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65-569: The NAM continued an independent existence until 1983, when it merged with Michael Harrington 's Democratic Socialist Organizing Committee to establish the Democratic Socialists of America . The NAM was established at a conference held in Davenport, Iowa in December 1971 by radical political activists seeking to create a successor organization to Students for a Democratic Society (SDS). SDS,

130-690: A "democratic left" movement from the political movements participating in the Democratic Party . DSOC joined the Socialist International in 1976. In 1982, the DSOC merged with the New American Movement to form the Democratic Socialists of America . After nearly a decade of internal acrimony, the Socialist Party of America-Social Democratic Federation was clearly headed for a split as

195-476: A Debs Caucus and one for the independent Samuel H. Friedman . Friedman and the minority caucuses had opposed the name change. The convention voted on and adopted proposals for its program by a two-one vote. On foreign policy, the program called for "firmness toward Communist aggression". However, on the Vietnam War the program opposed "any efforts to bomb Hanoi into submission" and instead it endorsed negotiating

260-492: A good debater and rhetorician. Harrington was an editor of the newspaper Catholic Worker from 1951 to 1953, but he soon became disillusioned with religion. Although he always retained a certain affection for Catholic culture, he ultimately became an atheist . Harrington's estrangement from religion was accompanied by an increasing interest in Marxism and secular socialism. After leaving The Catholic Worker , Harrington became

325-548: A large and serious constituency of the Left remains, even if unorganized and uncertain. If presented with a clear and reasoned perspective for basic change, it might be won to a lifetime commitment, even in the Nixon years; if not, it could vanish. The Left, more than ever before, needs thought, self-criticism, candor, and communication. We hope this Newsletter will make a modest contribution to that end. Democratic Left continues today as

390-560: A member of the Independent Socialist League (ISL), a small organization associated with the former Trotskyist activist Max Shachtman . Harrington and Shachtman believed that socialism, which they believed implied a just and fully democratic society, could not be realized by authoritarian communism, and were fiercely critical of the " bureaucratic collectivist " states in Eastern Europe and elsewhere. In 1955, Harrington

455-1011: A moral framework to salvage the values of progressive Judaism and Christianity "but not in religious form.” In 1988, Harrington wrote: The politics of international economic and social solidarity must be presented as a practical solution to immediate problems as well as a recognition of that oneness of humankind celebrated in the Biblical account of the common parents of all human beings. Harrington died of esophageal cancer in Larchmont, New York , on July 31, 1989. The City University of New York has established The Michael Harrington Center for Democratic Values and Social Change at Queens College in his honor. Democratic Socialist Organizing Committee Progressive Era Repression and persecution Anti-war and civil rights movements Contemporary The Democratic Socialist Organizing Committee ( DSOC , / ˈ d iː s ɒ k / DEE -sok )

520-552: A more traditionally social democratic outlook, culminating in a merger with the Democratic Socialist Organizing Committee (DSOC) in 1982 to form the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA). At the time of the merger, the NAM claimed 2,500 members. Richard Healey , son of Los Angeles Communist Party USA (CPUSA) leader Dorothy Healey , was a NAM leader from its founding in 1971. After his mother resigned from

585-615: A peace agreement, which should protect Communist political cadres in South Vietnam from further military or police reprisals. Harrington's proposal for a ceasefire and immediate withdrawal of United States forces was defeated. Harrington complained that after its convention the Socialist Party had endorsed George McGovern only with a statement loaded with "constructive criticism" and that it had not mobilized enough support for McGovern. The majority caucus's Arch Puddington replied that

650-519: A two-state solution and merger talks moved forward. The 1981 DSOC National Convention was marked by a very heated debate on the question of merger with the NAM, which was ultimately resolved by a vote of approximately 80% of the delegates in favor and none against, with the 20% or so supporting the CATNAM position abstaining. Harrington later noted: "Our opponents wanted to indicate they were unhappy — and that they were staying". The unity convention joining

