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New Departure

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The term New Departure has been used to describe several initiatives in the late 19th century by which Irish republicans , who were committed to independence from Britain by physical force , attempted to find a common ground for co-operation with groups committed to Irish Home Rule by constitutional means. In the wake of the Fenian Rising of 1867 and the unpopular executions which followed it, Fenianism was popularised and became more moderate, while the Home Rule movement was edging toward radicalism at the same time, laying the framework for the alliance. The term was coined by John Devoy in an anonymous article in the New York Herald on 27 October 1878 in which he laid out a framework for a new policy.

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43-510: New Departure may refer to: New Departure (Ireland) , various attempts at cooperation between Irish Republicans and Home Rulers in the late 19th century New Departure (Democrats) , the change of policy of Southern Democrats in the US in 1870 to cease opposition to Reconstruction and black suffrage Topics referred to by the same term [REDACTED] This disambiguation page lists articles associated with

86-632: A "new departure" for the Fenians. They would abandon plans for armed revolt and support the drive for Irish home rule , provided the Home Rule League backed the campaign of tenant farmers against landlords. Biggar served as a nominal joint treasurer on the executive of the Irish National Land League from its formation on 21 October 1879, and was charged on 2 November 1880, together with the other Land League leaders, with conspiracy to prevent

129-537: A Presbyterian. "Now", I said, "when young Protestants in Ulster showed a tendency towards Nationality their mothers would say to them: 'The next thing we'll know is that you've turned Papish like Joe Biggar'". "And what about my soul?" asked Biggar. "Oh, I'd be willing to see you damned for the sake of Ireland", I said jocularly. Biggar laughed and then... began a discussion of the Presbyterian doctrine of Predestination . He

172-511: A disaster has overwhelmed Ireland. The world will say, 'Parnell is beaten. Ireland has no longer a leader.'" Biggar split with Parnell over this, declaring "Mr. Chairman, all I have to say is, I can't agree with what you state, and if Mr. Lynch [O'Shea's opponent] goes to the poll I'll support him!". Despite their differences, Biggar and Parnell retained their close alliance in subsequent years. Biggar died from heart disease in London – some months before

215-409: A family relationship, as the nationalist candidate for Galway – a move widely viewed as an attempt to buy O'Shea's silence. T.M. Healy , who initially opposed the nomination together with Biggar, describes Biggar's attitude to the issue: Parnell's intrigue should not, Biggar said, be allowed to stand in the way of political obligations, and no seat should be sold to a worthless woman's husband. Biggar

258-417: A half an hour on Threshing Machines. But Mr. Biggar triumphed. Once or twice I really fancied all was over with the hon. member. He, to all appearance, had exhausted every possible branch of his subject, and Mr. Chaplin was already chuckling in anticipation of the break-down of his foe. But no! Mr. Biggar bethought him of "the old flail". It was a moment of inspiration. Who could not talk for fifteen minutes on "

301-569: A highly successful, albeit short-lived, "unofficial" partnership between moderate Fenians and Parnell's radical Home Rulers, agreed verbally in Dublin on 1 June 1879. Devoy supported the agreement because he believed that the "demands of the Land League will not be granted by a Parliament of British landlords". This led to the escalation of the Land War (a national protest against landlords), creation of

344-512: A lawyer, had launched an amnesty campaign for the Fenian Rising prisoners. O'Connor Power and Patrick Egan 's efforts led to what T. W. Moody has described as the first 'New Departure', when Fenians supported the forming of the Home Rule League in November 1873. The IRB's attitude was that while it waited for the right moment for war with England, it would support movements that could advance

387-555: A revolutionary war against Britain, and hence the "new departure" discussions can be considered Devoy's personal initiative and separate from his official mission. While the IRB leadership refused to officially support his call to co-operate with Parnell and his radical wing of the Home Rule League , the IRB's Michael Davitt supported it as a personal initiative. The high personal standing of both Davitt and Devoy with local Fenians allowed them to build

430-417: A suitable time Irish nationalist MPs would withdraw to Dublin and form an independent Irish legislature. Davitt was at first worried that perceived connections to the Fenians would threaten Parnell in parliament, but Devoy convinced him that Parnell would not be affected. IRB leaders John O'Leary and Charles Kickham rejected the overture to constitutionalists and Parnell gave no comment. He did however adopt

