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60-599: Napakiak ( Central Yupik : Naparyarraq ) is a city in Bethel Census Area, Alaska , United States. At the 2010 census the population was 354, up one resident from 353 since 2000. Napakiak is located at 60°41′36″N 161°58′25″W  /  60.69333°N 161.97361°W  / 60.69333; -161.97361 (60.693282, -161.973491), on the north bank of the Kuskokwim River , approximately 10 miles (16 km) downriver (southwest) of Bethel . According to

120-403: A morpheme boundary. The effect is that while phonetic vowel length may yield a surface contrast between words, phonetic length is predictable and thus not phonemically contrastive . The vowel qualities [e o] are allophones of /i u/ , and are found preceding uvular consonants (such as [q] or [ʁ] ) and preceding the low vowel [a] . Yup'ik does not contrast voicing in stops , but has

180-426: A Yupʼik verb often carries as much information as an English sentence, and word order is often quite free. Three parts of speech are identified: nouns, verbs, and particles . Because there are fewer parts of speech than in (e.g.) English, each category has a wider range of uses. For example, Yup'ik grammatical case fulfills the role that English prepositions do, and nominal derivational affixes or roots fulfill

240-463: A bisyllabic foot whose syllables each contain one phonologically single vowel will be pronounced with a long vowel in the second syllable. Thus pissuqatalliniluni /pisuqataɬiniluni/ "apparently about to hunt" is pronounced [(pi.'suː)(qa.'taː)(ɬi.'niː)lu.ni] . Following standard linguistic convention, parentheses here demarcate feet, periods represent the remaining syllable boundaries, and apostrophes occur before syllables that bear stress. In this word

300-464: A correct form. Productivity is, as stated above and implied in the examples already discussed, a matter of degree, and there are a number of areas in which that may be shown to be true. As the modern example of snuck from sneak shows, what has apparently been non-productive for many decades or even centuries may suddenly come to some degree of productive life, and it may do so in certain dialects or sociolects while not in others, or in certain parts of

360-477: A female householder with no husband present, and 21.1% were non-families. 16.7% of all households were made up of individuals, and 4.4% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 3.92 and the average family size was 4.52. In the city, the age distribution of the population shows 38.8% under the age of 18, 9.1% from 18 to 24, 27.8% from 25 to 44, 17.0% from 45 to 64, and 7.4% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age

420-407: A foot (and thus stressed) given the usual iambic footing, the stress retracts to a preceding syllable. Without regressive accent, Yupiaq /jupiaq/ would be pronounced * [(ju.'piː)aq] , but because of the ban on hiatus at foot boundaries, stress retracts to the initial syllable, and consonant gemination occurs to increase the weight of that initial syllable, resulting in [('jup)pi.aq] . This process

480-436: A grammatical process, the evidence most often appealed to as establishing productivity is the appearance of novel forms of the type the process leads one to expect, and many people would limit the definition offered above to exclude use of a grammatical process that does not result in a novel structure. Thus in practice, and, for many, in theory, productivity is the degree to which speakers use a particular grammatical process for

540-471: A historical practice of name taboo. Speakers may be reluctant to take on the lexicon of another dialect because they "often feel proud of their own dialects". The Yupʼik dialects, sub-dialects and their locations are as follows: The last of these, the Nunivak dialect ( Cupʼig ) is distinct and highly divergent from mainland Yupʼik dialects. The only significant difference between Hooper Bay and Chevak dialects

600-449: A hybrid of the former two terms; there is, however, potential for confusion here: Central (Alaskan) Yup'ik may refer to either the language as a whole, or the geographically central dialect of the language, more commonly called General Central Yup'ik. Other endonyms are used regionally: Cup'ig in the Nunivak dialect, Cup'ik in Chevak (these terms are cognate with Yup'ik , but represent

