The Muslim Independence Movement (MIM) was a secessionist political organization in the Philippines.
64-736: On 1 May 1968, two months after the Jabidah massacre , Datu Udtog Matalam, a former governor of Cotabato, issued a Manifesto for the declaration of the Muslim Independent Movement that sought for an independent Muslim state from the Philippines comprising Mindanao, Sulu, and Palawan regions. The organization was later renamed as the Mindanao Independence Movement (still MIM) to assure non-Muslims in Cotabato that they are included in
128-492: A Bangsa Moro Commander conducted by Frank Gould, the MNLF reportedly arose as an underground movement in the youth section of the MIM. These young followers also saw the MIM as being small and ineffective therefore created a more radical MNLF, which had longer-lasting and more significant effects in Philippines till today. Jabidah massacre The Jabidah massacre on March 18, 1968,
192-481: A Declaration of Policy stating that the independent Islamic state shall “extend and guarantee full and equal citizenship and fair representation in all its institutions, provisional or permanent, on all non-Muslims inhabitants of the said islands who make known their desires to secede from the Republic of the Philippines and join the new Islamic state”. Within three months of the issuance of the manifesto, Matalam had changed
256-519: A Muslim man named Jibin Arula from the waters just off Caballo Island in Manila Bay . They discovered that he had suffered gunshot wounds, and he later recounted that he was the lone survivor of an attempt by members of the armed forces to kill a group of Muslim army recruits. There are various interpretations of the events of that morning. While some interpretations claim that the massacre never took place,
320-629: A furor within the Muslim community in the Philippines, especially among the educated youth. Muslim students saw the need through this incident to unite in protests and organized demonstrations and rallies in Manila with financial backing from Muslim politicians and university intellectuals. One such demonstration was situated near the Malacañang Palace, where the President and his family resided. The students held
384-499: A loss in prestige as they could no longer control the Muslim lands. These politicians lost much of the capabilities they had possessed initially to manage the Muslim populace. The alleged massacre took place in March 1968 which took the lives of Muslim army recruits and subsequently awakened the Muslim intellectuals to realise the problem besetting the Muslims in Philippines. The occurrence of
448-493: A previous plan. I submit that there was no plan to kill the Muslim recruits. 2. What would have been the motive for the "massacre"? Some quarters have advanced the theory that the trainees were liquidated in order to silence them. But then, 24 boys have already shown up in Jolo safe and healthy. To release 24 men who can spill the beans and liquidate the remaining 24 "to seal" their lips would defy logic. 3. Jibin Arula has been telling
512-466: A quarter of the some 4 million Muslims in the region. The MIM never managed to become a popular movement as it was limited to only publications of documents and communiques that were released by the press. The MIM was disintegrated in 1972 with the surrender of Matalam in December with many of its members consequentially and subsequently rallying the MNLF. The declaration of the MIM provided opportunity for
576-552: A remote section of Corregidor Island at the mouth of Manila Bay where they were further trained in guerrilla operations and jungle warfare . Once on the island, the code name was changed to 'Jabidah'. The real purpose of the formation of Jabidah was never publicized therefore leading to wide speculations and controversies regarding this top secret military plan. The Oplan Merdeka and the Jabidah Massacre first came to public attention on March 18, 1968, when two fishermen rescued
640-510: A traffic accident in Trece Martires , Cavite , sometime in August or September 2010. Some sources differ with the official account, particularly with the exact number of victims: In contrast to his father, Senator Benigno Aquino Jr. , President Benigno Aquino III acknowledged the incident as a massacre on March 18, 2013, when he led commemorations on its 45th anniversary. This notably marked
704-441: A week-long protest vigil over an empty coffin marked 'Jabidah' in front of the palace. The massacre significantly brought the Muslim intellectuals, who, prior to the incident had no discernible interest in politics, into the political scene to demand for safeguards against politicians who were using them. Apart from the intellectuals, Muslims in Philippines in general saw that all opportunities for integration and accommodation with
