Forum's report. They also pushed him to pressure Thatcher into reconsidering her stance at the upcoming meeting at Camp David in December 1984. Reagan duly discussed Northern Ireland with Thatcher at their meeting, telling her that "making progress is important" and that "there is great Congressional interest in the matter", adding that O'Neill wanted her to be "reasonable and forthcoming". Afterwards, Reagan assured O'Neill that he had emphasised
5336-678: The High Court, and again on appeal to the Supreme Court . Concerns of a Rhodesia-style unilateral declaration of independence (UDI) were raised repeatedly during several confidential Anglo-Irish meetings in 1986, according to Irish State papers declassified in 2016. Taoiseach Garret Fitzgerald believed that keeping the Northern Ireland Assembly running ran the risk of it being used to declare Northern Ireland independent from Britain. Some senior Unionist politicians were sympathetic to
5452-585: The House of Representatives, Tip O'Neill , and Senators Edward Kennedy and Daniel Moynihan , the Irish lobby regularly denounced what they considered British colonialism and human rights violations in Northern Ireland. Reagan, who was also Irish-American and visited Ireland in June 1984, increasingly encouraged Thatcher to make progress on Anglo-Irish talks. 45 Senators and Congressmen (including O'Neill, Kennedy and Moynihan) wrote to Reagan criticising Thatcher's rejection of
5568-589: The IRA by bringing together constitutional nationalist parties from both sides of the border. In June 1983 Thatcher and Fitzgerald met again and revived the Anglo-Irish Council, which met sixteen times between November 1983 and March 1985. The report of the New Ireland Forum was published in May and suggested three possible solutions: a federal united Ireland, a confederal united Ireland or joint sovereignty. Fitzgerald hoped that Thatcher might be persuaded of
5684-403: The IRA drew most of its support from the Catholic community. Such retaliation was seen as both collective punishment and an attempt to weaken the IRA's support; some loyalists argued that terrorising the Catholic community and inflicting a high death toll on it would eventually force the IRA to end its campaign. According to then Prime Minister Tony Blair , "The purpose of loyalist terrorism
5800-578: The Irish Foreign Minister) and stood on the label "For the Anglo-Irish Agreement" but did not campaign. Despite this he garnered nearly 7,000 votes and saved three deposits. The unionist parties between them garnered over 400,000 votes and over 71% of the total poll, but as no by-elections took place in the staunch nationalist seats of West Belfast and Foyle this latter figure is skewed. The Agreement failed to bring an immediate end to political violence in Northern Ireland; neither did it reconcile
5916-603: The Irish Government and Irish nationalist opinion in Ulster, in the hope of winning their support against the IRA". However, Thatcher perceived the results of this to be disappointing because "our concessions alienated the Unionists without gaining the level of security co-operation we had a right to expect. In the light of this experience it is surely time to consider an alternative approach". In 1998 Thatcher said she regretted signing
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#17328375334806032-443: The Northern Ireland population was Roman Catholic, with 62% belonging to the three major Protestant denominations ( Presbyterian 31%, Church of Ireland 27%, Methodist 4%). The Unionist governments of Northern Ireland discriminated against the Irish nationalist and Catholic minority. A non-violent campaign to end discrimination began in the late 1960s. This civil rights campaign was opposed by loyalists, who accused it of being
6148-540: The Plantation of the province. Eastern Ulster was also more industrialised and dependent on trade with Britain than most other parts of Ireland. Although not all Unionists were Protestant or from Ulster, loyalism emphasised Ulster Protestant heritage. It began as a self-determination movement of Ulster Protestants who did not want to become part of a self-governing Ireland, believing it would be dominated by Catholic Irish nationalists. The British government's introduction of
6264-552: The Protestant British monarchy rather than to British governments and institutions, while Garret FitzGerald argued they are loyal to 'Ulster' over 'the Union'. A small minority of loyalists have called for an independent Ulster Protestant state, believing they cannot rely on British governments to support them (see Ulster nationalism ). The term 'loyalism' is usually associated with paramilitarism . Ulster loyalism emerged in