660-487: A plosive when it occurs at the end of a word. For example, qayar-pak "big kayak" is pronounced [qaja χ pak] , while "kayak" alone is [qaja q ] ; the velar fricative becomes a stop word-finally. Moreover, the [k] of -pak is only a stop by virtue of it being word-final: if another suffix is added, as in qayar-pag-tun "like a big kayak" a fricative is found in place of that stop: [qajaχpa x tun] . The voiced velar consonants /ɣ ŋ/ are elided between single vowels, if

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720-407: A processes that serves to increase the weight of the prominent syllable in a foot. When lengthening cannot apply, a variety of processes involving either elision or gemination apply to create a well-formed prosodic word. Iambic lengthening is the process by which the second syllable in an iambic foot is made more prominent by lengthening the duration of the vowel in that syllable. In Yup'ik,

780-447: A quandary as to which form to use —e.g., would it be better to say that a taste or color like that of raisins is raisinish , raisiny , raisinlike , or even raisinly ? It can also be very difficult to assess when a given usage is productive or when a person is using a form that has already been learned as a whole. Suppose a reader comes across an unknown word such as despisement meaning "an attitude of despising". The reader may apply

840-399: A single syllable, which is almost always closed and must bear stress.) For example, in the word pissuqatalliniluni "apparently about to hunt", every second syllable (save the last) is stressed. The most prominent of these (i.e., the syllable that has primary stress ) is the rightmost of the stressed syllables. The iambic stress system of Yup'ik results in predicable iambic lengthening ,

900-484: A total population of more than 23,000 people, more than 14,000 are speakers of the language. Children still grow up speaking Yupʼik as their first language in 17 of 68 Yupʼik villages, those mainly located on the lower Kuskokwim River , on Nelson Island , and along the coast between the Kuskokwim River and Nelson Island. The variety of Yup'ik spoken by the younger generations is being influenced strongly by English: it

960-447: A wide range of fricatives that contrast in voicing. The phoneme /l/ is not phonetically a fricative, but behaves as one phonologically in Yup'ik (in particular with regard to voicing alternations, where it alternates with [ ɬ ] ; see below). Contrasts between /s/ and /z/ and between /f/ and /v/ are rare, and the greater part of the voicing contrasts among fricatives is between

1020-537: Is angsaq [aŋzaq] Norton Sound. Conversely, in the Hooper Bay-Chevak (HBC) dialect, there is no /z/ phoneme, and /j/ is used in its place, such that GCY qasgiq [qazɣeq] is pronounced qaygiq [qajɣeq] . HBC does not have the [w] allophone of /v/ , such that /v/ is pronounced [v] in all contexts, and there are no labialized uvular fricatives. In the Nunivak dialect, one finds /aː/ in place of GCY /ai/ , such that GCY cukaitut "they are slow"

1080-525: Is polysynthetic and uses suffixation as primary means for word formation. There are a great number of derivational suffixes (termed postbases ) that are used productively to form these polysynthetic words. Yupʼik has predominantly ergative alignment: case marking follows the ergative pattern for the most part, but verb agreement can follow an ergative or an accusative pattern, depending on grammatical mood . The language grammatically distinguishes three numbers : singular, dual , and plural . There

1140-399: Is an allophone of /tʃ/ before the schwa vowel. The voiced labiovelar approximant [w] is an allophone of /v/ that typically occurs between two full vowels, excepting when it occurs adjacent to an inflectional suffix. For example, /tʃali-vig-∅/ "work-place- ABS " is pronounced [tʃaliːwik] (orthographically, calivik ), since /v/ occurs between two full vowels and it not adjacent to

1200-481: Is called an ending , which carries the inflectional categories of case (on nouns), grammatical mood (on verbs), person , and number . Finally, optional enclitics may be added, which usually indicate "the speaker's attitude towards what he is saying such as questioning, hoping, reporting, etc." Orthographically , enclitics are separated from the rest of the word with a hyphen . However, since hyphens are already used in glosses to separate morphemes, there