715-508: A viable left-wing pressure-group within the Democratic Party , advancing an explicitly socialist agenda and attempting to win influence over elected officials for that program. Harrington led many members of this caucus and from his networks to establish the DSOC in 1973. Harrington, a former editor of the SPA's weekly newspaper, New America , was the most important figure in the establishment of DSOC. Harrington had resigned as National Co-Chairman of

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780-425: A writer. Gervis Harrington died on November 8, 2008, at age 71. In 1978, the periodical Christian Century quoted Harrington: I am a pious apostate, an atheist shocked by the faithlessness of the believers, a fellow traveler of moderate Catholicism who has been out of the church for 20 years. Harrington observed of himself and his high school classmate Tom Dooley, "each of us was motivated, in part at least, by

845-670: Is also credited with coining the term neoconservatism in 1973. Harrington said that socialists had to go through the Democratic Party to enact their policies, reasoning that the socialist vote had declined from a peak of approximately one million in the years around World War I to a few thousand by the 1950s. He considered running for the Democratic presidential nomination in 1980 against President Jimmy Carter , but decided against it after Senator Ted Kennedy announced his campaign. He later endorsed Kennedy and said, "if Kennedy loses or

910-554: Is driven out of this campaign, it will be a loss for the left". In 1982, the Democratic Socialist Organizing Committee merged with the New American Movement , an organization of New Left activists, forming the Democratic Socialists of America . It was the principal U.S. affiliate of the Socialist International , which includes socialist and labour parties such as the Swedish and German Social Democrats and

975-606: The British Labour Party , until it voted to leave in 2017. Harrington remained chairman of DSA from its inception to his death. During the 1980s, Harrington contributed commentaries to National Public Radio. Harrington embraced a democratic interpretation of the writings of Karl Marx while rejecting the " actually existing " systems of the Soviet Union , China and the Eastern Bloc . In 1988, Harrington said: Marx

1040-651: The Democratic Party rather than sponsoring candidates as Socialists. Although Harrington identified personally with the socialism of Thomas and Eugene Debs , the most consistent thread running through his life and his work was a "left wing of the possible within the Democratic Party." Harrington served as the first editor of New America , the official weekly newspaper of the Socialist Party-Social Democratic Federation, founded in October 1960. In 1962, he published The Other America : Poverty in

1105-484: The Democratic Socialists of America (DSA). Michael Harrington Progressive Era Repression and persecution Anti-war and civil rights movements Contemporary Edward Michael Harrington Jr. (February 24, 1928 – July 31, 1989) was an American democratic socialist . As a writer, he was best known as the author of The Other America . Harrington was also a political activist, theorist, professor of political science, and radio commentator. He

1170-734: The New York City Council ( Ruth Messinger ). The DSOC had public support from union leaders as Victor Reuther of the United Auto Workers , William W. Winpisinger of the International Association of Machinists and various officials of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America . The DSOC ceased to exist in 1982 when it merged with the New American Movement (NAM) to form the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA). Discussions with representatives of

1235-578: The Reproductive Rights Newsletter, dedicated to organizing to preserve women's rights of access to contraception and abortion , the Anti-Racism Bulletin and Women Organizing, a publication launched in 1979 and dedicated to questions of feminist organizing. The NAM continued an independent existence until March 1983, when it voted to merge with Michael Harrington 's Democratic Socialist Organizing Committee (DSOC) to establish

1300-541: The University of Chicago with an M.A. in English literature. Harrington also attended Yale Law School , dropping out after one year. As a young man, Harrington was interested in both leftist politics and Catholicism . He joined Dorothy Day 's Catholic Worker Movement , a communal movement that stressed social justice and nonviolence. Harrington enjoyed arguing about culture and politics, and his Jesuit education had made him

1365-842: The social-democratic parliamentary opposition party of Canada. The following day on October 13, the convention moved to the McAlpin Hotel , located at the corner of Broadway and 34th Street in New York City and began in earnest. Harrington delivered an address to those attending the gathering which was undelegated and open to all desiring to attend from the general public and then the attendees broke up into various small workshops. Small group subjects included "the unions", " feminism ", "racial equality", "Democratic Party", "equality" and " detente ". Workshop chairs were appointed in advance and included Michael Walzer , Bogdan Denitch , Christopher Lasch and others. A panel discussion on "Socialism and

