The M1 combat car , officially Light Tank, M1 , was a light tank used by the United States Cavalry in the late 1930s and developed at the same time as the U.S. Army Infantry Branch 's very similar Light Tank, M2 .
197-700: After the Spanish Civil War , most armies (including the U.S. Army ), realized that they needed tanks armed with cannons, not merely vehicles armed with machine guns, and so the M1 became obsolete. The National Defense Act of 1920 set tanks as the responsibility of the infantry and the general staff defined the purpose of tanks as the support of infantry units. Light tanks were defined as weighing five tons or less – so they could be carried by trucks – and medium tanks no greater than 15 tons to meet bridge weight limits. With very tight restrictions on spending, tank development in
394-461: A corporative basis. Traditionalism is an ultra-reactionary doctrine; it rejects concepts such as democracy, human rights, constitution, universal suffrage, sovereignty of the people, division of powers, religious liberty, freedom of speech, equality of individuals, and parliamentarism. The doctrine was adopted as the theoretical platform of the Carlist socio-political movement, though it appeared also in
591-456: A military junta among whom General Francisco Franco quickly achieved a preponderant role. Due to the international political climate at the time, the war had many facets and was variously viewed as class struggle , a religious struggle , a struggle between dictatorship and republican democracy , between revolution and counterrevolution , and between fascism and communism . According to Claude Bowers , U.S. ambassador to Spain during
788-419: A praetorian praxis, while the one of the 1920s was far closer to an authoritarian paradigm. Technically speaking territorial entities were just one out of many types of intermediary bodies making up a society; indeed in early Traditionalist writings they did not enjoy particular prominence and according to some scholars they were rather ignored. Traditionalist embracement of separate local legal identities
985-463: A Traditionalist doctrine. According to some scholars Traditionalism as political option for the first time emerged represented by minority deputies at the 1812 Cortes of Cádiz ; a document considered by some the first political lecture of Traditionalism is the 1814 Manifiesto de los Persas , the following ones to be mentioned having been the 1822 Manifiesto del Barón de Eroles and the 1826 Manifiesto de los Realistas Puros . However, discussing
1182-581: A bulwark of traditionalism; pundits like Miguel Ayuso dwell upon Russia “the only Christian global power” and speak against attempts “to strangulate Russia”. Upon outbreak of the Russian-Ukrainian war CT and CTC sided with Moscow and their media endorse Russian perspective. Don Sixto has long advocated return to “Russia’s historic frontiers”. Spanish Traditionalism is a political theory with over 200 years of history; Traditionalists had to formulate their response to novelties like Declaration of
1379-607: A civil war, to become known as the First Carlist War . Don Carlos issued a number of manifiestos; they fell short of outlining a political vision and tended to focus on advertising his succession claims, though they also lambasted his opponents as masonic conspirators pitted against religion, monarchy, fueros and traditional liberties. Most of the former realistas sided with Don Carlos and politically his faction immediately assumed firmly ultraconservative flavor, directed against slightest manifestations of Liberalism embraced by
1576-618: A collapse as in Spain at this moment. Abroad, Spain is classified as insolvent. This is not the road to socialism or communism but to desperate anarchism without even the advantage of liberty". The disenchantment with Azaña's ruling was also voiced by Miguel de Unamuno , a republican and one of Spain's most respected intellectuals who, in June 1936, told a reporter who published his statement in El Adelanto that President Manuel Azaña should commit suicide "as
1773-503: A community strictly adhering to Christian principles. An ideal political regime is supposed to be means of achieving this objective; a Traditionalist monarchy is hence referred to as a katechon , the entity upholding Christianity and fighting the antichrist. Such a monarchy – and the Spanish one in particular – is also supposed to be missionary, as it is focused on spread of Christianity. Some Traditionalist theorists considered this feature
1970-594: A confederation. It is fairly frequent to encounter Traditionalist references to the Spains, "Las Españas", at times divided into "peninsulares" and "ultramarinas", as a principal multi-state point of reference and as a fatherland, though over time they became more and more of a cultural reference, pointing to tradition of Hispanidad. Within this perspective the imperial dimension is ignored or rejected, with focus not on conquest and subordination, but rather on community and shared values. At this point Hispanic cultural tradition
2167-438: A corporative basis. The Traditionalist doctrine starts with philosophical acknowledgement that God is the beginning of all things, not only as a creator but also a lawmaker. According to the theory, mankind emerged as a result of divine will and developed only when adhering to divine rules, since the truth is accessible to a man only by means of Revelation . As humanity was maturing people were organizing their communities, and
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#17328440647342364-785: A corporative pattern; Traditionalists preferred to name it an organic representation. Differently defined intermediary bodies were free to find their own way of appointing their representatives along differently defined structural patterns. This mechanism was pitted against representation exercised by means of individual popular suffrage, a faulty Liberal concept invented to serve either bourgeoisie or "plebe", exploiting atomization of individuals, unavoidably leading to corruption, partidocracía, oligarchy and caciquismo while failing to represent social interests properly. However, some Traditionalists embraced an idea of non-corporative elections, though usually highly limited by census requirements. The bodies usually named as those gathering representatives of
2561-413: A dictatorship in which all right-wing parties were fused into the structure of his regime. The war became notable for the passion and political division it inspired worldwide and for the many atrocities that occurred. Organised purges occurred in territory captured by Franco's forces so they could consolidate their future regime. Mass executions on a lesser scale also took place in areas controlled by
2758-405: A far-reaching approach and suggest that it confuses Traditionalism with Spanish political tradition. According to a somewhat competitive perspective antecedents of Traditionalism can be identified no sooner than in the 18th century, as their emergence was conditioned by experience of discontinuity between the past and the present. The first manifestations of pre-Traditionalist thought were born –