1260-534: Is less synthetic , has a reduced inventory of spatial demonstratives, and is lexically Anglicized. Yup'ik is typically considered to have five dialects: Norton Sound , General Central Yup'ik , Nunivak , Hooper Bay-Chevak , and the extinct Egegik dialect. All extant dialects of the language are mutually intelligible , albeit with phonological and lexical differences that sometimes cause difficulty in cross-dialectal comprehension. Lexical differences exist somewhat dramatically across dialects, in part due to

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1320-713: Is no marking of grammatical gender in the language, nor are there articles . The Yup'ik language goes by various names. Since it is a geographically central member of the Yupik languages and is spoken in Alaska , the language is often referred to as Central Alaskan Yupik (for example, in Miyaoka's 2012 grammar of the language). The term Yup'ik [jupːik] is a common endonym , and is derived from /juɣ-piɣ/ "person-genuine". The Alaska Native Language Center and Jacobson's (1995) learner's grammar use Central (Alaskan) Yup'ik , which can be seen as

1380-420: Is not a result of stress . Consonants may also occur long ( geminate ), but their occurrence is often predictable by regular phonological rules, and so in these cases is not marked in the orthography. Where long consonants occur unpredictably they are indicated with an apostrophe following consonant. For example, Yupiaq and Yupʼik both contain a geminate p (/pː/). In Yupiaq length is predictable and hence

1440-469: Is not marked; in Yupʼik the length is not predictable and so must be indicated with the apostrophe. An apostrophe is also used to separate n from g , to distinguish n'g /nɣ/ from the digraph ng /ŋ/. Apostrophes are also used between two consonants to indicate that voicing assimilation has not occurred (see below), and between two vowels to indicate the lack of gemination of a preceding consonant. A hyphen

1500-470: Is not pronounced * [(nə.'qəː)ni] , which would be expected by iambic lengthening, but rather is pronounced neq'ni [('nəq)ni] , which features the elision of /ə/ and a monosyllabic foot. Second, if the first syllable of a word is closed (ends in a consonant), this syllable constitutes a monosyllabic foot and receives stress. Iambic footing continues left-to-right from the right edge of that foot. For example, nerciqsugnarquq "(s)he probably will eat" has

1560-568: Is potential for confusion as to whether a morpheme is a suffix or an enclitic, so in glosses the equals sign is used instead. angyar boat angyar boat -pa AUG -li make -yu DES -kapigte INT Productivity (linguistics) In linguistics , productivity is the degree to which speakers of a language use a particular grammatical process, especially in word formation . It compares grammatical processes that are in frequent use to less frequently used ones that tend towards lexicalization . Generally

1620-431: Is pronounced cukaatut , there is no word-final fortition of /x/ and /χ/ (see below), and word-initial /xʷ/ is pronounced [kʷ] . There are a variety of voicing assimilation processes (specifically, devoicing ) that apply mostly predictably to continuant consonants ( fricatives and nasals ); these processes are not represented in the orthography. Occasionally these assimilation processes do not apply, and in

1680-538: Is spoken to south and east, and Central Siberian Yupik is spoken to the west on St. Lawrence Island (often called St. Lawrence Island Yupik in the Alaskan context) and on the Chukotka peninsula , where Naukan Yupik is also spoken. Yup'ik is bordered to the north by the more distantly related Iñupiaq language ; the difference between Yupʼik and Iñupiaq is comparable to that of the difference between Spanish and French. Of

1740-452: Is termed automatic gemination in Jacobson's (1995) grammar. Yup'ik also disallows iambic feet that consist of a closed syllable followed by an open one, i.e. feet of the form CVC.'CV(ː), where C and V stand for "consonant" and "vowel" respectively. To avoid this type of foot, stress retracts: cangatenrituten /tʃaŋatənʁitutən/ has the stress pattern [(tʃa.'ŋaː)('tən)(ʁi.'tuː)tən] to avoid