473-472: Is believed to have converted to Catholicism in 1875 in solidarity with Irish nationalism. He lacked physical presence, being a 'diminutive hunchback'. From 1869 onwards, he took an active part in local politics at Belfast . In 1871, he was elected a town councillor, and he acted for several years as chairman of the Belfast Water Commission. Biggar's parents were Presbyterians , but in 1877 he

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516-611: Is known for introducing in 1874 a new, more aggressive form of obstructionism in the British House of Commons . This new form was directed not just at the Government but at the institution of parliament itself, and lacked the previous traditional restraint exercised by oppositions who realised that they could expect like treatment when they attained government. This involved giving long speeches to delay passage (also known as filibustering ) of Irish coercion acts and to generally obstruct

559-461: The Home Rule League and later Irish Parliamentary Party for Cavan from 1874 to 1885 and West Cavan from 1885 to his death in 1890. He was the eldest son of Joseph Bigger, merchant and chairman of the Ulster bank, by Isabella, daughter of William Houston of Ballyearl, Antrim. He was educated at the Belfast Academy , and, entering his father's business of a provision merchant, became head of

602-622: The Irish National Land League and a crisis for the British Government . The following disparate groups cooperated in the common cause of small tenant farmers: Joseph Biggar Joseph Gillis Biggar (c. 1828 – 19 February 1890), commonly known as Joe Biggar or J. G. Biggar, was an Irish nationalist politician from Belfast . He served as an MP in the House of Commons of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland as member of

645-537: The Irish Republican Brotherhood after his election to parliament in 1874 and accepted a seat on its Supreme Council, but 'only with a view to winning fenian support for parliamentary politics'. However, his involvement in constitutional politics did not sit well with his more radical IRB colleagues and he was expelled from its Supreme Council in 1876 according to Alvin Jackson . According to T. W. Moody he

688-485: The West British society, the jobbery, the servility, very soon all the manliness goes out of them. If Irishmen are to save their honour, they must keep aloof from everything English... I am not saying that good members would not be better than bad ones, if they could keep right. George Henry Moore meant well". Parnell apparently merely listened and did not commit himself. John O'Connor and Dr Mark Ryan, both members of

731-565: The British parliament, but they could influence who was sent to that parliament. He stated that the Home Rule League , especially Isaac Butt and John O'Connor Power were failing to prevent Ireland from being 'imperialised' or 'West Britainised'. Davitt however believed that Charles Stewart Parnell and Joseph Biggar were acceptable Irish MPs, and Irish republicans should ensure that more such strong nationalists were voted in. John Devoy followed and pointed out that if Irish republicans were to gain

774-431: The IRB's Supreme Council, believed O'Connor Power had some hand in the new departure. O'Connor [John O'Connor] suspected that Davitt had been influenced by O'Connor Power, and that the new departure proposals concealed some sinister scheme of Power's devising – assumptions that Davitt hotly rejected.' 'The precedent for constitutional agitation set by Power was not lost on orthodox Fenians such as Dr Mark Ryan, who saw behind

817-565: The Irish land question by transfer of ownership to the farmers themselves was integral to Irish demands on Britain. On 27 October 1878 Devoy, without first consulting Davitt, summarised these ideas in what he termed a 'new departure' in the New York Herald , and it was reported in Ireland on 11 November. He also stated that Irish participation in the British parliament was to be temporary, and that at

860-513: The O'Shea scandal ended Parnell's career – and was buried in his native Belfast. Following the defeat of a Women's Disability Bill in 1871, there was little debate in Parliament on votes for women until after Biggar's death in 1890. But Biggar did attend meetings in Belfast of Isabella Tod 's North of Ireland Women's Suffrage Society. He did so alongside William Johnston , the unionist MP, nominee of

903-523: The Threshing Machines Bill. If your readers ask me why Mr. Biggar defeated the Threshing Machines Bill, I really must confess my inability to inform them. Perhaps it was that the Bill was proposed by Mr. Chaplin , and perhaps Mr. Biggar wished to punish Mr. Chaplin for his attack on Mr. Gladstone. It was a daring thing to do – I mean it was daring in one to get up with the knowledge that you must talk for

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946-516: The business of the House to force the Liberals and Conservatives to negotiate with Irish nationalists. Obstruction was opposed by Home Rule Party leader Isaac Butt but approved of by most Irish nationalists. T. P. O'Connor refers to Biggar's attributes: ...the obstructionist wants, as a rule, strength of character rather than of oratory – as witness the extraordinary work in obstruction done by