6380-494: The RUC rerouting Orange Order and other Protestant fraternal societies away from Catholic areas in 1985 and 1986. The parades were perceived as triumphalist by Catholic residents and often led to vandalism and violence. Ian Paisley declared that it was time for the RUC to declare whether it was for Northern Ireland or against it. Hardline unionists saw the RUC's willingness to defend Catholics as another sign that Protestants' position
6496-402: The RUC to police anti-Agreement protests shocked many staunch unionists and loyalists, who were enraged that the RUC was upholding a political decision at odds with the wishes of Northern Ireland's unionist majority. Despite intensely violent loyalist protests in the year following the signing of the Anglo-Irish Agreement the RUC held the line, at the cost of a sharp deterioration in relations with
6612-626: The Reach Programme with association of the Red Hand Commando, the RHC numbered well over one thousand members during its campaign, and as of 2017 membership numbers were in the small hundreds who are engaged in community work. A number of senior Red Hand Commando members played an integral part in the formation of the Progressive Unionist Party in 1979. The beginnings of the party were in the compounds of Long Kesh , where members such as William Smith and Winston Churchill Rea joined members of
6728-417: The Troubles, and were responsible for about 48% of all civilian deaths. Loyalist paramilitaries killed civilians at far higher rates than both Republican paramilitaries and British security forces. Soldiers from the locally-recruited Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR) and police officers from the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) colluded with loyalist paramilitaries, such as taking part in loyalist attacks (e.g.
6844-492: The Troubles, and were the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF), and the Ulster Defence Association (UDA)/Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF). They, and most other loyalist paramilitaries, are classified as terrorist organisations . During the Troubles, their stated goals were to combat Irish republicanism – particularly the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) – and to defend Protestant loyalist areas. However,
6960-603: The UDA drew up a 'doomsday plan', to be implemented should British troops be withdrawn from Northern Ireland. It called for ethnic cleansing and re-partition , with the goal of making Northern Ireland wholly Protestant. Some loyalist paramilitaries have had links with far-right and Neo-Nazi groups in Britain, including Combat 18 , the British National Socialist Movement , and the National Front. Since
7076-408: The UVF in taking a new political direction. Following the group's formation in 1970, RHC attacks usually took the form of random drive-by shootings targeting assumed Catholic civilians and no-warning bombs left at social spots (e.g. pubs) the group believed to be frequented by Catholics. The RHC also claimed responsibility for a number of killings in the Republic of Ireland in 1975 and 1976. During
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#17328375334807192-553: The Ulster Volunteer Force and Red Hand Commando today make public the outcome of our three year consultation process. We do so against a backdrop of increasing community acceptance that the mainstream republican offensive has ended; that the six principles upon which our ceasefire was predicated are maintained; that the principle of consent has been firmly established and thus, that the union remains safe. We welcome recent developments in securing stable, durable democratic structures in Northern Ireland and accept as significant, support by
7308-399: The above measures in an earnest attempt to augment the return of accountable democracy to the people of Northern Ireland and as such, to engender confidence that the constitutional question has now been firmly settled. In doing so we reaffirm the legitimacy of our tactical response to violent nationalism yet reiterate the sincere expression of abject and true remorse to all innocent victims of
7424-415: The agreement as "a con job". Despite this opposition, all the other main parties in the Republic supported the Agreement, and it was ratified by the Oireachtas. An opinion poll taken shortly after it was signed found that in the Republic 59% approved of the Agreement, 29% opposed it and 12% had no opinion. FitzGerald's government's approval ratings went up 10% to 34%; 32% approved of Haughey's opposition to
7540-420: The agreement threatened Irish neutrality and risked forcing the Republic of Ireland to accept the British presence in Northern Ireland. The former cabinet minister Tony Benn and Ken Livingstone , then leader of the Greater London Council , also opposed the agreement because they believed Britain should withdraw from Northern Ireland. The by-elections called after the Unionist MPs resigned did not quite offer
