The Portuguese Socialist Party ( Portuguese : Partido Socialista Português ) was a Portuguese political party.
104-540: The party was founded in 1875. During its initial phase, it was heavily influenced by Proudhonism and rejected revolutionary Marxism . In 1919 the leftwing of the party broke away (that group would merge with anarcho-syndicalists to form the Portuguese Maximalist Federation , which became the Portuguese Communist Party ). The Socialist Party lacked mass support. The trade union movement
208-449: A federalist . Proudhon described the liberty he pursued as the synthesis of community and individualism . Some consider his mutualism to be part of individualist anarchism while others regard it to be part of social anarchism . Proudhon, who was born in Besançon , was a printer who taught himself Latin in order to better print books in the language. His best-known assertion
312-455: A journeyman compositor. The period following this was marked by unemployment and poverty, with Proudhon travelling around France (also briefly to Neuchâtel , Switzerland) where he unsuccessfully sought stable employment in printing and as a schoolteacher. During this period, Fallot offered financial assistance to Proudhon if he came to Paris to study philosophy. Proudhon accepted his offer despite concerns about how it might disrupt his career in
416-582: A national bank , to be funded by what became an abortive attempt at an income tax on capitalists and shareholders . Similar in some respects to a credit union , it would have given interest-free loans . After the death of his follower Mikhail Bakunin , Proudhon's libertarian socialism diverged into individualist anarchism , collectivist anarchism , anarcho-communism and anarcho-syndicalism , with notable proponents such as Carlo Cafiero , Joseph Déjacque , Peter Kropotkin and Benjamin Tucker . Proudhon
520-495: A revolutionary , his idea of revolution did not entail civil war or violent upheaval, but rather the transformation of society. This transformation was essentially moral in nature and demanded the highest ethics from those who sought change. It was monetary reform, combined with organizing a credit bank and workers associations, that Proudhon proposed to use as a lever to bring about the organization of society along new lines. This ethical socialism has been described as part of
624-471: A 'young democracy', which was a 'social democracy. ' " According to historian of anarchism George Woodcock , some positions Proudhon took "sorted oddly with his avowed anarchism". Woodcock cited as an example Proudhon's proposition that each citizen perform one or two years militia service. The proposal appeared in the Programme Revolutionaire , an electoral manifesto issued by Proudhon after he
728-660: A Revolutionary that "[w]hoever lays his hand on me to govern me is a usurper and tyrant, and I declare him my enemy". Proudhon was critical of state authority and supported freedom of religion, speech, and assembly. In The General Idea of the Revolution (1851), Proudhon urged a "society without authority". In a subchapter called "What is Government?", Proudhon wrote: To be GOVERNED is to be watched, inspected, spied upon, directed, law-driven, numbered, regulated, enrolled, indoctrinated, preached at, controlled, checked, estimated, valued, censured, commanded, by creatures who have neither
832-421: A counter-revolutionary. They were aimed at what he himself called 'the false democracy'. [...] They attacked an apparently liberal 'pseudo-democracy' which 'was not economic and social', [...] 'a Jacobinical democracy. ' " Proudhon "did not want to destroy, but complete, the work of 1789" and while "he had a grudge against the 'old democracy', the democracy of Robespierre and Marat", he repeatedly contrasted it "with
936-435: A customer seeking to publish his work Le Nouveau Monde Industriel et Sociétaire . Proudhon supervised the printing of the book, which gave him ample opportunity to talk with Fourier about a variety of social and philosophical issues. These discussions left a strong impression on Proudhon and influenced him throughout his life. It was also during this time that Proudhon formed one of his closest friendships with Gustave Fallot ,
1040-448: A decentralized "theory of federal government". Proudhon also defined anarchy differently as "the government of each by himself" which meant "that political functions have been reduced to industrial functions, and that social order arises from nothing but transactions and exchanges". This work also saw Proudhon call his economic system an "agro-industrial federation", arguing that it would provide "specific federal arrangements [...] to protect
1144-636: A leader of innovation. In this year, he also became a Freemason . In Spain, Ramón de la Sagra established the anarchist journal El Porvenir in La Coruña in 1845 which was inspired by Proudhon's ideas. Catalan politician Francesc Pi i Margall became the principal translator of Proudhon's works into Spanish and later briefly became President of Spain in 1873 while being the leader of the Federal Democratic Republican Party . According to George Woodcock , "[t]hese translations were to have
SECTION 10
#17328524028381248-406: A matter of fact, not of right.' Toullier: 'Property is a right, a legal power; possession is a fact.' The tenant, the farmer, the commandité, the usufructuary, are possessors; the owner who lets and lends for use, the heir who is to come into possession on the death of a usufructuary, are proprietors." In Confessions of a Revolutionary , Proudhon also wrote: "Capital" [...] in the political field
1352-476: A philosophy that they themselves could not understand. In 1846, he published the Système des contradictions économiques ou Philosophie de la misère ( The System of Economic Contradictions, or The Philosophy of Poverty ) which prompted a book-length critique from Karl Marx entitled The Poverty of Philosophy , commencing a rift between anarchism and Marxism and anarchists and Marxists that would be continued by