2955-507: A fascist political party. The coup was supported by military units in Morocco , Pamplona , Burgos , Zaragoza , Valladolid , Cádiz , Córdoba , Málaga , and Seville . However, rebelling units in almost all important cities—such as Madrid , Barcelona , Valencia , Bilbao , Murcia , and Almería —did not gain control. Those cities remained in the hands of the government, leaving Spain militarily and politically divided. The Nationalists and
3152-574: A federation of geographical entities, professional groupings or functional associations, each of them governing itself as opposed to a society regulated by increasingly homogeneous, universal rules. In the early 19th century this resembled more of a patchy feudal structure pitted against uniformity-driven modernization projects, in the early 21st century it seems rather comparable to devolution, subsidiarity and neo-medievalism in their post-modern incarnation. Social sovereignty should also not be confused with national sovereignty. In Traditionalist thought nation
3349-532: A figurehead. The government at the time was a coalition of Republicans, supported in the Cortes by communist and socialist parties, under the leadership of centre-left president Manuel Azaña . The Nationalist faction was supported by several conservative groups, including CEDA , monarchists, including both the opposing Alfonsists and the religious conservative Carlists , and the Falange Española de las JONS ,
3546-479: A follower of Gil, others believe that Traditionalism achieved its most-refined embodiment in the Mellista thought. Gil remained a scholar with impact mostly in academic realm; following death in 1908 his work was soon eclipsed by that of de Mella, who gained high profile as deputy and politician and became sort of a celebrity. Politically Gil remained in-between Integrism and mainstream Carlism. De Mella for some 25 years
3743-521: A formation set up during the Republic years in the early 1930s, was according to different authors either an eclectic synthesis of various Traditionalist schools, or political menendezpelayismo, or neo-Traditionalism – especially in case of Ramiro Maeztu – or a blend of Traditionalism and Maurras -inspired nationalism. It remained politically competitive to re-united Carlism, which having gathered together Jaimistas, Mellistas and Integristas operated under
3940-483: A king, his powers are limited and he is not considered free to declare his own understanding of these limitations at will; he is supposed to take into account the opinion of cuerpos intermedios. Exact mechanism of this process was described at varying levels of granularity and at times in somewhat contradictory terms; according to some theorists representatives of the society were merely to be consulted, according to some their say should have been formally incorporated into
4137-470: A man does not exist in isolation. Traditionalists pitted their vision of society principally against the Liberal one, supposed to be based on erroneous principle of individuals and their liberties, exercised in pursuit of their own self; the concept of "human rights" is dismissed. Another key difference between Traditionalist and non-Traditionalist, especially Liberal visions of society, stemmed from an idea of
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#17328440647344334-404: A monopoly on hiring; strikes; and efforts by unions to limit women's employment, all done to preserve a labour monopoly for their members. Class struggle intensified as landowners turned to counterrevolutionary organisations and local oligarchs. Strikes, workplace theft, arson, robbery and assaults on shops, strikebreakers, employers and machines became increasingly common. Ultimately, the reforms of
4531-605: A national sovereignty and this of a social contract. A state, as a function of society, is considered not a voluntaristic and contractual being which needs to be acknowledged in a formal deal; its principles are defined by traditional Fundamental Laws which are not an agreement, but a result of development occurring in line with natural order. In case of some theorists the above principles were approached somewhat flexibly; few Traditionalists tended to view constitutional document as embodiment of traditional development and contributed to their drafting. In case of Spanish Traditionalists
4728-516: A new "constituent parliament" which would be chosen by a new politically purged electorate, who would vote on the issue of republic versus monarchy. Liberal elements would remain, such as separation of church and state as well as freedom of religion. Agrarian issues would be solved by regional commissioners on the basis of smallholdings, but collective cultivation would be permitted in some circumstances. Legislation prior to February 1936 would be respected. Violence would be required to destroy opposition to
4925-415: A non-Carlist incarnation. Traditionalism has never exercised major influence among the Spanish governmental strata, yet periodically it was capable of mass mobilization and at times partially filtered into the ruling practice. Spanish Traditionalism is one of the oldest continuously proclaimed political doctrines in the world, its origins traced back to the late 18th century. In terms of intellectual grandeur
5122-539: A patriotic act". Laia Balcells observes that polarisation in Spain just before the coup was so intense that physical confrontations between leftists and rightists were a routine occurrence in most localities; six days before the coup occurred, there was a riot between the two in the province of Teruel. Balcells notes that Spanish society was so divided along Left-Right lines that the monk Hilari Raguer stated that in his parish, instead of playing "cops and robbers", children would sometimes play "leftists and rightists". Within
5319-429: A political theorist himself, Víctor Pradera , who kept supporting Primo and turned into one of his key political advisors. Perhaps never before and never afterwards stood any Traditionalist closer to the source of power than Pradera did in the mid-1920s, supplying the dictator with memoranda advocating features of Traditionalist regime; to some authors he became a reference point for primoderiverismo , even though in
5516-456: A qualification, pointing that a Traditionalist monarchy is to be ruled by a king and various lay intermediary bodies, not by a religious hierarchy, and that the state and the Church have to remain two distinct institutions. Traditionalist theorists emphatically confirmed that a state must be based on Christian orthodoxy, that politics and religion are inseparable in terms of their principles and that
5713-449: A reprisal for Castillo's murder. But he was not at home, so they went to the house of José Calvo Sotelo , a Spanish monarchist and prominent parliamentary conservative. Luis Cuenca, a member of the arresting group and a Socialist who was known as the bodyguard of PSOE leader Indalecio Prieto , summarily executed Sotelo. Reprisals followed. The killing of Calvo Sotelo with police involvement aroused suspicions and reactions among
5910-409: A reservation that Traditionalists are not enemies of the state. In fact, they saw state as a structure secondary and subordinate to a society and were careful to lambast all cases of reverting the order, be it "estadolatría moderna" of Hobbes and Machiavelli or totalitarian 20th century regimes. The state is supposed to be a lightweight superstructure over the existing social structures, sort of