989-527: The cause of Irish independence "consistently with the preservation of its own integrity". The IRB became disillusioned with the lack of results achieved by Home Rulers and on 20 August 1876 dissolved the partnership and gave its members six months to withdraw from active co-operation with the Home Rule movement. The IRB supreme council enforced its resolution in March 1877 and John Barry and Patrick Egan resigned from

1032-547: The chairman (the House being in Committee), thought to get him to resume his seat by telling him that his observations had become almost inaudible and unintelligible to the chair. Mr. Biggar tendered respectful apologies, said he felt conscious that his voice was growing somewhat indistinct, remarked that he was at rather too great a distance from the chair, but said he would be happy to improve matters by drawing nearer. Thereupon he gathered up his books and papers and moved up, with all

1075-676: The council. John O'Connor Power and Joseph Biggar refused to resign and were expelled. Revolutionary and constitutional nationalists remained in contact. In January 1877, James Joseph O'Kelly , a journalist with the New York Herald persuaded John Devoy to meet with Irish parliamentarians. In January 1878, Devoy met with Parnell in Dublin. In March the exiled senior IRB member John O'Leary and Supreme Council secretary John O'Connor met secretly in London with MPs Charles Stewart Parnell , Frank Hugh O'Donnell , William Henry O'Sullivan and O'Kelly (who would be elected MP in 1880). The meeting

1118-561: The ease and confidence in the world, to the front bench on the opposition side, facing the table of the house – a place reserved by immemorial custom for ex-ministers and their leading supporters. Then, before resuming the thread, or rather the chain-cable- of his discourse, he informed the astonished functionary that if there was any part of his argument which had not reached his ears, he was quite willing to go over it again. Biggar sympathised with Fenianism but considered reliance on physical force Irish republicanism to be unrealistic. He joined

1161-403: The firm in 1861, and carried it on till 1880. His surname was originally spelled Bigger, but he changed the spelling upon conversion and taking up his political career; which caused some confusion about his namesake (also a Protestant nationalist from Belfast, and Joseph Gillis' cousin once removed) Francis Joseph Bigger . He became a wealthy Belfast provision merchant and city councillor. He

1204-401: The late Mr. Biggar, who, by nature, was one of the most inarticulate of men. It was because Biggar had nerves of steel – a courage that did not know the meaning of fear, and that remained calm in the midst of a cyclone of repugnance, hatred, and menace... ...Joe Biggar, his [Parnell's] associate, was also able to speak in any circumstances with exactly the same ease of spirit. To him, speaking

1247-402: The leader. Michael MacDonagh writes in "The Home Rule Movement": "He [John O'Connor Power] more than any other man, had induced the Fenians to give the Home Rule movement a chance. It was he who originated the idea of a nationalist movement with two wings, the one carrying out extreme action in Parliament, and the second pursuing revolutionary methods in Ireland, each acting independently of

1290-488: The materials for his lengthy discourses "all out of his own head" but he knew whence there was a perfect mine of such matter, and thence he provided himself with supplies. He brought into the House from the Library bundles of parliamentary papers and Blue Books, and from these he proceeded to read copious extracts. Once when he had been at his work for more than two hours, without a pause – except to take an occasional sip of water –

1333-467: The militant rhetoric of land ownership to be transferred to the Irish farmers themselves in various public speeches in Ireland. Hence the stage was set for the successful collaboration in 1879 over the Land War . A "New Departure" initiative was forged by John Devoy of the American Clan na Gael on his visit to Paris and Ireland in 1879. The visit was sanctioned by Clan na Gael to discuss planning for

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1376-575: The new departure the nefarious influence of the member for Mayo.' In late 1878 Michael Davitt of the IRB made a fund-raising political lecture tour of the United States, promoted by William Carroll and John Devoy of Clan na Gael . On 13 October in Brooklyn , New York Davitt first presented, in a lecture titled "Ireland in parliament from a nationalist's point of view", a doctrine that Irish republicans could not prevent Irishmen voting or being elected to

1419-429: The old flail". A groan of mortal anguish escaped Mr. Chaplin as, in eloquently rounded periods, the honourable member for Cavan turned over, ogled, turned over again, and genially touched upon the beauties of flails. At length the hour struck. Mr. Biggar sank down victorious, and Mr. Chaplin rushed in anger from the House. T. D. Sullivan refers to Biggar's preparation and delaying technique: Of course he could not get