1456-661: A profound and lasting effect on the development of Spanish anarchism after 1870, but before that time Proudhonian ideas, as interpreted by Pi, already provided much of the inspiration for the federalist movement which sprang up in the early 1860s". According to the Encyclopædia Britannica , "[d]uring the Spanish revolution of 1873, Pi i Margall attempted to establish a decentralized, or 'cantonalist,' political system on Proudhonian lines". Proudhon died in Passy on 19 January 1865 and
1560-424: A program of industrial democracy which would return control and direction of the economy to the workers". For Proudhon, "strong workers' associations [...] would enable the workers to determine jointly by election how the enterprise was to be directed and operated on a day-to-day basis". Proudhon adopted the term mutualism for his brand of anarchism and socialism which involved control of the means of production by
1664-450: A relapse into feudalism". This would result in "[c]apitalistic and proprietary exploitation, stopped everywhere, the wage system abolished, equal and just exchange guaranteed". As Robert Graham notes, "Proudhon's market socialism is indissolubly linked to his notions of industrial democracy and workers' self-management". K. Steven Vincent notes in his in-depth analysis of this aspect of Proudhon's ideas that "Proudhon consistently advanced
1768-534: A scholar from Montebéliard who came from a family of wealthy French industrialists. Impressed by Proudhon's corrections of one of his Latin manuscripts, Fallot sought out his friendship and the two were soon regularly spending their evenings together discussing French literature by Michel de Montaigne , François Rabelais , Jean-Jacques Rousseau , Voltaire , Denis Diderot and many other authors to whom Proudhon had not been exposed during his years of theological readings. In September 1830, Proudhon became certified as
1872-422: A society with private property would lead to statist relations between people, arguing: The purchaser draws boundaries, fences himself in, and says, 'This is mine; each one by himself, each one for himself.' Here, then, is a piece of land upon which, henceforth, no one has right to step, save the proprietor and his friends; which can benefit nobody, save the proprietor and his servants. Let these multiply, and soon
1976-410: A state, it is the fact of its enforcement, not its form, that makes it what it is. Proudhon rejected entitlement regardless of the source and accepted possession based on occupancy. According to Proudhon, "[t]here are different kinds of property: 1. Property pure and simple, the dominant and seigniorial power over a thing; or, as they term it, naked property. 2. Possession. 'Possession,' says Duranton, 'is
2080-561: A system where workplaces would be "handed over to democratically organised workers' associations. [...] We want these associations to be models for agriculture, industry and trade, the pioneering core of that vast federation of companies and societies woven into the common cloth of the democratic social Republic." Under mutualism, workers would no longer sell their labour to a capitalist but rather work for themselves in co-operatives. Proudhon urged "workers to form themselves into democratic societies, with equal conditions for all members, on pain of
2184-449: A very close relationship with Proudhon. As a boy, he mostly worked in the family tavern, helped with basic agricultural work and spent time playing outdoors in the countryside. Although Proudhon received no formal education as a child, he was taught to read by his mother, who had him spelling words by age three. The only books that Proudhon was exposed to until he was 10 were the Gospels and
SECTION 20
#17328524028382288-572: A witty cut in lieu of a foreword: "M. Proudhon has the misfortune of being particularly misunderstood in Europe. In France, he has the right to be a bad economist, because he is reputed to be a good German philosopher. In Germany, he has the right to be a bad philosopher, because he is reputed to be one of the ablest of French economists. Being both a German and an economist at the same time, we desire to protest against this double error.... — Karl Marx, Brussels, June 15, 1847." Although prominently featuring
2392-412: Is Property? , he revealed that his religious journey began with Protestantism and ended with being a Neo Christian. Over the years, Proudhon rose to be a corrector for the press, proofreading publications. By 1829, he had become more interested in social issues than in religious theory. Of particular importance during this period was his encounter with Charles Fourier , who in 1829 came to Gauthier as
2496-496: Is a book by Karl Marx published in Paris and Brussels in 1847, where he lived in exile from 1843 until 1849. It was originally written in French as a critique of the economic and philosophical arguments of French anarchist Pierre-Joseph Proudhon set forth in his 1846 book The System of Economic Contradictions, or The Philosophy of Poverty . Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (1809-1865)
2600-512: Is analogous to "government". [...] The economic idea of capitalism, the politics of government or of authority, and the theological idea of the Church are three identical ideas, linked in various ways. To attack one of them is equivalent to attacking all of them. [...] What capital does to labour, and the State to liberty, the Church does to the spirit. This trinity of absolutism is as baneful in practice as it
2704-401: Is impossible, because it is homicide. Yes, I have attacked property, and shall attack it again. Property is robbery. The people finally legalized property. God forgive them, for they knew not what they did! Proudhon believed that illegitimate property was based on dominion (i.e. entitlement) and that this was backed by force. While this force can take the form of police in the employ of