6107-466: A social contract, a concept deemed absurd as by default subject to rejection; the Traditionalist society was formed in course of historical development. One more point of contention was that a Traditionalist society was united by common orthodoxy – this is, a Roman Catholic one – while a Liberal society was merely a technical mechanism allowing compromise between many normative moral systems. Finally,
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6304-553: A socialist Republic in association with the Soviet Union". Francisco Largo Caballero declared that "the organized proletariat will carry everything before it and destroy everything until we reach our goal". The country had rapidly become anarchic. Even the staunch socialist Indalecio Prieto , at a party rally in Cuenca in May 1936, complained: "we have never seen so tragic a panorama or so great
6501-481: A society of societies; it is not embodiment of sovereignty in Bodinian sense, but rather a combined function of social components making it up. In most precise description available, a state can only exercise those rights which can not be effectively exercised by intermediary bodies governing various social structures, typically tasks related to foreign policy, defense, money, justice etc.; the state's governing principle
6698-456: A society; their efforts, typical for the mid-19th century, are summarized as attempts to fuse capitalist impulse with hierarchical structures of predominantly rural society. Gradually private property got fully embraced as a cornerstone of especially the rural economy, with mid-size family holdings in Vascongadas and Navarre presented as an ideal economic milieu. However, it has never marginalized
6895-582: A source of royal legitimacy. The original political sin of a man was defined as looking for law beyond Revelation, which led to human usurpation. Attempts to define own rules – the Traditionalist reading goes – produced emergence of illegitimate political regimes; examples are despotic tyrants who claimed own legitimacy or societies, who declared themselves the ultimate source of power. At this point Carlist theorists advanced their own dynastic theory, denying legitimacy to descendants of Fernando VII. Monarchy not always has been treated in Traditionalist thought with
7092-462: A specific category, e.g. across all the provinces; fueros are entity-specific, which means that one province might enjoy some establishments which are not in force in another province. This mechanism reflects a theory that fueros are legal embodiments of local identity which goes far beyond juridical regulations; it is composed of common history, culture and habits. Traditionalism has always struggled to make sure that its understanding of local identity
7289-519: A substitute for own Traditionalist socio-economic recipe, in the first half of the 20th century some pundits have already declared that there was no other possible way of production than capitalism, though they might have also advocated redistribution of wealth as means to solve social problems. During Francoism key Carlist theorists lamented vertical sindicates as pathetic distortion of the gremial system, but it seems that apart from Juanistas, also they accepted "premisas del neocapitalismo", at least in
7486-468: A taxi driver was attacked outside a monarchist club sparked anti-clerical violence throughout Madrid and south-west portion of the country. The slow response on the part of the government disillusioned the right and reinforced their view that the Republic was determined to persecute the church. In June and July, the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT) called several strikes , which led to
7683-678: A violent incident between CNT members and the Civil Guard and a brutal crackdown by the Civil Guard and the army against the CNT in Seville . This led many workers to believe the Second Spanish Republic was just as oppressive as the monarchy, and the CNT announced its intention of overthrowing it via revolution . Elections in June 1931 returned a large majority of Republicans and Socialists. With
7880-417: A vision did not seem necessarily compatible with the theory of unshared royal sovereignty. Traditionalist theories tried to sort out the problem by different workarounds; one of them was that society is not sharing power, but rather is represented in front of the power. In line with the prevailing Traditionalist reading, representation should be channeled by cuerpos intermedios along what is usually considered
8077-400: A war of religion, and military authorities increasingly deferred to the Church and to the expression of Catholic sentiment. Mola's program was vague and only a rough sketch, and there were disagreements among coupists about their vision. On 12 June, Prime Minister Casares Quiroga met General Juan Yagüe , who falsely convinced Casares of his loyalty to the republic. Mola began planning in
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8274-468: A would be dictatorial regime, acceptable in case everything else fails and an apocalyptic Socialist threat is eminent, a clear echo of the 1848 events in Paris . Unlike Balmes, Donoso was read and known across Europe, including politicians like Metternich . Though in the official Spanish diplomatic service, Donoso held no important state jobs, built no strictly political following and his impact on daily politics
8471-607: A year of intense pressure, CEDA, the party with the most seats in parliament, finally succeeded in forcing the acceptance of three ministries. The Socialists (PSOE) and Communists reacted with an insurrection for which they had been preparing for nine months. The rebellion developed into a bloody uprising known as the Revolution of 1934 . Fairly well armed revolutionaries managed to take the whole province of Asturias, murdering numerous policemen, clergymen and civilians, destroying religious buildings including churches, convents and part of
8668-517: A year. Events in the period after November 1933, called the " black biennium ", seemed to make a civil war more likely. Alejandro Lerroux of the Radical Republican Party (RRP) formed a government, reversing changes made by the previous administration and granting amnesty to the collaborators of the unsuccessful uprising by General José Sanjurjo in August 1932. Some monarchists joined with
8865-487: Is theocentrist ; it stems from acknowledgement that the entire human order must be based on God as taught by the Roman Catholic Church. God – with particular emphasis on Jesus Christ – is considered the beginning, the means and the objective of politics. This general concept was neared with various detail, though a widely adopted claim is that the purpose of politics is to establish a social kingship of Jesus Christ,
9062-403: Is Traditionalist approach to dictatorship. In principle fiercely hostile to tyrannical or despotic regimes exercising power beyond appropriate limits, some Traditionalist theorists acknowledged the sovereign right to coerce and agreed – usually as a last resort applicable in extremis – to dictatorial rule. Some have even developed own theories of dictatorship; the one of the 1840s was resemblant of