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#1732852126845768-645: Is kept by Christians in the wake of the upcoming 1971 elections. Other scholars have argued that the anti-Moro Ilaga Movement was actually in response to the declaration of the MIM as the Christians were "frightened". In response to the attacks by the Ilagas, the Blackshirts and Barracudas (the private army of Ali Dimaporo , a Muslim congressman of the Nationalista party) were formed and trained to engage in gang warfare against
832-494: The Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP), Defense Undersecretary Manuel Syquio, and Marcos himself. The first phase of the operation saw Martelino, with an advance party of some 17 agents entering Sabah three times to conduct reconnaissance and psychological warfare . It was during the second phase of the operation that the massacre took place. After 180 young Tausugs from Sulu received basic training, they were transported to
896-563: The 4 million population of Muslims possess their own culture and history that are distinct from the majority Christians in Philippines which makes integration impossible. The manifesto also stated that the secession request a response to "the systematic extermination of the Muslim youth - like the Corregidor Fiasco" (the Jabidah massacre) and “the policy of isolation and dispersal of the Muslim communities” that have been pursued vigorously much to
960-506: The Christians were lost and further marginalized. In May 1968, former Cotabato governor Datu Udtog Matalam announced the formation of the Muslim Independence Movement (MIM) which was regarded by observers as the spontaneous backlash of the Jabidah Massacre. The strong feelings and unity of the Muslim intellectuals were seen as the immediate reaction to the establishment of the MIM which carried far-reaching impacts such as
1024-741: The House of Representatives didn't get enough congressional support, he became convinced that Muslims should rule themselves in Muslim Mindanao – a conviction which led him to eventually establish the Bangsamoro Liberation Organization (BMLO) after the end of his term in 1969. Bangsamoro Liberation Organization (BMLO) founders were Rashid Lucman, Salipada Pendatun, Domocao Alonto, Hamid Kamlian, Sayyid Sharif Capt. Kalingalan Caluang, Udtog Matalam and Atty. Macapantun Abbas Jr. On September 23, 1972, Ferdinand Marcos announced that he had placed
1088-553: The Ilagas. The Blackshirts were allegedly backed financially by Matalam to mobilize fighting squads to launch attacks against Christians but this claim cannot be proven. During this period, one notable incident would be the Manili massacre in June 1971 which claimed the lives of Muslims in a mosque in Manili when unarmed Muslims were shot by government officials and Christian civilians. Significantly,
1152-453: The Jabidah massacre was timely in that it provided the basis for the call of Muslim solidarity in the Philippines to fight against the government's negligence in the plight of the Muslims. The massacre was regarded to have provided the impetus for the declaration of the MIM which is considered one of the triggers of the Moro armed struggle in the long-run. During the 1950s and most of 1960s, prior to
1216-466: The MIM Manifesto and demanding for an independent state from the Philippines, Matalam changed his position. On 11 October 1968, he met President Ferdinand Marcos, who appointed Matalam as his adviser on Muslim Affairs. In a statement issued by the MIM secretariat, Matalam reasoned that he "accepted the position as a gesture of sportsmanship on his part as the leader of the more than four million Muslims in
1280-620: The MIM produced a boom of gunmen who may not be politically driven but rather content with only robbery and plundering. Matalam went to Kuala Lumpur in April 1969 to meet the delegations of the Conference of Muslim States to appeal for assistance to support his cause but it was Rashid Lucman of the MIM who provided the critical link to external sponsors such as Malaysia where Tun Mustapha , then Chief Minister of Sabah, and then Prime Minister Tun Abdul Razak who were angered by Operation Merdeka sponsored
1344-654: The Manifesto, he sought to establish an Islamic state, which would be known as ‘The Republic of Mindanao and Sulu’, that embodies the Islamic ideals and heritage and is therefore independent from the Philippines. The Islamic state shall comprise the southern part of the Philippine Archipelago inhabited by the Muslims, namely Cotabato, Davao, Zamboanga and Zamboanga City, Basilan City, Lanao, Sulu, Palawan, and other adjoining areas that are inhabited by Muslims. The MIM states that