7656-521: The back of their terrorism to your goal of a United Ireland. We reject your claims and will never submit to your authority. We will never bow to Dublin rule". The moderator of the Presbyterian Church of Ireland , Robert Dickinson, wrote to Thatcher and said the Agreement was "the beginning of the process of edging Northern Ireland out of the United Kingdom – sovereignty has been impinged". Thatcher's close friend and former Parliamentary Private Secretary Ian Gow resigned from his Treasury post in protest at
7772-399: The basis of fundamental change of Northern Ireland's national status. Within ten years, however, the PIRA announced a (first) ceasefire, and both governments engaged in negotiation with the two sides to the Northern Ireland conflict, which led to the Good Friday Agreement. The Anglo-Irish Agreement would also indirectly affect the outcome of the election of Charles Haughey as Taoiseach in
7888-499: The conflict. Brigade command salutes the dedication and fortitude of officers, NCOs, and volunteers throughout the difficult, brutal years of armed resistance. We reflect with honour on those from our organisation who made the ultimate sacrifice; those who endured long years of incarceration and the loyal families who shared their suffering and supported them throughout. Finally, we convey our appreciation for their honest forthright exchange with officers, NCOs and volunteers throughout
8004-470: The continued existence of Northern Ireland (and formerly all of Ireland) within the United Kingdom, and oppose a united Ireland independent of the UK. Unlike other strands of unionism, loyalism has been described as an ethnic nationalism of Ulster Protestants and "a variation of British nationalism ". Loyalists are often said to have a conditional loyalty to the British state so long as it defends their interests. They see themselves as loyal primarily to
8120-427: The early 1980s; this was attributed to the group's secrecy (described as an "enigma") and opaque structure. The RHC is a Proscribed Organisation in the United Kingdom under the Terrorism Act 2000 . The Red Hand Commando made a failed application in September 2017 to be removed from the list of proscribed organisations in the UK. Much of the group's past is unknown. The RHC was formed in June 1970 among loyalists in
8236-473: The early 20th century. In 1912, the Ulster Volunteers were formed to stop the British Government granting self-rule to Ireland, or to exclude Ulster from it. This led to the Home Rule Crisis , which was defused by the onset of World War I . Loyalist paramilitaries were again active in Ulster during the Irish War of Independence (1919–22), and more prominently during the Troubles (late 1960s–1998). The biggest and most active paramilitary groups existed during
8352-478: The electorate a clear-cut choice on the agreement due to the reluctance of the other parties to contest them. No unionist candidate opposed another, whilst both the SDLP and Sinn Féin only contested the four seats where at the previous election there had been a majority of votes cast for nationalist candidates. The SDLP rejected a Sinn Féin offer to form a nationalist electoral pact to oppose the unionist electoral pact. In
8468-473: The establishment of a devolved consensus government in the region. The Agreement was signed on 15 November 1985, at Hillsborough Castle , by British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and Irish Taoiseach (prime minister) Garret FitzGerald . During her first term as prime minister, Thatcher had unsuccessful talks with both Jack Lynch and Charles Haughey on solving the conflict in Northern Ireland. In December 1980 Thatcher and Haughey met in Dublin, with
8584-685: The financial implications of an independent Northern Ireland, or how the move would be perceived internationally, especially in the context of the European Economic Community (EEC). The Orange Order in Scotland claimed that one thousand people left the Conservative Party in protest against the Agreement. In 1990 Thatcher said that "The Anglo-Irish Agreement had alienated some pro-Ulster supporters in crucial constituencies" in Scotland. In August 1986 DUP Deputy Leader Peter Robinson led
8700-622: The following measures in every operational and command area. All recruitment has ceased; military training has ceased; targeting has ceased and all intelligence rendered obsolete; all active service units have been de-activated; all ordinance has been put beyond reach and the IICD instructed accordingly. We encourage our volunteers to embrace the challenges which continue to face their communities and support their continued participation in non-military capacities. We reaffirm our opposition to all criminality and instruct our volunteers to cooperate fully with