2808-420: Is in philosophy. The most effective means for oppressing the people would be simultaneously to enslave its body, its will and its reason. In asserting that property is freedom, Proudhon was referring not only to the product of an individual's labor, but also to the peasant or artisan's home and tools of his trade and the income he received by selling his goods. For Proudhon, the only legitimate source of property
2912-430: Is labor. What one produces is one's property and anything beyond that is not. Proudhon advocated workers' self-management and was opposed to the private ownership of the means of production. In 1848, Proudhon wrote: Under the law of association, transmission of wealth does not apply to the instruments of labour, so cannot become a cause of inequality. [...] We are socialists [...] under universal association, ownership of
3016-516: Is obsolete". Marxist philosopher John Ehrenberg summarized Proudhon's position that "[i]f injustice was the cause of war, it followed that conflict could not be eliminated until society was reorganised along egalitarian lines. Proudhon had wanted to prove that the reign of political economy would be the reign of peace, finding it difficult to believe that people really thought he was defending militarism." Proudhon argued that under mutualism "[t]here will no longer be nationality, no longer fatherland, in
3120-407: Is one of obedience". In What Is Property? , Proudhon also wrote: Property is physically and mathematically impossible. Property is impossible, because it demands something for nothing. Property is impossible because wherever it exists production costs more than it is worth. Property is impossible, because, with a given capital, production is proportional to labor, not to property. Property
3224-425: Is sovereign lord within the sphere of his property, absolute king throughout his own domain, how could a government of proprietors be any thing but chaos and confusion?" George Crowder writes that the property anarchists including Proudhon oppose "is basically that which is unearned", i.e. "such things as interest on loans and income from rent. This is contrasted with ownership rights in those goods either produced by
Portuguese Socialist Party - Misplaced Pages Continue
3328-631: Is that " property is theft! ", contained in his first major work, What Is Property? Or, an Inquiry into the Principle of Right and Government ( Qu'est-ce que la propriété? Recherche sur le principe du droit et du gouvernement ), published in 1840. The book's publication attracted the attention of the French authorities. It also attracted the scrutiny of Karl Marx , who started a correspondence with its author. The two influenced each other and they met in Paris while Marx
3432-456: Is that the work put in gives a right to ownership of what has been worked on." In addition, Proudhon still believed that property should be more equally distributed and limited in size to that actually used by individuals, families and workers associations. Proudhon supported the right of inheritance and defended it "as one of the foundations of the family and society", but he refused to extend this beyond personal possessions, arguing that "[u]nder
3536-484: Is theft", "property is impossible", "property is despotism" and "property is freedom". When saying that "property is theft", Proudhon was referring to the landowner or capitalist who he believed "stole" the profits from laborers. For Proudhon, as he wrote in the sixth study of his General Idea of the Revolution in the Nineteenth Century , the capitalist's employee was "subordinated, exploited: his permanent condition
3640-520: Is what motivated him to leave the printing trade and pursue his studies of philosophy instead. After an unsuccessful printing business venture in 1838, Proudhon decided to dedicate himself fully to scholarly pursuits. He applied for the Suard Pension, a bursary that would enable him to study at the Academy of Besançon. Proudhon was selected out of several candidates primarily due to the fact that his income
3744-586: The Four Aymon Brothers and some local almanacs . In 1820, Proudhon's mother began trying to get him admitted into the city college in Besançon. The family was far too poor to afford the tuition, but with the help of one of Claude-François' former employers, she managed to gain a bursary which deducted 120 francs a year from the cost. Proudhon was unable to afford basic things like books or shoes to attend school which caused him great difficulties and often made him
3848-623: The League of the Just . Marx read Proudhon's book late in 1846 and responded strongly and negatively, writing a lengthy letter to his Russian correspondent P.V. Annenkov on December 28, 1846 with a detailed exposition of his views that became the core of his 1847 book. He began working on a book-length formal reply the following January, completing the work in the spring and going to press in April 1847. The book, formally titled The Poverty of Philosophy: Answer to
3952-611: The Philosophy of Poverty by M. Proudhon, saw print in Brussels and Belgium early in July 1847. The book was written in the French language to strike its target most closely and for the cutting pun of a title to be rendered most unmistakably. The book was regarded by the political circle around Marx organized as the Communist League as a key part of their contemporary program, delineating
4056-476: The capitalist economy . While deeply critical of capitalism , Proudhon also objected to those contemporary in the socialist movement who advocated centralized hierarchical forms of association or state control of the economy. In a sequence of commentaries from What Is Property? (1840), posthumously published in the Théorie de la propriété ( Theory of Property , 1863–1864), Proudhon declared in turn that "property
4160-495: The liberal socialist tradition which is for egalitarianism and free markets , with Proudhon, among other anarchists, taking "a commitment to narrow down the sphere of activity of the state". James Boyle quotes Proudhon as stating that socialism is "every aspiration towards the amelioration of society" and then admitting that "we are all socialists" under this definition. The Poverty of Philosophy The Poverty of Philosophy ( French: Misère de la philosophie )