9259-542: Is a Spanish political doctrine formulated in the early 19th century and developed until today. It understands politics as implementing Catholic social teaching and the social kingship of Jesus Christ , with Catholicism as the state religion and Catholic religious criteria regulating public morality and every legal aspect of Spain. In practical terms it advocates a loosely organized monarchy combined with strong royal powers, with some checks and balances provided by organicist representation, and with society structured on
9456-409: Is allowed, though confessions other than Roman Catholicism are admitted if practiced in private. The Traditionalist vision of religion and Church was incompatible either with Conservative, Liberal or Christian Democratic principles, lambasted as anti-Christian and revolutionary. In the mid-20th century it also proved incompatible with the official Vatican outlook, and release of Dignitatis Humanae
9653-473: Is also a term accepted by many Traditionalists, as even the key of them auto-defined themselves as federalists, advocated regional federalism and declared Spain a federation of regions; some were longing rather for a confederation. Others, however, were cautious and viewed federative solutions as technocratic, let alone a specific trend within Spanish Liberalism which embraced federative solutions; this
9850-518: Is at times adopted also by present-day scholars. A scholar considered by some the greatest figure of late 19th century Traditionalism is Marcelino Menéndez Pelayo , who published most of his key works in the 1880s and 1890s. Historian of political thought and literary critic rather than a political theorist himself, he championed Traditionalism as a cultural approach, defined as constant defense of orthodoxy based on Catholicism though embodied in vastly different locals realms of Hispanidad . Erudite to
10047-404: Is combined with missionary role of the Spanish monarchy, rendering one of the cornerstones of Traditionalist ideario, Patria, rather vague and definitely not tantamount to a state. Society did not elicit major interest of early Traditionalist theorists, or at least their interest was not formulated in terms of society, formatted rather as a discourse on tradition forming the community; it was in
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#173284406473410244-487: Is considered comparable to Balmes or Donoso. Together they formed a group which left a clear mark on politics of the late Isabelline era, mounting a last-minute attempt to save the crumbling monarchy by reformatting it along Traditionalist, anti-Liberal lines. Having seen their efforts frustrated by the early 1870s most of the Neos neared Carlism in the first ever Traditionalist organization, named Comunión Católico-Monárquica . In
10441-426: Is even more so in case of cantonalism , a theory advanced briefly in the mid-19th century by radical Liberal Left. Autonomous solutions were in principle rejected as reflecting the erroneous top-down logic and putting a state before a local entity; some also viewed autonomy of Catalonia or Basque Country as anti-foral because fueros were province-specific. In practice Traditionalists remained highly divided; both in
10638-430: Is literally referred to as "absolute" rule, which prompted some historians to conclude that Traditionalism was a branch of Absolutism; many others, however, underline that the two should not be confused. Neither rejection of division of powers nor the theory of unshared political sovereignty led to the doctrine of unlimited royal powers; quite to the contrary, most Traditionalists – with somewhat less focus on this issue in
10835-479: Is mostly about systematization of existing heritage rather than about proposing own visions of political system, though Ayuso's recent works on public power and constitutionalism form part of normative Traditionalist discourse of politics. An own, detailed and holistic view of Traditionalism-based political organisation for the 21st century Spain was contributed in the late 1990s in a 3-volume opus by Ignacio Hernando de Larramendi , but it made little impact even within
11032-575: Is not confused with not necessarily identical concepts. The closest one is fuerismo, a term at times adopted by the Traditionalists, similarly focused on fueros but made distinct by its limitation to Vascongadas and Navarre , by downplaying the Spanish link and by revindication of pre-1868, but not earlier laws. Similarly close is regionalismo, though Traditionalists were cautious to endorse only regionalismo foralista and to dismiss regionalism based merely on geographic or economic principles. Federalism
11229-435: Is not possible, though some claimed that while a king enjoys political sovereignty, a society enjoys a separate social sovereignty, understood as capacity to govern itself within limits traditionally developed for its components. Traditionalist concept of monarchic rule embraced a doctrine of integral and undivided public power; division into legislative, executive and judicial branches was rejected. In some writings this
11426-469: Is the one which identifies the roots of Traditionalism with beginnings of Spanish political tradition, the latter embodied in works of Isidore of Seville . Together with works of other minor Spanish Medieval scholars it reportedly enjoyed its climax in the 16th century, from Fernando de Roa to Antonio de Guevara to Juan de Mariana , and laid foundations for Traditionalist understanding of power and politics, derived from Christian and natural order. In
11623-482: Is this of subsidiarity or devolution. According to the Traditionalists a state, and the Spanish state in particular, developed in line with natural law in course of the centuries; it is hence defined by history and tradition. Whenever they refer to a constitution, they usually mean a historical process, not a documented set of agreed principles. The latter is generally deemed not only unnecessary but in fact unacceptable as embodiment of erroneous theories, chiefly this of
11820-643: Is unforgivable. The argument that Mr Gil Robles tried to destroy the Constitution to establish fascism was, at once, hypocritical and false. With the rebellion of 1934, the Spanish left lost even the shadow of moral authority to condemn the rebellion of 1936." Reversals of land reform resulted in expulsions, firings and arbitrary changes to working conditions in the central and southern countryside in 1935, with landowners' behaviour at times reaching "genuine cruelty", which included violence against farmworkers and socialists, causing several deaths. One historian argued that
12017-514: The Carlist movement to establish an alternative branch of the Bourbon dynasty , further destabilized the Spanish monarchy. In 1868, popular uprisings led to the overthrow of Queen Isabella II of the House of Bourbon . Two distinct factors led to the uprisings: a series of urban riots and a liberal movement within the middle classes and the military (led by General Joan Prim ), which was concerned about