8816-458: The government to facilitate this process and remove the obstacles which currently prevent our volunteers and their families from assuming full and meaningful citizenship. We call on all violent dissidents to desist immediately and urge all relevant governments and their security apparatus to deal swiftly and efficiently with this threat. Failure to do so will inevitably provoke another generation of loyalists toward armed resistance. We have taken
8932-574: The idea and had grown closer to loyalist paramilitaries, including DUP deputy leader Peter Robinson and UUP MP Harold McCusker . Catholics feared they would be targeted by a Protestant backlash to the Agreement. Kenneth Bloomfield , then head of the Northern Ireland Civil Service, warned that "unionists are now beginning to realise that the choice facing them is whether to preserve the union or preserve their ascendancy" and "people going for ascendancy may find themselves, logically, on
9048-509: The independence road — however untenable that may be economically and politically." In 1986 Irish Independent Northern Editor John Devine wrote that a younger, more hardline generation of DUP politicians including Peter Robinson, Jim Allister, and Sammy Wilson would likely prefer an independent Northern Ireland to a situation where unionists were not in control or had to share power with nationalists. British civil service head Sir Robert Armstrong said that Unionist politicians had not considered
9164-472: The inter-governmental component was crucial. At a strategic level, the agreement demonstrated that the British government recognised as legitimate the wishes of the Republic to have an interest in the affairs of Northern Ireland. It also demonstrated to unionists that they could not politically veto British policy regarding Northern Ireland via their presence in the House of Commons . Irish Republicans were left in
9280-551: The late 19th century, in reaction to the Irish Home Rule movement and the rise of Irish nationalism . Ireland had a Catholic majority who wanted self-government, but the province of Ulster had a Protestant and unionist majority, largely due to the Plantation of Ulster . Although not all unionists were Protestant, loyalists emphasised their British Protestant heritage. During the Home Rule Crisis (1912–14), loyalists founded
9396-417: The late 19th century, in response to the Irish Home Rule movement and the rise of Irish nationalism . At the time, all of Ireland was part of the United Kingdom . Although the island had a Catholic majority who wanted self-government, the northern province of Ulster had a Protestant majority who wanted to maintain a close union with Britain , a political tradition called Unionism. This was largely due to
9512-530: The lawful authorities in all possible instances. Moreover, we state unequivocally, that any volunteer engaged in criminality does so in direct contravention of brigade command and thus we welcome any recourse through due process of law. All volunteers are further encouraged to show support for credible restorative justice projects so that they, with their respective communities, may help to eradicate criminality and anti-social behaviour in our society. We call on all violent dissidents to desist immediately. We ask
9628-658: The main unionist parties: the pro-Agreement UUP and anti-Agreement DUP. Since the Agreement, loyalist paramilitaries have been involved in riots, feuds between loyalist groups , organised crime, vigilantism such as punishment shootings , and racist attacks. Some UDA and LVF brigades broke the ceasefire and attacked Catholics under the name Red Hand Defenders , but the paramilitary campaigns did not resume. The 2001 Holy Cross protests drew world-wide condemnation as loyalists were shown hurling abuse and missiles, some explosive, others containing excrement, at very young Catholic schoolchildren and parents. Loyalist residents picketed
9744-469: The mainstream republican movement of the constitutional status quo. Commensurate with these developments, as of 12 midnight, Thursday 3 May 2007, the Ulster Volunteer Force and Red Hand Commando will assume a non-military, civilianised, role. To consolidate this fundamental change in outlook we have addressed the methodology of transformation from military to civilian organisation by implementing