4264-497: The working class could achieve its salvation through economic action alone; abstention from politics was advocated with a view to the ultimate eradication of the existing state and its political apparatus. Proudhon believed that the stateless future was not preordained by iron laws of history, but was rather to be the conscious creation of a population which had been morally awakened. This necessary morality , based upon honesty, decency, self-respect , and individual responsibility,
Portuguese Socialist Party - Misplaced Pages Continue
4368-467: The "property is liberty" theory, he is not changing his mind about the earlier "property is theft" definition. Proudhon did not only rely on "synthesis", but also emphasized "balance" between approaches such as communism and property that apparently cannot be fully reconciled. American mutualist William Batchelder Greene took a similar approach in his 1849–1850 works. For Proudhon, mutualism involved free association by creating industrial democracy ,
4472-587: The Bakuninists and collectivist anarchists (the followers of Mikhail Bakunin ) in the First International and that lasts to this day. For some time, Proudhon ran a small printing establishment at Besançon, but without success. Afterwards, he became connected as a kind of manager with a commercial firm in Lyon , France. In 1847, he left this job and finally settled in Paris, where he was now becoming celebrated as
4576-672: The French government in 1845, with Brussels, Belgium his next destination. Despite his departure from France, he continued to see Proudhon as a potential political collaborator, asking him in 1846 to participate in a new international correspondence committee patterned after the London-based Workers' Educational Association , designed to propagate socialist ideas among the working class of continental Europe. Proudhon responded cautiously to Marx's appeal. Perhaps partially in consequence, Marx and his friend and political associate turned their organizing efforts to an established political body,
4680-545: The State and the abolition of usury", respectively. In this, Kropotkin and Tucker were following the definition of Proudhon, who stated that "[w]e do not admit the government of man by man any more than the exploitation of man by man." In What Is Property? , published in 1840, Proudhon defined anarchy as "the absence of a master, of a sovereign" and wrote that "[a]s man seeks justice in equality, so society seeks order in anarchy". In 1849, Proudhon declared in Confessions of
4784-423: The association [must have] an undivided share in the property of the company". In his later works, Proudhon used property to mean possession. This resulted in some individualist anarchists such as Benjamin Tucker calling possession as property or private property , causing confusion within the anarchist movement and among other socialists. In his earliest works, Proudhon analyzed the nature and problems of
4888-456: The book has been called by one Soviet scholar "one of the first works of mature Marxism." In The Poverty of Philosophy , Marx argues that in acquiring new productive forces , people change their mode of production , in turn changing their social relations . In 1956 economist Joan Robinson proclaimed in a review of a new British edition of The Poverty of Philosophy that from the standpoint of modern economics Marx's polemic with Proudhon
4992-424: The citizens of the federated states from capitalist and financial feudalism, both within them and from the outside" and so stop the re-introduction of "wage labour". This was because "political right requires to be buttressed by economic right". In the posthumously published Theory of Property , Proudhon argued that "property is the only power that can act as a counterweight to the State". Hence, "Proudhon could retain
5096-453: The city. Proudhon's entry, titled De la Célébration du dimanche , essentially used the essay subject as a pretext for discussing a variety of political and philosophical ideas and in it one can find the seeds of his later revolutionary ideas. Many of his ideas on authority, morality and property disturbed the essay judges at the Academy and Proudhon was only awarded the bronze medal (something in which Proudhon took pride because he felt that this
5200-412: The complex of institutions of which property is the foundation stone, I never meant to forbid or suppress, by sovereign decree, ground rent and interest on capital. I think that all these manifestations of human activity should remain free and voluntary for all: I ask for them no modifications, restrictions or suppressions, other than those which result naturally and of necessity from the universalization of
5304-439: The family of one of his schoolmates, Antoine Gauthier. Besançon was an important center of religious thought at the time and most of the works published at Gauthier were ecclesiastical works. During the course of his work, Proudhon spent hours every day reading this Christian literature and began to question many of his long-held religious beliefs which eventually led him to reject Christianity altogether. In his first book, What
SECTION 50
#17328524028385408-433: The genuine antagonism between state power and property rights' came from his later writings, in which he argued that property rights were required to control state power. In other words, this 'heterodoxy' came from a period in which Proudhon did not think that state could be abolished and so 'property is the only power that can act as a counterweight to the State.' Of course, this 'later' Proudhon also acknowledged that property