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1430-516: The CPUSA in 1973, Healey worked on recruiting her to the NAM, which she joined in 1974. In 1975, Dorothy joined Richard on the NAM's National Interim Committee and later became a Vice Chair of the DSA in 1982. The NAM made use of comparatively high membership dues which were tiered on the basis of the member's income. According to one analyst, total membership of the organization never exceeded 1,500 at any point in

1495-613: The California branch was especially active in supporting McGovern while the New York branch were focusing on a congressional race. Even before the convention, Michael Harrington had resigned as an Honorary Chairperson of the SPA. Some months after the convention, he resigned his membership in SDUSA. Harrington and his supporters from the Coalition Caucus soon formed the DSOC. Many members of

1560-443: The DSOC inner circle. Meier's home served as the group's base of operations up to the October 1973 convention, at which time the DSOC rented a tiny basement office. The DSOC presented itself as an explicitly socialist organization. In electoral politics, it worked within the Democratic Party in which it dedicated itself to building a base of support for democratic-socialist ("democratic-left") ideas. In Michael Harrington 's view,

1625-413: The DSOC. At its start, DSOC had 840 members, according to a 1973 profile of Harrington. According to the group's founder Michael Harrington , the DSOC began with a core of about 250 members. The group's first paid staffer was Jack Clark, a 23-year-old from Boston who received $ 50 a month and use of a spare bed in the home of Debbie Meier, herself a second generation socialist and important figure in

1690-538: The Debs Caucus resigned from SDUSA and formed the Socialist Party USA . Despite opposing the majority of the SPA, Harrington acknowledged the validity of its members' concerns: The anti-war activists of the sixties were overwhelmingly white and middle class. Many of them were unconcerned about the domestic political consequences of their actions and were even contemptuous of that majority of Americans who supported

1755-573: The Democratic Left (the name was later shortened to Democratic Left ) appeared in March 1973 under the editorship of Mike Harrington, assisted by Jack Clark as Managing Editor. A front page essay by Harrington, entitled "The Shape of Our Politics", made nary a mention of the bitter faction fight within the SPA: Liberalism is in transition. Important ideologists announce their 'deradicalization.' On

1820-481: The Democratic Party on a democratic socialist platform. Its members ran for political office almost always within the Democratic Party. In addition, the DSOC publicized and promoted the individual efforts of its dues payers and supporters, many of whom were active in labor unions or other political organizations. There were members of the DSOC who were elected to the Congress ( Berkeley, California Rep. Ron Dellums ) and

1885-537: The Democratic Party, many adherents of the CATNAM had grave misgivings about the NAM's position towards Israel , with the DSOC maintaining belief in a two-state solution guaranteeing the existence of Israel while many in the NAM saw the Palestine Liberation Organization as engaged in an anti-colonial liberation struggle. Ultimately, a careful statement was worked out on the Middle East based upon

1950-474: The Jesuit inspiration of our adolescence that insisted so strenuously that a man must live his philosophy." In his 1983 Wilson Quarterly article "The Politics at God's Funeral", Harrington wrote that religion was passing into oblivion, but he worried that the passing of legitimizing religious authority made Western societies lose a basis for virtue or common values. He proposed that democratic socialism help create

2015-451: The NAM, a successor organization to Students for a Democratic Society , began as early as 1977. The move was favored by the DSOC's left-wing led by historian Jim Chapin which sought to bring into the DSOC many former participants in the New Left of the 1960s who were in search of a new home. The DSOC formally endorsed the idea of merger with the NAM at its 1979 Houston convention. However,

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2080-417: The SDUSA or its predecessors in 1973 when SDUSA stated its membership at 1,800, according to a 1973 profile of Harrington. The publication that would eventually become the official organ of the DSOC, initially an eight-page letter-sized monthly called Newsletter of the Democratic Left, predated the formal establishment of the DSOC as a national organization in October 1973. The first issue of Newsletter of