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#17328521268451408-441: The Manila government of genocide and persecution of Muslim minorities in the Philippines and was determined to provide material aid to the Muslims in Philippines, and this was also supported by other Arab countries. The sectarian violence between the Ilagas and Barracudas had turned into a religious conflict as Muslim governments (Egypt, Algeria, Morocco, and Libya) promised to send aid to the Muslims in Philippines. The pressure from
1472-472: The Marcos government, former governor of Cotabato province, Matalam, initiated an open movement for secession of the Muslim state through the formation of the MIM. Although some scholars observed that the MIM was formed because Muslim political leaders felt that the government was not doing enough for the Muslims, others have argued that the declaration of the MIM was made to regain political power and not to address
1536-449: The Moro provinces, and with the MIM having already been dissolved, Marcos' declaration of martial law effectively assured the MNLF, which was more radical than its predecessors, would come to dominate the Moro separatist movement. Scholars have opined that the media attention given Arula may have, to some extent, distorted his accounts. The actual events remain unclear as documents were allegedly destroyed by Major Martelino. Arula died in
1600-403: The Muslim countries was partially used to justify Marcos's declaration of martial law to retrieve unauthorized weapons and ban all political organizations to control the Muslims in the south. The MIM was argued to be the precursor of the MNLF. In response to the sectarian violence, Nur Misuari convened a conference to discuss the situation of the Muslims in south. This conference was attended by
1664-615: The Muslim population to be backward and rank among the poorest in their own country. The resettlement programme was not entirely peaceful as some settlers managed to obtain land from the native Muslims through harassment and other violent efforts which drove the Muslims out of their own lands. The Muslims were alienated by the Philippines government and felt threatened by Christian economic and political domination in their own homeland. This resorted in some Muslim groups to turn to extortion and violence to protect their own land and refrain from being displaced. Such efforts of “integration” had led to
1728-538: The Philippines relied on Arab oil, the government tried to defend itself against any accusation and denied any religious repression taking place in Mindanao. The acting foreign Minister added that the problems stemmed from land and political issues which it was ready to solve internally. Then Prime Minister of Malaysia , Tunku Abdul Rahman , also condemned the Philippine government and requested for congressional trial against
1792-410: The Philippines". This suggests that the Jabidah Massacre was less an impetus as compared to his own personal drivers to declare the formation of the MIM. Albeit riding on the wave of Muslim dissent against the government, the MIM failed to garner support of the Muslim masses. The Muslims did not see how the MIM could be a tool to help them achieve betterment of their lives considering that the leaders of
1856-568: The Philippines' military intervention in the territory and claiming the state which many Filipinos felt was rightfully theirs. In 1967, President Ferdinand Marcos secretly authorized Major Eduardo "Abdul Latif" Martelino , a Muslim convert, to take charge of the operations of a secret commando unit code-named "Jabidah" and embark on an operation called "Project Merdeka" ( merdeka means "freedom" in Malay) to destabilize and take over Sabah. The alleged masterminds, however, included leading generals in
1920-687: The Sulu Sultanate's help in settling a civil war in Brunei before being leased or ceded (The agreements were written in Malay using Jawi script . The 1878 agreement used the term padjak meaning "cede or rent", while the 1903 additional cession agreement used the term menyerahkan meaning "surrendered". ) to the British in 1878. During the process of decolonization by the British after World War II from 1946, Sabah
1984-498: The United Nations during the administration of President Diosdado Macapagal proved futile. Malaysian political victory In 1962, President Diosdado Macapagal renewed the Philippines' claim over Sabah although the territory has been incorporated into Malaysia . Operation Merdeka is a follow-up to this claim. The plan was for trained commandos to infiltrate Sabah and destabilize the state by sabotage which would then legitimize
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2048-432: The aspects where interpretations the massacre differ is in the motivation of the recruits for ending their training. One version states that they mutinied because they were angered by the delay in receiving their allowance, the poor living conditions on Corregidor, and the experience of having to live on miserable rations for three months. Another school of thought posits that the project, code-named Jabidah involved