5512-682: The government. One of the main leaders of the party at the time, Ramado Curto, was commissioned by the government to formulate a labour code. From 1930 he worked with the reformist trade unions in the corporativist National Economic Committee. After the establishment of Estado Novo by António de Oliveira Salazar in March 1933 the party was banned. The party responded by dissolving itself. Proudhon Pierre-Joseph Proudhon ( UK : / ˈ p r uː d ɒ̃ / , US : / p r uː ˈ d ɒ̃ , p r uː ˈ d oʊ n / ; French: [pjɛʁ ʒozɛf pʁudɔ̃] ; 15 January 1809 – 19 January 1865)
5616-537: The idea of property as theft, and at the same time offer a new definition of it as liberty. There is the constant possibility of abuse, exploitation, which spells theft. At the same time property is a spontaneous creation of society and a bulwark against the ever-encroaching power of the State." Daniel Guérin criticized Proudhon's later life by stating that "many of these masters were not anarchists throughout their lives and their complete works include passages which have nothing to do with anarchism. To take an example: in
5720-426: The land and of the instruments of labour is social ownership. [...] We want the mines, canals, railways handed over to democratically organised workers' associations. [...] We want these associations to be models for agriculture, industry and trade, the pioneering core of that vast federation of companies and societies, joined together in the common bond of the democratic and social Republic. Proudhon also warned that
5824-472: The land and tools he needs to live, Proudhon had no hostility; indeed, he regarded it as the cornerstone of liberty, and his main criticism of the communists was that they wished to destroy it." Nonetheless, communists ranging from Peter Kropotkin to Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels agreed with Proudhon's distinction and were not opposed to personal property , or what Proudhon called "possession", nor they wished to abolish it. While Proudhon identified as
5928-435: The latter's defense of Karl Grün , whom Marx bitterly disliked, but who had been preparing translations of Proudhon's work. Proudhon favored workers' councils and associations or cooperatives as well as individual worker/peasant possession over private ownership or the nationalization of land and workplaces. He considered social revolution to be achievable in a peaceful manner. Proudhon unsuccessfully tried to create
6032-497: The law of association, transmission of wealth does not apply to the instruments of labour". As a consequence of his opposition to profit, wage labour, worker exploitation, ownership of land and capital as well as to state property, Proudhon rejected both capitalism and state socialism , including authoritarian socialism and other authoritarian and compulsory forms of communism which advocated state property. The authors of An Anarchist FAQ argue that his opposition to "communism"
6136-447: The legislative and the executive power at once [...] [and so] property engenders despotism. [...] That is so clearly the essence of property that, to be convinced of it, one need but remember what it is, and observe what happens around him. Property is the right to use and abuse. [...] [I]f goods are property, why should not the proprietors be kings, and despotic kings—kings in proportion to their facultes bonitaires ? And if each proprietor
6240-511: The liberty of the individual". However, the authors of An Anarchist FAQ write that "this is a common anarchist position. Anarchists are well aware that possession is a source of independence within capitalism and so should be supported". At the same time, Proudhon continued to oppose concentrations of wealth and property, arguing for small-scale property ownership associated with peasants and artisans. Proudhon also still opposed private property in land, writing: "What I cannot accept, regarding land,
6344-468: The majority of his time studying alone and was not fond of urban life, longing to return home to Besançon. The cholera outbreak in Paris granted him his wish as Fallot was struck with the illness, making him unable to financially support Proudhon any longer. After Proudhon left, he never saw Fallot (who died in 1836) again. However, this friendship was one of the most important events in Proudhon's life as it
SECTION 60
#17328524028386448-491: The mass of the People becomes the State, the State has no longer any reason to exist [...]." Proudhon saw the privileged property as a form of government that was necessarily backed by and interlinked with the state, writing that "[t]he private property of privilege called forth and commanded the State" and arguing that "since the first related to the landowner and capitalist whose ownership derived from conquest or exploitation and
6552-449: The method to apply the dialectics to political economy, he cites the Science of Logic of Hegel . And Marx rejects idea of Proudhon on consumption tax and denial of strike action . At the end of the book, he cites the words of George Sand : "Combat or Death: Bloody struggle or extinction. It is thus that the question is inexorably put." He also cites the theory of John Gray . Indeed,
6656-406: The notion of property for both the group and the individual", but then he also states his new theory of property that "property is the greatest revolutionary force which exists, with an unequaled capacity for setting itself against authority" and the "principal function of private property within the political system will be to act as a counterweight to the power of the State, and by so doing to insure
6760-465: The object of scorn by his wealthier classmates. Despite this, Proudhon showed a strong will to learn and spent much time in the school library with a pile of books, exploring a variety of subjects in his free time outside of class. In 1827, Proudhon began an apprenticeship at a printing press in the house of Bellevaux in Battant. On Easter of the following year, he transferred to a press in Besançon owned by
6864-493: The people [...] will have nowhere to rest, no place of shelter, no ground to till. They will die of hunger at the proprietor's door, on the edge of that property which was their birth-right; and the proprietor, watching them die, will exclaim, 'So perish idlers and vagrants.' According to Proudhon, "[t]he proprietor, the robber, the hero, the sovereign—for all these titles are synonymous—imposes his will as law, and suffers neither contradiction nor control; that is, he pretends to be