9860-590: The mass resignation from the British House of Commons of all the unionist MPs . The DUP and UUP collectively organised 400,000 signatures in a petition against the Agreement. Northern Ireland Secretary Tom King was attacked by Protestants in Belfast on 20 November. There was also a mass rally outside Belfast City Hall on 23 November 1985 against the Agreement, with Irish historian Jonathan Bardon saying of it: "Nothing like it had been seen since 1912". Estimates of
9976-791: The need for progress. Sean Donlon, the Secretary General of the Department of Foreign Affairs , later claimed that "the intervention by Reagan was vital, and it was made possible by Tip". Michael Lillis, the Deputy Secretary General of the Department of Foreign Affairs from 1983 to 1985, similarly claimed that "O'Neill was very active and effective in mobilizing the President. And there is no doubt whatsoever that Reagan's regular references to this in his interaction with Thatcher helped us in
10092-612: The number of people there vary: The Irish Times claimed 35,000 people were present; the News of the World , The Sunday Times and the Sunday Express claimed 100,000; the lecturer in Politics at the University of Ulster , Arthur Aughey, claimed over 200,000 people were there; and the organisers of the meeting said 500,000 attended. The DUP leader Ian Paisley addressed the crowd: Where do
10208-517: The organisation has also allegedly used the cover names "Red Branch Knights" and "Loyalist Retaliation and Defence Group". It is named after the Red Hand of Ulster , and is unique among loyalist paramilitaries for its use of an Irish language motto, Lámh Dearg Abú , meaning 'red hand to victory'. Writing in early 1973, Martin Dillon characterized the Red Hand Commando thus: "the composition of this group
10324-507: The organisation over the past three years which has allowed us to assume with confidence the position we adopt today. For God and Ulster. Captain William Johnston, Adjutant. The Independent International Commission on Decommissioning (IICD) stated that this statement was "unacceptable." In June 2009, after talks with the IICD, it was announced that the RHC and UVF had decommissioned their weapons before independent witnesses. The group
10440-457: The paramilitary Ulster Volunteers to prevent Ulster from becoming part of a self-governing Ireland. This was followed by the Irish War of Independence (1919–21) and partition of Ireland : most of Ireland became an independent state, while most of Ulster remained within the UK as the self-governing territory of Northern Ireland. During partition, communal violence raged between loyalists and Irish nationalists in Belfast , and loyalists attacked
10556-659: The party who opposed it, as well as some members of the Labour Party and the Liberal - SDP Alliance. Of the main parties in Northern Ireland, only the nationalist Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) and the cross community Alliance Party supported the agreement, although the Alliance Party did not have any seats at Westminster. The Agreement was approved by Dáil Éireann , by 88 votes to 75, and by Seanad Éireann by 37 votes to 16. The Irish nationalist Fianna Fáil , at
10672-426: The position of rejecting the only piece of constitutional progress (in the eyes of many nationalists and republicans) since the failure of the first attempt at powersharing via the Sunningdale Agreement a little over a decade earlier. As such, the agreement boosted the political approach advocated by the SDLP and contributed to republican recognition, made explicit in the 1998 agreement, of the principle of consent as
10788-494: The powerless consultative role given to Dublin". On the other hand, the IRA and Sinn Féin said that the concessions made by Great Britain were the result of its armed campaign, from which the SDLP gained political credit. Brian Feeney of the SDLP has suggested the agreement hastened Sinn Féin's 1986 decision to abandon abstentionism from the Republic's Oireachtas . Speaking in the House of Commons Jeremy Corbyn , MP for Islington North and later Labour leader , spoke to oppose
10904-528: The process the SDLP gained the Newry and Armagh seat. The Alliance formally committed to fighting all the seats on a platform of support for the Agreement, but some local branches declined to select candidates. The Workers' Party stood in a few seats. In four constituencies where no party would oppose the Unionist MP a man called Wesley Robert Williamson changed his name by deed poll to " Peter Barry " (the name of
11020-463: The responsibility of a devolved administration in Northern Ireland". This provision was intended to encourage the unionists (who opposed Irish government involvement in Northern Ireland through the Conference) into power-sharing devolved government. The Maryfield Secretariat was the conference's permanent secretariat , including officials from the Republic's Department of Foreign Affairs , based in