2145-464: The SPA had last sponsored a candidate for President in 1956 , who received only 2,121 votes, which were cast in only 6 states. Because the party no longer sponsored candidates in presidential elections, the name "Party" had been "misleading" as "Party" had hindered the recruiting of activists who participated in the Democratic Party, according to the majority report. The name "Socialist" was replaced by " Social Democrats " because many American associated

2210-425: The SPA, many of whose leaders criticized McGovern, when Harrington focused his efforts on electing McGovern in October 1972. In his first memoir, published in 1973, Harrington defended his choice of peace activists over trade unionists: But in their derogatory comparison of this movement with the trade unionists, my comrades failed to notice two of its historic aspects. First, the anti-war young were right: Vietnam

2275-569: The Sermon on the Mount to America," and "among veterans in the War on Poverty, no one has been a more loyal ally when the night was darkest." By the early 1970s, the governing faction of the Socialist Party continued to endorse a negotiated peace to end the Vietnam War, a stance that Harrington came to believe was no longer viable. The majority changed the organization's name to Social Democrats, USA . After losing at

2340-731: The Soviet Union. Sociologist Bogdan Denitch wrote in the DSA's Democratic Left (quoted in 1989): The aim of democrats and socialists should be… to help the chances of successful reform in the Soviet bloc. […] While supporting liberalization and economic reforms from above, socialists should be particularly active in contacting and encouraging the tender shoots of democracy from below. Harrington voiced admiration for German Social Democratic Chancellor Willy Brandt 's Ostpolitik , which sought to reduce antagonism between Western Europe and Soviet states. From May 30, 1963, until his death, Harrington

2405-776: The United States , a book that has been credited with sparking John F. Kennedy 's and Lyndon Johnson 's War on Poverty . For The Other America , Harrington was awarded a George Polk Award and The Sidney Award . He became a widely read intellectual and political writer, in 1972 publishing a second bestseller, Socialism. His voluminous writings included 14 other books and scores of articles, published in such journals as Commonweal , Partisan Review , The New Republic , Commentary , and The Nation . Harrington often debated classical liberals/libertarians like Milton Friedman and conservatives like William F. Buckley Jr. He also debated younger left-wing radicals. Harrington

2470-483: The Welfare State" was also held, featuring prominently Harrington's close political associate, the historian and magazine editor Irving Howe , an individual who would become one of the organization's leading faces. The final day saw the election of a governing National Board and ratification of a constitution for the new organization. At most 200 members of the Coalition Caucus joined Michael Harrington in forming

2535-480: The convention, Co-Chairman Bayard Rustin called for Social Democrats, USA (SDUSA) to organize against the "reactionary policies of the Nixon Administration" while at the same time criticized the "irresponsibility and élitism of the 'New Politics' liberals". The party changed its name to SDUSA by a vote of 73 to 34. Renaming the party as SDUSA was meant to be "realistic". The New York Times observed that

2600-494: The convention, Harrington resigned and, with his former caucus, formed the Democratic Socialist Organizing Committee . A smaller faction, associated with peace activist David McReynolds , formed the Socialist Party USA . Harrington was appointed a professor of political science at Queens College in Flushing , New York City, in 1972. He wrote 16 books and was named a distinguished professor of political science in 1988. Harrington

2665-529: The decade of the 1970s opened. While sharing a common antipathy to the worldwide Communist movement, the organization was divided over two primary issues: In its 1972 convention, the Socialist Party of America (SPA) had two Co-Chairmen, Bayard Rustin and Charles S. Zimmerman of the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union (ILGWU); and a First National Vice Chairman, James S. Glaser, who were re-elected by acclamation . In his opening speech to

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2730-427: The group's existence. Membership was based almost wholly in large metropolitan areas and on college campuses. NAM activity often took the form of a group study circle dedicated to the collective study of Marxist or feminist writings. The group was ultimately hampered by its limited size and seeming inability to progress beyond the realm of doctrinal discourse into the world of practical politics. The NAM's official organ