6968-507: The period, including the book written against Bruno Bauer , The Holy Family (1845), and the unpublished Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844. In the published book Marx lent critical support to some of the ideas of Proudhon against competing ideas of Bauer. Marx was particularly attracted to the comprehensive nature of Proudhon's writings up to 1845 and the latter's willingness to make larger connections from smaller observations. In his book What Is Property? Proudhon emphasized
7072-528: The political sense of the words: they will mean only places of birth. Man, of whatever race or colour he may be, is an inhabitant of the universe; citizenship is everywhere an acquired right." Proudhon also rejected dictatorship, stating in the 1860s that "what I will always be [...] a republican, a democrat even, and a socialist into the bargain". Henri-Marie de Lubac argued that in terms of Proudhon's critique of democracy "we must not allow all this to hoodwink us. His invectives against democracy were not those of
7176-436: The practice of 'replacement', by which those who could avoided such service"). In the same document, Proudhon also described the "form of government" he was proposing as "a centralization analogous with that of the State, but in which no one obeys, no one is dependent, and everyone is free and sovereign". Proudhon advocated the destruction of the centralized state, thus enunciating a central tenet of anarchism. He wrote: "When
7280-519: The principle of reciprocity which I propose." Proudhon opposed dictatorship , militarism , nationalism and war , arguing that the "end of militarism is the mission of the nineteenth century, under pain of indefinite decadence" and that the "workers alone are capable of putting an end to war by creating economic equilibrium. This presupposes a radical revolution in ideas and morals." As Robert L. Hoffman notes, War and Peace "ends by condemning war without reservation" and its "conclusion [is] that war
7384-524: The printing trade. He walked from Besançon to Paris, arriving in March at the Rue Mazarin in the Latin Quarter, where Fallot was living at the time. Proudhon began mingling amongst the circle of metropolitan scholars surrounding Fallot, but he felt out of place and uncomfortable amidst people who were both wealthier and more accustomed to scholarly debate. Ultimately, Proudhon found that he preferred to spend
7488-483: The right nor the wisdom nor the virtue to do so. To be GOVERNED is to be at every operation, at every transaction noted, registered, counted, taxed, stamped, measured, numbered, assessed, licensed, authorized, admonished, prevented, forbidden, reformed, corrected, punished. It is, under pretext of public utility, and in the name of the general interest, to be place[d] under contribution, drilled, fleeced, exploited, monopolized, extorted from, squeezed, hoaxed, robbed; then, at
7592-462: The same relation to Capital that Marshall's Pure Theory does to his Principles . Ideas that are clear in the early and short version were later elaborated into obscurity." Although a widely recognized and periodically reissued title, The Poverty of Philosophy is not regarded as one of the fundamental works of Marxist thought, exemplified by its omission from the two volume Karl Marx: Selected Works published simultaneously in several countries in
7696-452: The second part of his career Proudhon's thinking took a conservative turn. His verbose and monumental De la Justice dans la Revolution et dans l'Eglise (1858) was mainly concerned with the problem of religion and its conclusion was far from libertarian." In What Is Property? , Proudhon moved on from the rejection of communism and private property in a dialectical manner, looking for a "third form of society. [...] This third form of society,
7800-595: The slightest resistance, the first word of complaint, to be repressed, fined, vilified, harassed, hunted down, abused, clubbed, disarmed, bound, choked, imprisoned, judged, condemned, shot, deported, sacrificed, sold, betrayed; and to crown all, mocked, ridiculed, derided, outraged, dishonored. That is government; that is its justice; that is its morality. Towards the end of his life, Proudhon modified some of his earlier views. In The Principle of Federation (1863), Proudhon modified his earlier anti-state position, arguing for "the balancing of authority by liberty" and put forward
7904-422: The social relationships emerging from private property , and the tendency of economic development to produce a propertyless proletariat in ever increasing numbers—ideas which Marx found compelling. Marx's praise of Proudhon was not limitless, however, as he felt Proudhon did not fully grasp the way in which wages and money, for example, were themselves forms of private property. Marx was forced to exit Paris by
8008-498: The state, it is 'property' divided equally through society which is the key, without concentrations of economic power and inequality which would result in exploitation and oppression. Therefore, '[s]imple justice... requires that equal division of land shall not only operate at the outset. If there is to be no abuse, it must be maintained from generation to generation. ' " David Hargreaves writes that "[i]ronically, Proudhon did not mean literally what he said. His boldness of expression
8112-521: The synthesis of communism and property, we will call liberty." In his System of Economic Contradiction , Proudhon described mutuality as "the synthesis of the notions of private property and collective ownership." Proudhon's rejection of compulsory communism and privileged property led him towards a synthesis of libertarian communism and possession, just as the apparent contradiction between his theories of property represents an antithesis which still needs synthesizing. Proudhon stated that in presenting