1800-533: Is the pronunciation of the initial y- [j] as c- [tʃ] in Chevak in some words: Yupʼik in Hooper Bay but Cupʼik in Chevak. Even sub-dialects may differ with regard to pronunciation and lexicon. The following table compares some words in two sub-dialects of General Central Yupʼik ( Yugtun ). A syllabary known as the Yugtun script was invented for the language by Uyaquq , a native speaker, in about 1900, although

1860-431: Is used to separate a clitic from its host. Yup'ik contrasts four vowel qualities : /a i u ə/ . The reduced vowel /ə/ always manifests phonetically short in duration , but the other three vowel qualities may occur phonetically short or long: [a aː i iː u uː] . Phonetically long vowels come about when a full vowel ( /a i u/ ) is lengthened by stress (see below), or when two single vowels are brought together across

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1920-566: The United States Census Bureau , the city has a total area of 5.0 square miles (13.0 km), of which 4.4 square miles (11.4 km) is land and 0.62 square miles (1.6 km), or 12.26%, is water. Napakiak first appeared on the 1880 U.S. Census as the unincorporated Inuit village of "Napahaiagamute." All 98 residents were of the Inuit tribe. It next returned in 1900 as the village of "Naparegarak." In 1910, it returned as Napakiak (with

1980-688: The poverty line , including 20.7% of those under age 18 and 9.1% of those age 65 or over. Lower Kuskokwim School District operates the William N. Miller School, PreK-12. As of 2018 it has 96 students. Sale, importation and possession of alcohol are banned in the village. Napakiak is the terminus of a unique 8.5-mile (13.7 km) prototype single-wire earth return electrical intertie from Bethel, Alaska , constructed in 1981. 60°41′36″N 161°58′25″W  /  60.693282°N 161.973491°W  / 60.693282; -161.973491 Central Yupik language Yupʼik, like all Eskimo languages,

2040-464: The 'correct' preterite and past participle form of dig (the King James Bible preferred digged in 1611) and more recent examples, like snuck from sneak and dove from dive , have similarly become popular. Some American English dialects also use the non-standard drug as the past tense of drag . Since use to produce novel (new, non-established) structures is the clearest proof of usage of

2100-428: The 'weak' (regular) ending -ed for the past tense and past participle (for example, spammed , e-mailed ). Similarly, the only clearly productive plural ending is -(e)s ; it is found on the vast majority of English count nouns and is used to form the plurals of neologisms , such as FAQs and Muggles . The ending -en , on the other hand, is no longer productive, being found only in oxen , children , and

2160-539: The alternative 1880 name of Napahaiagamute). In 1920, it returned as "Napakiakamute." It did not appear on the 1930 census. It next appeared again in 1940 and in every successive census to date as Napakiak. It formally incorporated in 1970. As of the census of 2000, there were 353 people, 90 households, and 71 families residing in the city. The population density was 75.2 inhabitants per square mile (29.0/km). There were 101 housing units at an average density of 21.5 units per square mile (8.3 units/km). The racial makeup of

2220-460: The city was 1.42% White , 1.70% Black or African American , 96.03% Native American , and 0.85% from two or more races. 0.28% of the population were Hispanic or Latino of any race. Most of the residents are Yup'ik people . The sale, importation or possession of alcohol is forbidden in the village. There were 90 households, out of which 48.9% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 53.3% were married couples living together, 18.9% had

2280-417: The consonant following /ə/ will geminate if that consonant is not part of a cluster . This also occurs outside of Norton Sound if the consonants before and after /ə/ are phonetically similar. For example, /tuməmi/ "on the footprint" is not pronounced * [(tu.'məː)mi] , which would be expected by iambic lengthening, but rather is pronounced [(tu.'məm)mi] , with gemination of the second /m/ to increase

2340-448: The establishment of the state's first bilingual school programs in four Yupʼik villages in the early 1970s. Since then a wide variety of bilingual materials has been published, including Steven Jacobson's comprehensive dictionary of the language, his complete practical classroom grammar, and story collections and narratives by many others including a full novel by Anna Jacobson. While several different systems have been used to write Yupʼik,