11136-409: The sacrificial lambs to appease the Dublin wolves". In his letter to FitzGerald, Paisley said: "You claim in your constitution jurisdiction over our territory, our homes, our persons and our families. You allow your territory to be used as a launching pad for murder gangs and as a sanctuary for them when they return soaked in our people's blood. You are a fellow traveller with the IRA and hope to ride on
11252-514: The school in protest at alleged sectarianism from Catholics in the area. Many other loyalist protests and riots have been sparked by restrictions on Orange marches, such as the 2005 Whiterock riots . The widespread loyalist flag protests and riots of 2012–13 followed Belfast City Council voting to limit the flying of the Union Flag from council buildings. Loyalists saw it as an "attack on their cultural identity". The Loyalist Communities Council
11368-566: The subsequent communiqué calling for joint studies of "possible new institutional links" between Britain, Northern Ireland, and the Republic of Ireland. Although this resulted in the founding of the Anglo-Irish Intergovernmental Council in 1981, Anglo-Irish relations had by this time deteriorated due to the Irish hunger strike and so this body was neglected. Haughey resumed power shortly afterwards and took Argentina's side during
11484-457: The terrorists operate from? From the Irish Republic! That's where they come from! Where do the terrorists return to for sanctuary? To the Irish Republic! And yet Mrs Thatcher tells us that that Republic must have some say in our Province. We say never, never, never, never! The day after the rally, a MORI opinion poll in Northern Ireland found that 75% of Protestant Unionists would vote 'No' if
11600-677: The third option but at the press conference after their meeting Thatcher publicly proclaimed that all three options were "out". Thatcher's intransigence persuaded the American President, Ronald Reagan , to intervene. The most powerful pressure for the Agreement came from the United States , where the Irish-American lobby was second only to the Israel lobby in influence. Led by the Speaker of
11716-531: The time the main opposition party in Ireland, also rejected the Agreement. The Fianna Fáil leader, Charles Haughey , claimed the Agreement was in conflict with Articles 2 and 3 of the Constitution of Ireland because it officially recognised British jurisdiction in Northern Ireland. It was also opposed by the Independent Republican TDs Neil Blaney and Tony Gregory , with Blaney describing
11832-430: The treaty saying that it ran counter to the goal of a United Ireland : Does the hon. Gentleman accept that some of us oppose the agreement for reasons other than those that he has given? We believe that the agreement strengthens rather than weakens the border between the six and the 26 counties, and those of us who wish to see a United Ireland oppose the agreement for that reason. He then went on to express concerns that
11948-409: The two communities. The devolved power-sharing government envisaged by the Agreement would not become a reality for many years, and then in quite a different form. However, it did improve co-operation between the British and Irish governments, which was key to the creation of the Good Friday Agreement thirteen years later. As such, it can be seen as a major stepping-stone in the peace process, of which
12064-606: The two main Loyalist paramilitary organisations were linked to over 70 murders, including the Greysteel massacre and the Loughinisland massacre . Thatcher was taken aback by the ferocity of the Unionist response and in her memoirs she said their reaction was "worse than anyone had predicted to me". She furthermore claimed that the Agreement was in the tradition of British governments refraining "from security policies that might alienate
12180-421: The unionist community. In 1986 there were over 500 attacks on the homes of RUC officers as well as intimidation of their families and 120 families were forced to move. That the RUC upheld the law rather than the interests of unionists did "a great deal to enhance the RUC's reputation for professionalism". Attacks on RUC officers' homes had already started in the summer of 1985 with unionist resentment exacerbated by
12296-484: The vast majority of their victims were Irish Catholic civilians, who were often killed at random in sectarian attacks. Whenever they claimed responsibility for attacks, loyalists usually claimed that those targeted were IRA members or were helping the IRA. M.L.R. Smith wrote that "From the outset, the loyalist paramilitaries tended to regard all Catholics as potential rebels". Other times, attacks on Catholic civilians were claimed as "retaliation" for IRA actions, since