8216-747: The views of the League from those espoused by Proudhon and his followers. Somewhat surprisingly, following its initial release in 1847, The Poverty of Philosophy was never republished in full prior to Marx's death in 1883. The first German edition of the book was first published in 1885; a Russian language translation by the Emancipation of Labor group ( Russian: Освобождение труда) was released in 1886. A corrected Second French Edition materialized in 1896, initiated by Friedrich Engels and completed after his death by Marx's daughter, Laura Lafargue . The first English language edition of The Poverty of Philosophy
8320-474: The word " philosophy " in its title, The Poverty of Philosophy is essentially a book dealing with the subject of critique of political economy —first English-language translator Harry Quelch claimed that the work contained "the groundwork of the theories so fully elaborated in Capital , apart from its exhaustive analysis of the capitalist system of production and distribution" as well as law of value . To argue
8424-421: The words: agricultural-industrial federation. All my political ideas boil down to a similar formula: political federation or decentralization". Proudhon called this use-ownership possession ( possession ) and this economic system mutualism ( mutualisme ), having many arguments against entitlement to land and capital, including reasons based on morality, economics, politics and individual liberty. One such argument
8528-585: The work of the owner or necessary for that work, for example his dwelling-house, land and tools. Proudhon initially refers to legitimate rights of ownership of these goods as 'possession,' and although in his latter work he calls this 'property,' the conceptual distinction remains the same." Late in his life, Proudhon argued for increasing the powers of government while also strengthening property, by making it more egalitarian and widespread, in order to counter-balance it. Iain McKay points out that "Proudhon's 'emphasis on
8632-557: The workers. In his vision, self-employed artisans, peasants and cooperatives would trade their products on the market. For Proudhon, factories and other large workplaces would be run by "labor associations" operating on directly democratic principles. The state would be abolished and instead society would be organized by a federation of "free communes" (a commune is a local municipality in French). In 1863, Proudhon wrote: "All my economic ideas as developed over twenty-five years can be summed up in
8736-554: Was "a dead horse" of only "highly specialised interest." She wrote: "The entertainment value...is not great. There is no wit in The Poverty of Philosophy apart from its title; Proudhon's ideas were confused enough to begin with, and Marx's presentation of them makes them totally unseizable, so that there is little sport to be got out of following the argument. All the same for anyone interested in 'What Marx Really Meant' some passages in this book are very valuable. In some ways they bear
8840-432: Was 'an absolutism within an absolutism,' 'by nature autocratic' and that its 'politics could be summed up in a single word,' namely 'exploitation. ' " McKay further writes how "Proudhon argues that 'spread[ing] it more equally and establish[ing] it more firmly in society' is the means by which 'property' 'becomes a guarantee of liberty and keeps the State on an even keel.' In other words, rather than 'property' as such limiting
8944-546: Was a French anarchist , socialist , philosopher , and economist who founded mutualist philosophy and is considered by many to be the "father of anarchism". He was the first person to call himself an anarchist , using that term, and is widely regarded as one of anarchism's most influential theorists. Proudhon became a member of the French Parliament after the Revolution of 1848 , whereafter he referred to himself as
9048-410: Was a French anarchist theoretician who wrote extensively on the relationship between the individual and the state. Proudhon believed in an orderly society but argued that the state represented an illegitimate concentration of official violence which effectively undercut any effort to build a just society. Proudhon rejected all political action as a form of class collaboration but argued instead that
9152-587: Was a member of the Labour and Socialist International between March 1925 and 1933. After the military coup of May 1926 , the Socialist Party was the only tolerated political party. Initially the party adopted a passive tactic towards the military dictatorship. The party sharply distanced itself from the republic uprising in February 1927. The national conference of 1930 decided that the party should openly cooperate with
9256-456: Was already a well known radical writer, with four books to his credit. Despite an appeal being made as a prospective French collaborator, Proudhon declined to participate in the ill-fated Deutsch-Französische Jahrbücher (German-French Yearbook) project with which Marx was intimately associated. Although the personal contact between the two was limited, Marx read Proudhon's writings at this time, discussions of which may be found in his work of
9360-484: Was an indicator that his writing made elite academics uncomfortable). In 1840, Proudhon published his first work Qu'est-ce que la propriété? , or What Is Property? His third memoir on property was a letter to the Fourierist writer Considérant , published in 1842 under the title Warning to Proprietors . Proudhon was tried for it at Besançon, but he was acquitted when the jury found that they could not condemn him for
9464-407: Was asked to run for a position in the provisional government. The text reads: "7° 'L'armée. – Abolition immédiate de la conscription et des remplacements; obligation pour tout citoyen de faire, pendant un ou deux ans, le service militaire; application de l'armée aux services administratifs et travaux d'utilité publique" ("Military service by all citizens is proposed as an alternative to conscription and