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#173284406473412214-628: The First World War most Carlists sympathised with the German Empire , though a sizeable minority section – including the claimant – supported France . The split contributed to major crisis within the movement and its breakup in 1919. In the interwar period Traditionalist press looked with hope towards emerging anti-democratic regimes, especially these of Portugal and Italy , though also in Austria and Germany . Some tentative credit given to Hitler
12411-743: The Guardia de Asalto (Assault Guard). Castillo was a Socialist party member who was giving military training to the UGT youth. Castillo had led the Assault Guards that violently suppressed the riots after the funeral of Guardia Civil lieutenant Anastasio de los Reyes. Assault Guard Captain Fernando Condés was a friend of Castillo. The next day, after getting the approval of the minister of interior to illegally arrest members of parliament, he led his squad to arrest José María Gil-Robles y Quiñones , founder of CEDA, as
12608-547: The Iberian Peninsula to coincide with the risings there. The rising was intended to be a swift coup d'état, but the government retained control of most of the country. Control over Spanish Morocco was all but certain. The plan was discovered in Morocco on 17 July, which prompted the conspirators to enact it immediately. Little resistance was encountered. The rebels shot 189 people. Goded and Franco immediately took control of
12805-611: The Isabelline monarchy . Neither defined himself as Traditionalist, and the name is applied retroactively. Politically Balmes sought rapprochement between the Carlists and the Isabellites; due to his somewhat eclectic background and conciliatory efforts, his vision is named "tradicionalismo evolutivo". "Tradicionalismo radical" is the name applied to the opus of vehemently anti-Carlist Donoso Cortés; radical refers mostly to acknowledgement of
13002-574: The Papal State – defended e.g. by the later claimant Alfonso Carlos – in 1870. At that time Traditionalists began to focus their hopes on Russia , the country which demonstrated somewhat warm feelings towards the Carlists during both civil wars and which was sympathised with already during the Crimean War . The claimant Carlos VII observed the Balkan campaign against Turkey as tsar's special guest; in
13199-730: The Radical Republican Party , had now endured a series of crises. After a number of corruption scandals, President Niceto Alcalá-Zamora , who was hostile to this government, called another election. The Popular Front narrowly won the 1936 general election . The revolutionary left-wing masses took to the streets and freed prisoners. In the thirty-six hours following the election, sixteen people were killed (mostly by police officers attempting to maintain order or to intervene in violent clashes) and thirty-nine were seriously injured. Additionally, fifty churches and seventy conservative political centres were attacked or set ablaze. Manuel Azaña
13396-581: The corrupt central government of the country in Madrid , but these circles were ultimately unsuccessful. Popular perception of communism as a major threat significantly increased during this period. In 1923, a military coup brought Miguel Primo de Rivera to power. As a result, Spain transitioned to government by military dictatorship. Support for the Rivera regime gradually faded, and he resigned in January 1930. He
13593-571: The 1789 events in France which triggered antecedents of Traditionalism, a theory founded on the concept of counter-revolution. Within this perspective it is the revolution, not Absolutism, that formed the key Traditionalist counterpoint of reference. The proponents listed are Lorenzo Hervás Panduro , Francisco Alvarado y Téllez , Diego José de Cádiz and Rafael de Vélez ; their refutations of revolutionary concepts were based on Spanish political tradition and offered first components of what would later become
13790-418: The 17th century it was enriched with concepts related to intermediary bodies, political representation and limitation of royal powers, all thanks to works of Juan Fernández de Madrano , Tomás Cerdán de Tallada , Agustín de Rojas Villandrando , Juan de Madariaga , Francisco de Sánchez de la Barreda , Juan de Palafox y Mendoza and especially Francisco de Quevedo . Other scholars tend to be skeptical of such
13987-399: The 1840–1850s, Miguel Primo de Rivera in the 1920s and Francisco Franco in the 1940–1950s. Spanish Traditionalism is almost unanimously considered a doctrine born in the 19th century, though there are vastly different views as to what intellectual phenomena could be viewed as its antecedents. Apart from isolated cases of going back to pre-Christian times, the most far-reaching perspective
14184-429: The 1870s it grew to a prominent issue; by the late 19th century re-establishment of the fueros became one of the cornerstones of the entire theory and it remains so until today. The review of Carlist position versus fueros was laid out by Eustaqio Echave-Sustaeta (1912), Teodoro de Arana y Beláustegui (1921), and Justo Garrán Moso (1935). In the full-blown doctrine fueros are considered primary rules constituting
14381-502: The 1880; in case closer references are provided, they usually point to Manifiesto de los Persas , dubbed "un verdadero alegato absolutista". Indeed, its Article 134 contained a lengthy praise of "monarquía absoluta" and "soberano absoluto"; moreover, in the late 1820s Don Carlos by all means seemed far more vehement defender of antiguo régimen than his brother Fernando VII. However, most scholars dwelling on Traditionalism remain at least cautious when discussing its proximity to Absolutism;
14578-754: The 1890s his son Don Jaime – though he frequented the Austrian military academy – joined the Russian army and he later served in combat missions; at the turn of the centuries Carlist pundits like Enrique Gil-Robles hailed Russia as a bulwark of tradition against the onslaught of plutocracy, secularisation and democracy. As new lines of the European conflict were getting increasingly clear more and more Carlists began to look to Germany; its dynamic growth to power and its regime were perceived as counter-proposal to rotten, liberalism-driven, decadent French-British alliance . During
14775-416: The 1920s and 1930s some Traditionalism-leaning theorists and politicians demonstrated sympathy for Maurras-inspired concepts, later on it was generally outwardly and vehemently rejected as Left-wing ideas in disguise. Unlike the questions of monarchy or society, this of a state has usually been played down by Traditionalist writers; the phenomenon has even prompted one of their present-day theorists to make
14972-441: The 1930s and 1970s some supported and some opposed autonomous regulations discussed. The 21st century Traditionalist theorists criticize current praxis of autonomy as increasingly infected with rationalist mentality and positive law. Finally, separatism is mutually viewed as clearly incompatible with Traditionalism; in present-day Spain there is no greater enemy of Traditionalism than independence-minded Basque political movement, and