2112-536: The blossom of armed gangs who received political respectability in their fight towards an independent Islamic state. The MIM also provoked thoughts of self-discovery among the Muslims to oppose the ruling government and this provocation has led to subsequent violent encounters. In March 1970, a gun battle in Upi, Cotabato, exposed the existence of Ilagas (rats) who were trained and systematic in attacking Muslims and were backed by Christian mayors to ensure that political power
2176-581: The crystallisation of the Moro identity as the Muslims’ identity with the Filipino nation declined rapidly due to the threat in economic and social Muslim life. As an effect of the resettlement, traditional Muslim leaders (also referred as datu ) were also voted out during the polls as Christians, who made up a significant majority of the voters, preferred the Christian politicians over them. These local datus suffered
2240-409: The declaration of the MIM was a façade by the Muslims leaders to show their concern after failing to improve living standards of the Muslims. Prior to the Jabidah massacre and against the backdrop of economic repression in Mindanao, local datus allegedly did not show concern for the plight of the Muslim natives but were more concerned over their own statuses. Underlying such pretext by the Muslim leaders,
2304-493: The detriment of the Muslim community. In the addendums and subsequent documents issued from 8 June 1968 to 26 July 1968, Matalam, as the principal signatory of all these documents, further clarified that the organization is to be known as the Muslim Independence Movement and be referred to as MIM. Membership for the movement is only open to able-bodied Muslims within the Philippines and application can be done through
2368-516: The entirety of the Philippines, including Muslim Mindanao, under Martial law . While Matalam's MIM was already defunct, one of its former members, Nur Misuari , established the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) a month after the declaration of Martial Law, on October 21, 1972. Lucman's BMLO eventually expressed support for the MNLF. Proclamation 1081 dissolved the various political groups that had been previously established in
2432-402: The envisioned state. Although the MIM was not long-lasting, its impacts were far-reaching as it is argued to be the key factor that led to the formation of the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF). Mindanao , with its favorable location below the typhoon belt and its rich mineral resources, naturally attracted foreign capital to the area. This prompted then President Ramon Magsaysay since
2496-408: The facts of the massacre, historians agree that the Jabidah Massacre was one of the most important flashpoints that ignited the Moro insurgency during Marcos' regime. Despite undergoing numerous trials and hearings, the officers related to the massacre were never convicted which served as a clear indication to the Muslim community that the Christian government had little regard for them. This created
2560-540: The first time that a ruling President had acknowledged the massacre as having taken place. Aquino also directed the National Historical Commission of the Philippines to designate the Mindanao Garden of Peace on Corregidor as a historical landmark. Ground was broken to construct the landmark during a ceremony marking the 45th anniversary of the massacre. During a ceremony marking the 47th anniversary of
2624-463: The following conclusion: This morning, the Manila Times, in its banner headline, quoted me as saying that I believed there was no mass massacre on Corregidor island. And I submit it was not a hasty conclusion, but one borne out by careful deductions. What brought me to this conclusion: 1. Massacre means, to my mind, the wanton killing of men—maybe premeditated, but definitely committed according to
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2688-486: The formation of the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and continued armed struggle in the Southern Philippines. Another organization founded in response to the Jabidah Massacre and the account of Jibin Arula was Ansarul Islam (also spelled Ansar El Islam, lit. Helpers of Islam), under the leadership of Domocao Alonto , Salipada Pendatun and Sayyid Capt. Kalingalan Caluang. When Rashid Lucman's call for
2752-424: The formation of the MIM was regarded as an avenue for leaders like Matalam to gain recognition for his leadership which he would otherwise not be able to achieve. His efforts paid off when Marcos appointed him as Presidential Adviser on Muslim Affairs. Matalam allegedly used the outrage of Muslims due to the Jabidah episode to gain personal ends. In the first document issued by Matalam on 1 May 1968 which he termed as