9568-415: Was because " libertarian communism ", while having some forerunners such as François-Noël Babeuf , would not be as widespread until after his death and so, like Max Stirner , "he was directing his critique against the various forms of state communism which did [exist]". While opposed to the charging of interest and rent, Proudhon did not seek to abolish them by law, writing: "I protest that when I criticized
9672-433: Was believed to be an inherent part of the working class—something to be developed and emphasized. By way of contrast, industrialists, businessmen, and those who serve them were held to be incapable of developing this morality due to the nature of their day-to-day economic and political activity. The act of labor itself was believed to be socially ennobling, whereas the act of economic exploitation backed by political force
9776-505: Was born in Besançon , France, on 15 January 1809 at 23 Rue du Petit Battant in the suburb of Battant. His father Claude-François Proudhon, who worked as a brewer and a cooper, was originally from the village of Chasnans , near the border with Switzerland. His mother Catherine Simonin was from Cordiron. Claude-François and Catherine had five boys together, two of whom died at a very young age. Proudhon's brothers Jean-Etienne and Claude were born in 1811 and 1816 respectively and both maintained
9880-509: Was buried in Paris at Montparnasse cemetery . Proudhon was the first person known to refer to himself as an " anarchist ". Proudhon's anarchist mutualism is considered as a middle way or synthesis between individualist anarchism and social anarchism . According to Larry Gambone, Proudhon was a "social individualist anarchist". Both anarcho-communist Peter Kropotkin and individualist anarchist Benjamin Tucker defined anarchism as "the no-government form of socialism" and "the abolition of
9984-516: Was exiled there. Their friendship finally ended when Marx responded to Proudhon's The System of Economic Contradictions, or The Philosophy of Poverty with the provocatively titled The Poverty of Philosophy . The dispute became one of the sources of the split between the anarchist and Marxist wings of the International Working Men's Association . Some such as Edmund Wilson have contended that Marx's attack on Proudhon had its origin in
10088-481: Was held to be inherently corrupting. Therefore, Proudhon emphatically declared for a strict separatism between the working class and all others. Karl Marx left Germany following the repression of the newspaper he edited, the Rheinische Zeitung , by the government of Prussia early in 1843. He landed in Paris , where he lived from October 1843 until December 1845. It was there that he first met Proudhon, who
10192-546: Was increasing, has been the life-principle and definitive cause of all revolutions. Religious wars, and wars of conquest, when they have stopped short of the extermination of races, have been only accidental disturbances, soon repaired by the mathematical progression of the life of nations. The downfall and death of societies are due to the power of accumulation possessed by property. Proudhon continued to oppose both capitalist and state property. In Theory of Property , Proudhon maintained that "[n]ow in 1840, I categorically rejected
10296-429: Was intended for emphasis, and by 'property' he wished to be understood what he later called 'the sum of its abuses'. He was denouncing the property of the man who uses it to exploit the labour of others without any effort on his own part, property distinguished by interest and rent, by the impositions of the non-producer on the producer. Towards property regarded as 'possession' the right of a man to control his dwelling and
10400-483: Was led by anarchists and was not affiliated with the socialist International Federation of Trade Unions . The party claimed a membership of 2,500 as of 1925. It published the biweekly Heraldo . It had an educational and workers' sport organization, with a membership of 3,000. The headquarters of the party were located in Lisbon. The party won two seats in the parliamentary elections of 1911, 1912, 1915 and 1925. The party
10504-411: Was much lower than the others and the judges were extremely impressed by his writing and the level of education he had given himself while working as an artisan. Proudhon arrived in Paris towards the end of autumn in 1838. In 1839, the Academy of Besançon held an essay competition on the subject of the utility of the celebration of Sunday regarding hygiene, morality and the relationship of the family and
10608-515: Was only maintained through the state, its property laws, police and army". Hence, Proudhon distinguished between personal property and possessions ( possession ) and private property ( propriété ), i.e. productive property while the former having direct use-value to the individual possessing it. Unlike capitalist property supporters, Proudhon stressed equality and thought that all workers should own property and have access to capital, stressing that in every cooperative "every worker employed in
10712-478: Was that it enabled profit which in turn led to social instability and war by creating cycles of debt that eventually overcame the capacity of labor to pay them off. Another was that it produced despotism and turned workers into wage workers subject to the authority of a boss. In What Is Property? , Proudhon described the liberty he pursued as "the synthesis of communism and property ", further writing: Property, acting by exclusion and encroachment, while population
10816-561: Was unveiled in London in 1900 by the pioneer Marxist publisher Twentieth Century Press . The translation for this edition was made by British socialist Harry Quelch . Quelch's version was reprised in the United States for the first time in 1910 by Charles H. Kerr & Co. , a socialist publishing house based in Chicago. The tone of Marx's polemic against Proudhon is set from the outset, with
#837162