15169-570: The 1960s and 1970s, their scale and refined in-depth scope contrasting sharply with demise of Traditionalism as a political force. Following the death of Franco, Traditionalism remained on the sidelines of national politics; in the late 1970s numerous Carlist grouplets remained a third-rate extra-parliamentarian force, while Traditionalism-flavored post-Francoist Unión Nacional Española of Gonzalo Fernandéz de la Mora registered few deputies and disintegrated before 1980. Most Traditionalist authors active during late Francoism remained active also after
15366-623: The Army of Africa, made up of 35,000 men, and just under half of Spain's militaristic police forces, the Assault Guards, the Civil Guards , and the Carabineers . Republicans controlled under half of the rifles and about a third of both machine guns and artillery pieces. The Spanish Republican Army had just 18 tanks of a sufficiently modern design, and the Nationalists took control of 10. Naval capacity
15563-513: The Bourbons were restored to the throne in the figure of Alfonso XII , Isabella's son. After the restoration, Carlists and anarchists emerged in opposition to the monarchy. Alejandro Lerroux , Spanish politician and leader of the Radical Republican Party , helped to bring republicanism to the fore in Catalonia —a region of Spain with its own cultural and societal identity in which poverty
15760-413: The Carlists witnessed emergence of their state structure, though short duration, wartime footing and limited geographical scope do not allow definite conclusions. The Carlist version of Traditionalism is already considered about complete at the time, embodied in political manifestos, press propaganda, theoretical works and – last but not least – in popular sentiment, expressed as a motto which keeps defining
15957-510: The Carlists, Mola was chief planner and second in command. José Antonio Primo de Rivera was put in prison in mid-March to restrict the Falange. However, government actions were not as thorough as they might have been, and warnings by the Director of Security and other figures were not acted upon. The revolt was devoid of ideology. The goal was to put an end to anarchical disorder. Mola's plan for
16154-579: The Catholic country, which included the abolition of Catholic schools and charities, a move which was met with opposition. At this point, once the constituent assembly had fulfilled its mandate of approving a new constitution, but fearing an increasing popular opposition, the Radical and Socialist majority postponed the regular elections, prolonging their time in power for two more years. Diaz's Republican government initiated numerous reforms to, in their view, modernize
16351-551: The Church might and should influence politics, but their prevailing opinion was that the Church should also stay clear of exercising direct political power. However, in terms of praxis Traditionalists advocated a number of arrangements endorsing Church's participation in power structures, be it re-establishment of the Inquisition in the early 19th century or default presence of hierarchs in bodies like Cortes or Royal Council later on. Though distinct and independent as institutions,
16548-429: The Liberal governments. In conditions of Spanish agricultural economy these landholdings were normally accessible to rural masses by means of specific and rather affordable agreements. New bourgeoisie owners reformatted usage of the plots on a purely commercial basis; the result was emergence of Traditionalist "sentimientos radicalmente anticapitalistas", directed against the new "agrarismo militante". Similarly unwelcome
16745-476: The Nationalists. These peace overtures, however, were rejected by Franco. Following internal conflict between Republican factions in Madrid in the same month, Franco entered the capital and declared victory on 1 April 1939. Hundreds of thousands of Spaniards fled to refugee camps in southern France . Those associated with the losing Republicans who stayed were persecuted by the victorious Nationalists. Franco established
16942-524: The Popular Front's victory in the 1936 election, groups of officers, both active and retired, got together to discuss a coup . By the end of April General Emilio Mola emerged as the leader of a national conspiracy network. The Republican government reacted by reshuffling suspect generals from influential posts, Azana however acutely aware that as he did so, the Army still served as a possible buffer to leftist power brokers threatening his government. Franco
17139-761: The Republican government fought for control of the country. The Nationalist forces received munitions, soldiers, and air support from Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany while the Republican side received support from the Soviet Union and Mexico. Other countries, such as the United Kingdom, France , and the United States, continued to recognise the Republican government but followed an official policy of non-intervention . Despite this policy, tens of thousands of citizens from non-interventionist countries directly participated in
17336-538: The Republican-Socialist government alienated as many people as they pleased. Republican Manuel Azaña became prime minister of a minority government in October 1931. Fascism remained a reactive threat and it was facilitated by controversial reforms to the military. In December, a new reformist, liberal and democratic constitution was declared. It included strong provisions enforcing a broad secularisation of
17533-525: The Republicans, with the participation of local authorities varying from location to location. The 19th century was a turbulent time for Spain. Those in favour of reforming the Spanish government vied for political power with conservatives who intended to prevent such reforms from being implemented. In a tradition that started with the Spanish Constitution of 1812 , many liberals sought to curtail
17730-571: The Rights of Man and of the Citizen of 1789 and the European Constitution of 2004. Traditionalism co-existed with numerous political concepts, maintaining firm position towards some and adopting more erratic course towards the others. Vehement hostility towards theories and political movements deemed revolutionary – especially Liberalism though also Socialism , Communism and Anarchism – remained
17927-553: The Traditionalist camp. On the one hand, the emergent Francoism posed as synthesis of all genuinely Spanish political schools, including Traditionalism; the late Pradera was elevated to one of the founding fathers of the system, and some Traditionalist references were ostentatiously boasted as components of the new Spain. On the other hand, marginalized Carlism went into intra-system opposition and its leaders lambasted Francoism as incompatible with Traditionalist political outlook. The doctrine demonstrated first signs of revitalization in
18124-550: The Traditionalist ideal was a hierarchical sociedad estamental , the concept initially pointing to feudal understanding of the estate system, later developed by different authors with varying degree of detail into more complex systems of social groups, dubbed strata, classes, corporations etc.; they were united either by functional role or by their specific interests. This perspective emphasized hierarchy and roles as opposed to emphasizing mobility, when all individuals are equal and can theoretically fit anywhere. A theory developed in