1462-407: The other in its separate field, but both working towards one common end – the realisation of the completest measure of self-government that was possible, as circumstances changed from time to time." The strategy was a course of parallel action, the revolutionary and constitutional wings, a secret movement and an open movement, to run in tandem. Simultaneously, Home Rule Party leader Isaac Butt ,

1505-426: The payment of rent as violence broke out in the Land War . As part of Parnell's attempt to widen the area of land reform agitation while remaining within constitutional bounds, Biggar on 26 March 1882 was elected to the executive committee of the new National Land League of Great Britain. In early 1886 Parnell insisted on nominating Captain O'Shea , the separated husband of Katharine O'Shea with whom he lived in

1548-485: The support of Britain's potential enemies, such as Russia, they needed to provide far stronger opposition to Britain both inside and outside parliament. He pointed out that Russia had not yet seen the Irish as providing any such meaningful opposition – in fact to Russia they appeared loyal to Britain. Hence it was necessary to replace representatives in all Irish public bodies with suitable committed nationalists. Both Davitt and Devoy at this meeting stressed that resolution of

1591-998: The title New Departure . If an internal link led you here, you may wish to change the link to point directly to the intended article. Retrieved from " https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=New_Departure&oldid=604315329 " Category : Disambiguation pages Hidden categories: Short description is different from Wikidata All article disambiguation pages All disambiguation pages New Departure (Ireland) In 1868–69, Irish Republican Brotherhood (hereafter IRB) member John O'Connor Power forged links with Mayo MP George Henry Moore in what has been described as an early 'New Departure'. However Moore died in April 1870 and O'Connor Power successfully shifted his efforts to win Fenian support for Isaac Butt . O'Connor Power pioneered co-operation between revolutionary and constitutional activists, with Moore to have been

1634-600: The town's "Protestant Workingmen's Association", and a senior Orangeman , who, in the nineties, revived the legislative struggle for women's suffrage. When Johnston died in July 1902, The Irish New s , commented on the courteous and friendly relationship between the two, otherwise fearsome, political opponents. The first GAA club in Ulster was founded in Ballyconnell in 1885 and named Ballyconnell Joe Biggars in his honour. [REDACTED]  This article incorporates text from

1677-491: Was "sought" by Parnell (according to Ranelagh) or by William Carroll of Clan na Gael (according to Moody) to consider co-operation between the IRB and Parnell. O'Leary stated his perhaps self-contradictory doctrine to them as follows: "Nine out of ten Irishmen entering the British Parliament with honest intentions are corrupted soon ... when once they get drawn into the whirlpool of British corruption in Dublin, with

1720-421: Was but a means to an end, and whether people listened to him or not – stopped to hang on his words or fled before his grating voice and Ulster accent – it was all one to him. The Freeman's Journal reported Biggar's obstruction of the Threshing Machines Bill on 27 February 1877: With sturdy Northern resolution, Mr. Biggar in the last hour of the sitting of the House of Commons yesterday, assailed and defeated

1763-563: Was expelled in March 1877 on the expiration of the August 1876 ultimatum of the I.R.B.'s supreme council to its members to cease involvement with the home rule movement. In March 1879, in a meeting arranged by Michael Davitt , Biggar and fellow MP Charles Stewart Parnell met in Boulogne with John Devoy , the head of what was then the main Fenian organisation in America, Clan na Gael . Devoy described

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1806-570: Was formally received into the Roman Catholic Church . Biggar is reported to have said that he took Catholic communion to "annoy his sister". Others believe that he converted to the majority church in Ireland "more from 'patriotic' than religious motivations". Meeting Biggar in 1879 in Boulogne , John Devoy recalls bringing up the subject of his conversion to Catholicism: [I said] I was sorry he had turned Catholic... Biggar asked sharply, "Why?" and I replied that he could be more useful as

1849-413: Was not a purist, but urged that private vices should be kept private, and ought not to be imported into political issues. He was prepared to bring about the downfall of Parnell, in spite of the fact that Gladstone was in treaty with him for a Home Rule Bill. I differed. On 9 February 1886 Parnell declared to the voters of Galway that "If my candidate is defeated, the news will spread round the universe that

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