12412-403: Was Newry and Armagh , which in a close contest was gained by the pro-Agreement SDLP. On 3 March 1986 there was a general strike, or 'Day of Action', in Northern Ireland, in opposition to the Anglo-Irish Agreement. There was widespread disruption as workplaces closed. Public transport including air travel was also affected. There was significant genuine Protestant support for the strike but there
12528-681: Was accompanied by violence both in defence of and against partition. Belfast saw "savage and unprecedented" communal violence , mainly between Protestant loyalist and Catholic nationalist civilians. Loyalists attacked the Catholic minority in reprisal for IRA actions. Thousands of Catholics and "disloyal" Protestants were driven from their jobs, particularly in the shipyards, and there were mass burnings of Catholic homes and businesses in Lisburn and Banbridge . More than 500 were killed in Northern Ireland during partition and more than 10,000 became refugees, most of them Catholics. In 1926, about 33–34% of
12644-482: Was a 1985 treaty between the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland which aimed to help bring an end to the Troubles in Northern Ireland . The treaty gave the Irish government an advisory role in Northern Ireland's government while confirming that there would be no change in the constitutional position of Northern Ireland unless a majority of its citizens agreed to join the Republic. It also set out conditions for
12760-417: Was also a high level of intimidation with masked Loyalists establishing barricades. In Portadown mobs attacked Catholic homes and a section of the motorway near Belfast way closed after nails and oil were strewn across the road. Vandalism and clashes with police broke out following a Unionist rally held at Belfast City Hall. There were riots in Loyalist areas during the evening and night and shots were fired at
12876-585: Was eroding. The UUP MP Enoch Powell asked Thatcher in the Commons the day before she signed the Agreement: "Does the Right Hon. Lady understand—if she does not yet understand she soon will—that the penalty for treachery is to fall into public contempt?" The UUP leader James Molyneaux spoke of "the stench of hypocrisy, deceit and treachery" and later said of "universal cold fury" at the Agreement such as he had not experienced in forty years of public life. Ian Paisley,
12992-485: Was highly selective, and it was very secret in its operations. Its membership was composed in the main of Protestant youths – the Tartans who roamed the streets at night looking for trouble. These youths longed for action, and McKeague let them have it." The Red Hand Commando was the only major loyalist paramilitary group in Northern Ireland not to have its ranks heavily penetrated by a so-called supergrass or informant during
13108-541: Was launched in 2015 with the backing of the UVF and UDA. It seeks to reverse what it sees as political and economic neglect of working-class loyalists since the Good Friday Agreement. In 2021, it withdrew its support for the Agreement, due to the creation of a trade border between Northern Ireland and Britain as a result of Brexit . The fall-out over this partly fuelled loyalist rioting that Spring . Loyalist paramilitary and vigilante groups have been active since
13224-443: Was necessary in return for the Irish government's acceptance that Northern Ireland would remain a member of the United Kingdom so long as it had majority support. In April a four-member Cabinet committee had been informed of the negotiations; in October the entire Cabinet was informed. Thatcher and Fitzgerald met again in May at a European summit in which they discussed what became the Anglo-Irish Agreement. The agreement established
13340-399: Was rejected by republicans because it confirmed Northern Ireland's status as a part of the UK. The Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) continued their violent campaign and did not endorse the agreement. Sinn Féin's president, Gerry Adams , denounced the Agreement: "... the formal recognition of the partition of Ireland... [is] a disaster for the nationalist cause... [it] far outweighs
13456-663: Was to retaliate, to dominate or to clear out Catholics." An editorial in the UVF's official magazine Combat explained in 1993: ...large areas of the Province that were predominately Protestant are now predominately Catholic. The reaction to this has been that the Ulster Volunteer Force and the Ulster Defence Association have intensified their campaign in order, not just to match the Catholic murders of Protestants, but to stop further enroachment into their areas. Loyalist paramilitaries were responsible for 29% of all deaths in
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