18321-417: The Traditionalist realm. A rather derogatory term "neotradicionalismo" has been coined to denote 21st century Traditionalist approach to Carlist history. The institutional Traditionalist realm itself is made of a number of institutions, periodicals and other initiatives. Politically it is headed by two groupings, Comunión Tradicionalista Carlista and Comunión Tradicionalista ; the key differences are that
18518-534: The U.S. Army during World War II; though some were used for training purposes. Background: History of the tank , Tank classification , interwar period Spanish Civil War Nationalist victory [REDACTED] Republicans [REDACTED] Nationalists 100,000–200,000 civilians killed inside the Nationalist zone 50,000–72,000 civilians killed inside the Republican zone The Spanish Civil War ( Spanish : guerra civil española )
18715-502: The U.S. was limited to a couple of test vehicles a year. The mechanization of the army was promoted by General Douglas MacArthur (at the time the Chief of Staff of the US Army ) who believed that the cavalry should have tanks for an exploiting role rather than acting in support of the infantry. To allow U.S. Army cavalry units to be equipped with armored fighting vehicles , the tanks developed for
18912-543: The Vickers. The T5 was developed further and the T5E2 was accepted for production as the "M1 Combat Car". The M1 entered service in 1937. A change to the suspension so that the idler wheel rested on the ground ("trailing") increased the length of track in contact with the ground and improved the ride. Together with a different engine and improved turret, this produced the M2 combat car. In 1940,
19109-606: The Western world were neither seen as a would-be ally, even though marriage of the Carlist infant with a Dutch princess caused more horror and bewilderment in the Netherlands than in Spain. The apparent longing for “a third way”, which translated to sympathy for Third World countries , found expression also in fascination with Yugoslavia , nurtured by some currents within Carlism. Following
19306-459: The above cases a concise lecture of competitive political theory was offered; instead, the authors listed consciously exploited multifold differences between the new system and traditional Spanish establishments. Both the above perspectives are rejected by scholars sharing perhaps the most popular theory, namely that one can not speak of Traditionalism prior to the French Revolution . It was
19503-551: The authority of the Spanish monarchy as well as to establish a nation-state under the ideology and philosophy that they believed in. The reforms of 1812 were short-lived as they were almost immediately overturned by King Ferdinand VII when he dissolved the aforementioned constitution. This ended the Trienio Liberal government. Twelve successful coups were carried out between 1814 and 1874. There were several attempts to realign
19700-435: The backbone of Traditionalist principles. In case of many other doctrines the relationship is not entirely clear, subject to different opinions of competent scholars, confusion in popular discourse or conscious manipulation in partisan political or cultural debate. There are not infrequent scholarly references to "Carlist absolutism" or "absolutist Traditionalism", usually applied to the early 19th century but at times even to
19897-516: The behaviour of the right in the southern countryside was one of the main causes of hatred during the Civil War and possibly even the Civil War itself. Landowners taunted workers by saying that if they went hungry, they should "Go eat the Republic!" Bosses fired leftist workers and imprisoned trade union and socialist militants; wages were reduced to "salaries of hunger". In 1935, the government, led by
20094-401: The borders and how to capture the unalterable nucleus. In case of outward-leaning scholarly approaches the theory is defined very broadly and the term "Traditionalist" could be applied generously, also to personalities like Fernando VII or Francisco Franco; some historians see Spanish traditionalism very broadly as a general anti-liberal cultural sentiment. In case of inward-leaning approaches
20291-610: The cavalry were designated "combat cars". In the mid-1930s, the Rock Island Arsenal built three experimental T2 light tanks inspired by the British Vickers 6-ton tank. At the same time, they built a light tank similar to the T2 for the cavalry – the T5 combat car. The only major difference between the two was that the T5 used vertical volute suspension while the T2 had leaf springs as on
20488-694: The claimants and named minimalismo and montemolinismo are political strategies rather than theories; the most lasting contribution to Carlist Traditionalism of the era was a so-called double legitimacy theory. In the 1860s the Isabelline and the Carlist versions of Traditionalism drew closer thanks to followers of Donoso called neocatólicos ; the group comprised parliamentarians like Antonio Aparisi Guijarro and Cándido Nocedal , publishers like Gabino Tejado , Eduardo González Pedroso , Antonio Vildósola and Francisco Navarro Villoslada , or academics like Juan Ortí Lara . In terms of intellectual format none of them
20685-474: The closest thing was an 1884 booklet by Felix Sardá y Salvany . It is also the Integrists who first started to use the term Traditionalism as their auto-definition, denying also Traditionalist credentials to the Carlists. The scheme was widely accepted in public discourse, and in the late 19th century Spanish press and politicians applied the Traditionalist denomination chiefly to the Integrists. This nomenclature
20882-535: The company of armed militants. Conservatives, the middle classes, businessmen and landowners became convinced that revolution had already begun. Prime Minister Santiago Casares Quiroga ignored warnings of a military conspiracy involving several generals, who decided that the government had to be replaced to prevent the dissolution of Spain. Both sides had become convinced that, if the other side gained power, it would discriminate against their members and attempt to suppress their political organisations. Shortly after
21079-401: The concept of collective economy, be it in terms of ownership, usage or administration. In rural conditions it resulted in focus on commons like pastures, meadows and forests; in industrial terms it evolved into an attempt to replicate rural family order in the setting of an industrial enterprise, with employers and employees united in a joint management formula. With Rerum novarum accepted as
21276-559: The conflict. They fought mostly in the pro-Republican International Brigades , which also included several thousand exiles from pro-Nationalist regimes. Smaller numbers of pro-Republican international volunteer fighters fought in the POUM , the CNT and the UGT . After the deaths of José Sanjurjo on July 20, 1936, Manuel Goded Llopis on August 12, 1936, and Emilio Mola on June 3, 1937, Franco gradually emerged as