2400-434: The first is a full vowel: /tuma-ŋi/ is pronounced tumai [tumːai] (with geminate [mː] resulting from automatic gemination; see below). Yup'ik has an iambic stress system. Starting from the leftmost syllable in a word and moving rightward, syllables usually are grouped into units (termed "feet") containing two syllables each, and the second syllable of each foot is stressed. (However, feet in Yup'ik may also consist of

2460-525: The form was already learnt and whether the rules were applied or not. One study, which focuses on the usage of the Dutch suffix -heid (comparable to -ness in English) hypothesizes that -heid gives rise to two kinds of abstract nouns: those referring to concepts and those referring to states of affairs. It shows that the referential function of -heid is typical for the lowest-frequency words, while its conceptual function

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2520-399: The formation of novel structures . A productive grammatical process defines an open class , one which admits new words or forms. Non-productive grammatical processes may be seen as operative within closed classes : they remain within the language and may include very common words, but are not added to and may be lost in time or through regularization converting them into what now seems to be

2580-448: The iambic foot *(tən.'ʁiː) that would otherwise be expected. Yup'ik has highly synthetic morphology: the number of morphemes within a word is very high. The language is moreover agglutinative , meaning that affixation is the primary strategy for word formation, and that an affix, when added to a word, does not unpredictably affect the forms of neighboring affixes. Because of the tendency to create very long verbs through suffixation,

2640-408: The inflectional suffix. With /tʃav-utə/ "oar" by contrast, since /-utə/ is an inflectional suffix, /v/ does not undergo the allophonic alternation: [tʃavun] ( cavun ). In Norton Sound, as well as some villages on the lower Yukon, /j/ tends to be pronounced as [z] when following a consonant, and geminate /jː/ as [zː] . For example, the word angyaq "boat" of General Central Yup'ik (GCY)

2700-580: The language is now mostly written using the Latin script . Early linguistic work in Central Yupʼik was done primarily by Russian Orthodox , then Jesuit and Moravian Church missionaries, leading to a modest tradition of literacy used in letter writing. In the 1960s, Irene Reed and others at the Alaska Native Language Center developed a modern writing system for the language. Their work led to

2760-556: The laterals /l/ and /ɬ/ , the velars /x/ and /ɣ/ , and the uvulars /χ/ and /ʁ/ . For some speakers, there is also a voicing contrast among the nasal consonants, which is typologically somewhat rare. Any consonant may occur as a geminate word-medially, and consonant length is contrastive. The table above includes the allophones [χʷ] , [ts] , and [w] . The voiceless labialized uvular fricative [χʷ] occurs only in some speech variants and does not contrast with its voiced counterpart /ʁʷ/ . The voiceless alveolar affricate [ts]

2820-606: The most widely used orthography today is that adopted by the Alaska Native Language Center and exemplified in Jacobson's (1984) dictionary, Jacobson's (1995) learner's grammar, and Miyaoka's (2012) grammar. The orthography is a Latin-script alphabet ; the letters and digraphs used in alphabetical order are listed below, along with an indication of their associated phonemes in the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA). The vowel qualities /a, i, u/ may occur long ; these are written aa , ii , uu when vowel length

2880-631: The now-rare brethren (as a plural of brother ). Because these old forms can sound incorrect to modern ears, regularization can wear away at them until they are no longer used: brethren has now been replaced with the more regular-sounding brothers except when talking about religious orders. It appears that many strong verbs were completely lost during the transition from Old English to Middle English , possibly because they sounded archaic or were simply no longer truly understood. In both cases, however, occasional exceptions have occurred. A false analogy with other verbs caused dug to become thought of as

2940-465: The orthography an apostrophe is written in the middle of the consonant cluster to indicate this: at'nguq is pronounced [atŋoq] , not [atŋ̊oq] . Fricatives are devoiced word-initially and word-finally. Another common phonological alternation of Yup'ik is word-final fortition . Among consonants, only the stops /t k q/ , the nasals /m n ŋ/ , and the fricative /χ/ may occur word-finally. Any other fricative (and in many cases also /χ/ ) will become