2816-477: The gist of the Jabidah massacre narrative is that for one reason or the other, the trainees refused to continue their training and demanded to be returned home. One batch of recruits were disarmed, with some of the trainees returned home and some others transferred to a regular military camp in Luzon . But another batch of recruits were killed by army troops, with only one survivor, Jibin Arula, managing to escape. One of
2880-643: The incident and varying accounts of the number of trainees killed, from 11 to 68. This eventually sparked calls for Moro independence and is acknowledged by the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM) as a key moment in Bangsamoro history. The north-eastern part of Sabah had been under the rule of the Sulu Sultanate since it was given to them by the Sultanate of Brunei in 1658 for
2944-489: The incident as indicative of the regime's poor overall administration and neglect of the country's Muslim diaspora. Widespread press coverage of Aquino's denouncements caught the ruling government off-guard. Nevertheless, Senator Aquino did not consider the incident a massacre. In his privilege speech entitled "Jabidah! Special Forces of Evil?" delivered at the Legislative Building on March 28, 1968, Aquino submitted
3008-515: The killing of his son by a National Bureau of Investigation (NBI) agent intensified his resentment toward the Philippines government. Despite sending emissaries to Manila seeking justice, the officers involved in the killing were not convicted. Coupled with the dissent of being thrown out of power by the Christian settlers, Matalam felt that the Manila government was turning its back on him which spurred him to retaliate by declaring for an independent Muslim state. Another group of scholars analysed that
3072-437: The massacre, a symbolic peace marker: 'Mindanao Garden of Peace: Corregidor Island' was turned over to the families of the survivors of the massacre. A 1990 film based on the event starred Anthony Alonzo , sharing the same name. However, details are fictionalized for the sake of artistic license . Business sector opposition Political sector opposition Religious sector opposition Student activists Reform
3136-434: The mid-1950s and subsequently President Ferdinand Marcos (1966–1986) to systematically resettle people into Mindanao. This led to the proportion of indigenous peoples in Mindanao to shrink from majority in 1913 to minority by 1976. The best lands in Mindanao were given to settlers and owners of corporate agriculture, while most development investments and government services were offered to the Christian population. This caused
3200-476: The movement were the exact leaders who did not care for their plight prior the Jabidah Massacre. According to the statistics of a census, Alpha Report, conducted by the Manila-based Filipinas Foundation, the results of the survey showed that more than half interviewed opposed the secession idea and about another quarter were uncommitted which effectively meant that the MIM only had the support of
3264-399: The officers involved in the massacre. Diplomatic ties between the Philippines and Malaysia were severed as this event also further indicated to Malaysia that the Philippine government still had strong determination in its territorial claim to Sabah. In general, this affair had increased the international community's awareness of the Moro issue in the Philippines. In spite of disputes about
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#17328521268453328-411: The plight of Muslims in Philippines. Matalam was betrayed by his own brother-in-law, Congressman Salipada Pendatun , and was allegedly forced to retire from office by national party politics, and was therefore motivated to regain political power through the declaration of the MIM. Separately, other scholars suggested that it was more personal than political for Matalam to declare the MIM, proposing that
3392-401: The policy to provide equal rights to Christian inhabitants and subsequently, further mellowed his demand and only sought for a statehood under a federal system. He changed the name of the MIM to Mindanao Independence Movement in an effort to reassure Christian settlers that they are not excluded from the movement and would be accorded equal rights as the Muslims. Just after 5 months of declaring
3456-500: The recruitment of Muslims trainees who were supposed to be trained to infiltrate and cause chaos in Sabah to strengthen Philippines' territorial claim. These trainees were informed beforehand that they were joining the AFP to fight " communists ", but subsequently learned the true nature of their mission during the latter part of their training. Within this camp, some scholars argue that the massacre