2795-484: The leading organization of the New Left movement in the United States, had recently disintegrated into warring political sects and the need was perceived for a broad-based new organization free of sectarian rancor. The founding activists behind the NAM were vigorous opponents of the war in Vietnam who sought a new organization to serve as a forum for discussing where and how to redirect their activities. The call to convene

2860-416: The never-before-mentioned National Board of the DSOC had issued a call for the launch of "a new, nationwide socialist organization". The founding convention of the DSOC was initially slated to begin on October 12, 1973 in New York City. For the first time, membership dues were solicited, with rates of $ 3.50 for students and $ 7.00 for regular membership accepted until January 1, 1974. The Founding Convention

2925-458: The other wing, many trade unionists and middle-class liberals have become aware of the need for structural change in our society. In the McGovern campaign, for instance, the frankly redistributionist principle that revenue should be raised by levies on unearned incomes was a major step forward. On the campus there is a decline of activism, a revival of private concerns. The New Left is dead. But

2990-519: The proposal for merger generated vocal opposition. Forces on the organization's right-wing, led by Howe and calling themselves the Committee Against the NAM Merger (CATNAM), urged that instead of courting New Left survivors. the DSOC should instead continue to place its emphasis on outreach to larger forces in the labor movement and the Democratic Party. In addition to noting the NAM's deep distrust of

3055-415: The publication of the Democratic Socialists of America , the organizational successor to the DSOC. The organization also published a number of issues of an internal discussion bulletin, containing typewritten content submitted by its members about various issues of concern. The June 1973 issue of Newsletter of the Democratic Left, the fourth monthly magazine off the press, announced to its subscribers that

3120-603: The task facing the American movement was "to build a new American majority for social change". While important, Harrington wrote that the union movement could not win political power in its own right, instead arguing that it needed to unite with the "college-educated and issue-oriented" adherents of the so-called " New Politics " in the Democratic Party: In 1968, the Center-Right of Nixon and Wallace received almost 58% of

3185-406: The traditional Marxist vision of a marketless, stateless society was impossible, he did not understand why this had to "result in the social consequence of some people eating while others starve". Before the Soviet Union's collapse, the DSA voiced opposition to that nation's bureaucratically managed economy and control over its satellite states . The DSA welcomed Mikhail Gorbachev 's reforms in

3250-410: The votes; in 1972, in a two-way race, Nixon got over 61%. In 1968, the American unions were a major, and sometimes sole, force behind Hubert Humphrey , proving that the organized workers are the most cohesive element that can be mobilized for social change. But the '68 election also proved that labor by itself cannot come close to winning. [...] In 1968 many McCarthyites did not understand that Humphrey

3315-518: The war. There was a profoundly elitist tendency in the movement that [the majority of the Socialist Party leadership] denounced as dilettantish and collegiate. Moreover, there was a vocal, and regularly televised, fringe of confrontationists, exhibitionists, and Vietcong flag wavers who could plausibly be dismissed as freakish, or sinister, or both. Harrington's caucus in the SPA endorsed the New Politics movement and sought to expand that tendency into

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3380-578: The word " socialism " with Soviet Communism . The party also wished to distinguish itself from two small Marxist parties, the Socialist Workers Party and the Socialist Labor Party . During the convention, the majority (Unity Caucus) won every vote by a ratio of two to one. The convention elected a national committee of 33 members, with 22 seats for the majority caucus, eight seats for the Coalition Caucus of Michael Harrington , two for

3445-413: The working class by organizing labor unions, Harrington reduced the emphasis on labor of previous socialist organizations. While continuing to work with unionists, Harrington instead placed more emphasis on middle-class political activists, especially those drawn to activism through the McGovern campaign. Developing a "realignment" strategy common to socialists since the 1960s, the DSOC tried to help to build

3510-480: Was a democratic socialist organization in the United States . The DSOC was founded in 1973 by Michael Harrington , who had led a minority caucus in the Socialist Party of America and disagreed with its transformation into Social Democrats, USA . Harrington's caucus supported George McGovern 's call for a cease-fire and immediate withdrawal from Vietnam. In contrast to the traditional emphasis on strengthening