3000-399: The process productively in order to use the word. Similarly a speaker or writer's use of words like raisinish or raisiny may or may not involve productive application of the noun+ ish and noun+ y rules, and the same is true of a hearer or reader's understanding of them. But it will not necessarily be at all clear to an outside observer, or even to the speaker and hearer themselves, whether

3060-576: The pronunciation of the word in the respective dialect), and Yugtun in the Yukon-Kuskokwim region . Yupʼik is spoken primarily in southwestern Alaska, from Norton Sound in the north to the Alaska Peninsula in the south, and from Lake Iliamna in the east to Nunivak Island in the west. Yup'ik lies geographically central relative to the other members of the Yupik language family: Alutiiq ~ Sugpiaq

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3120-528: The role that English adjectives do. In descriptive work on Yup'ik, there are four regions within nouns and verbs that are commonly identified. The first of these is often called the stem (equivalent to the notion of a root ), which carries the core meaning of the word. Following the stem come zero or more postbases , which are derivational modifiers that change the category of the word or augment its meaning. (Yup'ik does not have adjectives; nominal roots and postbases are used instead.) The third section

3180-399: The second, fourth, and sixth syllables are pronounced with long vowels as a result of iambic lengthening. Iambic lengthening does not apply to final syllables in a word. Because the vowel /ə/ cannot occur long in Yup'ik, when a syllable whose nucleus is /ə/ is in line to receive stress, iambic lengthening cannot apply. Instead, one of two things may happen. In Norton Sound dialects,

3240-408: The stress pattern [('nəχ)(tʃiq.'sux)naχ.qoq] , with stress on the first and third syllables. Another third prosodic factor that influences regressive is hiatus : the occurrence of adjacent vowels. Yup'ik disallows hiatus at the boundaries between feet: any two consecutive vowels must be grouped within the same foot. If two vowels are adjacent, and the first of these would be at the right edge of

3300-400: The syllable to which stress regresses constitutes a monosyllabic foot. The first of these processes is related to the inability of /ə/ to occur long. Outside of Norton Sound, if the consonants before and after /ə/ are phonetically dissimilar, /ə/ will elide , and stress will retract to a syllable whose nucleus is the vowel before the elided /ə/ . For example, /nəqə-ni/ "his own fish"

3360-517: The test of productivity concerns identifying which grammatical forms would be used in the coining of new words: these will tend to only be converted to other forms using productive processes. In standard English , the formation of preterite and past participle forms of verbs by means of ablaut (as Germanic strong verbs , for example, sing – sang – sung ) is no longer considered productive. Newly coined verbs in English overwhelmingly use

3420-416: The verb+ ment noun-formational process to understand the word perfectly well, and this would be a kind of productive use. This would be essentially independent of whether or not the writer had also used the same process productively in coining the term, or whether he or she had learned the form from previous usage (as most English speakers have learned government , for instance), and no longer needed to apply

3480-404: The vocabulary but not others. Some patterns are only very rarely productive, others may be used by a typical speaker several times a year or month, whereas others (especially syntactic processes) may be used productively dozens or hundreds of times in a typical day. It is not atypical for more than one pattern with similar functions to be comparably productive, to the point that a speaker can be in

3540-520: The weight of the second syllable. There are a variety of prosodic factors that cause stress to retract (move backward) to a syllable where it would not otherwise be expected, given the usual iambic stress pattern. (These processes do not apply, however, in the Norton Sound dialects. ) The processes by which stress retracts under prosodically-conditioned factors are said to feature regression of stress in Miyaoka's (2012) grammar. When regression occurs,

3600-409: Was 26 years. For every 100 females, there were 130.7 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 109.7 males. The median income for a household in the city was $ 28,750, and the median income for a family was $ 29,167. Males had a median income of $ 26,250 versus $ 43,750 for females. The per capita income for the city was $ 7,319. About 16.2% of families and 20.2% of the population were below

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