3520-515: The recruits were for infiltration in Sabah and that the massacre, as stated in the Manila Bulletin , occurred because the trainees could not endure hardship during the training. With the lack of substantial evidence, it proved difficult to convict the officers involved in the massacre and thus they were acquitted, which further angered the Muslims. Some time after Jibin Arula was found in Cavite, he
3584-495: The resettlement of the Christians into Cotabato , Datu Udtog Matalam governed Cotabato unchallenged. He was revered as a religious leader and was also an anti-Japanese guerrilla hero during the World War II. He was voted as the governor of the province for 5 times and had kept Cotabato out of trouble created by others. Leveraging on the dissatisfaction of the Muslims fired by the Jabidah Massacre and their disadvantaged plight under
3648-518: The secretariat. In one of the documents, Matalam added that Muslims would need its own defined territory to abide by their own shariah (Muslim laws) and adat (practices). He added that the Muslims are ready to self-govern with sufficient trained men in all fields. Matalam regarded the MIM as the "concerted voice, organized solely as an instrument for the realisation of their (the Muslims’) cherished dreams and aspirations." On 26 August 1968, Matalam issued
3712-428: The trainees of the camp on Pangkor Island and also members of the youth wing of the MIM. The most important and significant result of this conference was the official formation of the MNLF. As the MIM was “abandoned” by its leaders who were offered high positions in the government, young passionate followers such as Nur Misuari saw that they had to continue the battle and went on to form the MNLF. Based on an interview with
3776-586: The training of 90 Muslim youths in Pulau Pangkor in 1969. Nur Misuari , one of the prominent people of the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), had met with Matalam and Salipada Pendatun to organize the training camp on the island of Pangkor. After the Manili massacre, Libya presented the matter before the UN Subcommittee for Human Rights in August 1971. President Muammar Gaddafi accused
3840-771: The truth all along. However, his fears, which in his place may be considered valid, may not be supported by the recent turn of events. Twenty-four recruits have turned up. After the Senate revelations implicated President Marcos as ultimately responsible for the massacre, Lanao del Sur Congressman Haroun al-Rashid Lucman called for Congress to begin proceedings to impeach the President. When his proposal did not receive enough congressional support, he decided not to run again for his post in succeeding elections, becoming convinced that Muslims should rule themselves in Muslim Mindanao. In July 1971, then Prime Minister of Libya, Muammar Gaddhafi , wrote to President Marcos to express his concern. As
3904-529: Was brought to Governor Delfin N. Montano and told the governor his story. Eventually, Arula's story resulted in calls for probes in both the Philippine Senate and House of Representatives. Opposition Senator Benigno Aquino Jr. uncovered Jabidah to the public as a plan by Marcos to ensure his grip on power. Fellow opposition members followed suit and criticized the Marcos Administration's role in
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#17328521268453968-418: Was due to the mutiny of the Muslim trainees who declined orders to infiltrate Sabah because they felt that the sabotage against Sabah was unjustified and that they also felt kinship with fellow Muslims in Sabah. Other scholars argue that the trainees were killed upon learning the truth of their recruitment to ensure that the information was not leaked. The official narrative denied that the reason for training
4032-601: Was integrated as part of the Malaysian Federation in 1963 under the Malaysia Agreement . The Philippine government however protested this, claiming the eastern part of Sabah had never been sold to foreign interests, and that it had only been "leased" by the Sulu Sultanate , and therefore remained the property of the Sultan, and by extension, the property of Republic of the Philippines . Diplomatic efforts to Malaysia and
4096-456: Was the purported assassinations or executions of Moro army recruits who allegedly mutinied upon learning the true nature of their mission. It is acknowledged as a major flashpoint that ignited the Moro insurgency in the Philippines . Author Cesar Adib Majul notes that the administration of Ferdinand Marcos had suppressed press coverage of the affair which led to a lack of documentation about
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