3575-424: Was a democrat with a small "d". [....] The Democratic Socialists envision a humane social order based on popular control of resources and production, economic planning, equitable distribution, feminism and racial equality. I share an immediate program with liberals in this country because the best liberalism leads toward socialism. [....] I want to be on the left wing of the possible. Harrington made clear that even if

3640-596: Was a founding member of the Democratic Socialists of America , and its most influential early leader. Harrington was born in St. Louis, Missouri , on February 24, 1928, to an Irish-American family. He attended St. Roch Catholic School and St. Louis University High School , where he was a classmate (class of 1944) of Thomas Anthony Dooley III . He attended the College of the Holy Cross , where he obtained his B.A., and later graduated from

3705-443: Was a magazine called Movin' On. The independent journals Radical America and Socialist Revolution (later Socialist Review ) were also vaguely associated with the NAM as were the weekly independent socialist newspapers The Guardian and In These Times which had their share of supporters both within NAM and in other radical groups. In addition to its magazine, the NAM produced several other targeted publications, including

3770-514: Was built around local groups called "chapters" which emphasized Marxist study, discussion of contemporary issues, support of local labor actions and work in the community to raise awareness. The national headquarters of NAM were located in Chicago . By the early 1980s, after a great change in the American political climate and the departure of some of its more radical members, the NAM had moved away from its original neo-Leninist orientation. It adopted

3835-602: Was infinitely preferable to Nixon; in 1972, the Meanyites did not understand that McGovern was infinitely preferable to Nixon. If this split continues, the Republicans will hold the Presidency for the foreseeable future. Therefore, the only way to build a new majority for social change is for labor and the new politics to come together. The DSOC proposed winning power through the tactic of "realignment", i.e. uniting of forces within

3900-481: Was issued by Michael Lerner . Lerner became distant from the organization shortly after it was founded and went on to start the magazine Tikkun . In its early years, the NAM shared much of the political framework of the New Communist Movement , but rejected the strategy of building a " vanguard party ", a position prominent NAM members defended in a debate in the pages of The Guardian . The organization

3965-537: Was married to Stephanie Gervis Harrington, a freelance writer and staff writer for the Village Voice . Gervis Harrington published articles in The New Yorker , New York Magazine , The Nation , The New York Times Magazine , Harper's , The New Republic , The Village Voice , Vogue , Cosmopolitan , Newsday and other publications. After Harrington's death, she raised their two children and continued her work as

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4030-483: Was not only an immoral conflict, it was counterproductive from all points of view, including that of progressive anti-Communism. Secondly, the new strata of the issue-oriented and college-educated who provided the mass bass for this phenomenon were, and are, extremely important to the creation of a new majority for change in this country. At its start, the DSOC had 840 members, of which 2 percent served on its national board; approximately 200 had previously had membership in

4095-588: Was placed on the FBI Index , whose master list contained more than 10 million names in 1939. From the 1950s through to the 1970s, FBI director J. Edgar Hoover added an untold number of names of U.S. activists he considered "dangerous characters", to be placed in detention camps in case of a national emergency. Later, Harrington was added to the master list of Nixon political opponents . After Norman Thomas 's Socialist Party absorbed Shachtman's ISL in 1957, Harrington endorsed Shachtman's strategy of working as part of

4160-520: Was present in June 1962 at the founding conference of Students for a Democratic Society . In clashes with Tom Hayden and Alan Haber , he argued that their Port Huron Statement was insufficiently explicit about excluding communists from their vision of a New Left . Arthur M. Schlesinger, Sr. called Harrington the "only responsible radical" in America. Ted Kennedy said, "I see Michael Harrington as delivering

4225-576: Was to be a three-day-long affair, beginning at 8 pm at the Eisner and Lubin Auditorium of New York University . The convention was not composed of elected delegates, but was rather open to a general admission and about 500 people were in attendance. The keynote speaker chosen by the organizers of the DSOC to address this gathering was David Lewis , one of the key architects of the New Democratic Party ,

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