21473-608: The controlled free-market ambience. Present-day Traditionalist leaders at times admit their "odio al capitalismo" and declare return to the old regime, though its designation remains highly vague; an official party program demonstrates technocratic approach, pointing towards a regulated and common-good oriented free market economy. Throughout almost 200 years of history the Spanish Traditionalists have sympathised with various countries which at different points in time they considered closest to their own ideological blueprint. In
21670-539: The country. In 1932, the Jesuits were banned and their property was confiscated, the army was reduced, landowners were expropriated. Home rule was granted to Catalonia, with a local parliament and a president of its own. In June 1933, Pope Pius XI issued the encyclical Dilectissima Nobis , "On Oppression of the Church of Spain", raising his voice against the persecution of the Catholic Church in Spain. In November 1933,
21867-444: The coup to prevent it from being crushed swiftly. The rebels termed themselves Nacionales , normally translated "Nationalists", although the former implies "true Spaniards" rather than a nationalistic cause . The result of the coup was a nationalist area of control containing 11 million of Spain's population of 25 million. The Nationalists had secured the support of around half of Spain's territorial army, some 60,000 men, joined by
22064-578: The coup very quickly. Conversely, if the coup had risen everywhere in Spain on the 18th rather than be delayed, it could have triumphed by the 22nd. While the militias that rose to meet the rebels were often untrained and poorly armed (possessing only a small number of pistols, shotguns and dynamite), this was offset by the fact that the rebellion was not universal. In addition, the Falangists and Carlists were themselves often not particularly powerful fighters either. However, enough officers and soldiers had joined
22261-413: The coup, though it seems Mola did not envision the mass atrocities and repression that would manifest during the civil war. Of particular importance to Mola was ensuring the revolt was an Army affair, not subject to special interests, ensuring the position of the armed forces as the basis for the new state. However, the separation of church and state was forgotten once the conflict assumed the dimension of
22458-875: The distinction between infantry and cavalry tank units disappeared with the establishment of the Armored Force to manage all tanks in the U.S. Army. The "combat car" name was superfluous, and the cavalry unit tanks redesignated the M1 combat car as the "light tank M1A1" and the M2 combat car as the "light tank M1A2". The M1 was fielded by the Philippines military early on in WWII during the Philippines campaigns of 1941-1942 when armored vehicles of all manner were needed. All M1s that served that were not destroyed by enemy action or by their own crews, subsequently fell to enemy Japanese forces. The M1 and M2 combat cars were not used in combat by
22655-483: The distribution of weapons among the civilian population. This facilitated the defeat of the army insurrection in the main industrial centres, including Madrid, Barcelona , and Valencia , but it allowed anarchists to take control of Barcelona along with large swathes of Aragón and Catalonia. General Goded surrendered in Barcelona and was later condemned to death. The Republican government ended up controlling almost all
22852-470: The early 1920s he was withdrawing into privacy. He dismissed the Primo de Rivera dictatorship with contempt as an attempt falling dramatically short of a fundamental change needed. The Jaimists cautiously welcomed the coup as a step in the right direction, but in the mid-1920 they got disillusioned and moved into opposition. It was the disciple of de Mella, de facto intellectual leader of Mellista Traditionalists and
23049-558: The early 19th century most scholars prefer rather to speak of "realistas", "ultras", "apostólicos" or "serviles", and apply the name of Traditionalists to the period starting in the 1830s. Politically, the group tended to swallow their anti-absolutism when supporting Fernando VII in his anti-revolutionary zeal; it was only in the late 1820s that the king started to be viewed as wavering and unreliable, with sympathy gradually shifting to his firmly reactionary brother, Don Carlos . The 1833 death of Fernando VII triggered dynastical crisis and
23246-468: The east coast and central area around Madrid, as well as most of Asturias , Cantabria and part of the Basque Country in the north. Hugh Thomas suggested that the civil war could have ended in the favour of either side almost immediately if certain decisions had been taken during the initial coup. Thomas argues that if the government had taken steps to arm the workers, they could probably have crushed
23443-408: The electoral results but did not succeed. Despite CEDA's electoral victory, President Alcalá-Zamora declined to invite its leader, Gil Robles, to form a government, fearing CEDA's monarchist sympathies and proposed changes to the constitution. Instead, he invited the Radical Republican Party 's Alejandro Lerroux to do so. Despite receiving the most votes, CEDA was denied cabinet positions for nearly
23640-566: The extreme politically he neared the Conservatives and briefly served as MP; some scholars refer also to "menendezpelayismo político"; most, however, limit themselves to "menendezpelayismo". Some deny him Traditionalist credentials altogether. Until the very late 1890s political Traditionalism lacked a complete lecture comparable to works of Balmes and Donoso; authors like Luis Llauder Dalmases produced general overviews of smaller scope or systematically contributed minor theoretical pieces to
23837-422: The fall of the bi-polar world the anti-Western sentiment was again on the rise among the Traditionalists. Founded on traditional resentment towards Anglo-Americans and earlier concerns about the emergent consumer society, it was now fuelled also by opposition to cultural revolution marked by LGBT , feminism and woke currents. In the 21st century it converted into fascination with Putin ’s Russia, presented as
24034-503: The fall of the regime; some, like Goytisolo, d'Ors or Canals, published their best known works in the late 1970s, in the 1980s or afterwards. They were joined by a new generation of authors, who started to publish in the last two decades of the 20th century, most of them scholars rather than political theorists and militants; the best known ones are a jurist and philosopher Miguel Ayuso Torres , historian Andrés Gambra Gutierrez and philosopher José Miguel Gambra Gutierrez . Their contribution
24231-506: The fall without resistance of Barcelona in January 1939, the Francoist regime was recognised by France and the United Kingdom in February 1939. On 5 March 1939, in response to an alleged increasing communist dominance of the Republican government and the deteriorating military situation, Colonel Segismundo Casado led a military coup against the Republican government , intending to seek peace with
24428-526: The first complete lecture of Traditionalism at all, preceding those of Balmes and Donoso – is supposed to be the 1843 work of Magín Ferrer . Other authors who ventured to offer a more systematic lecture, like Vicente Pou , did not make a major impact. Discussing ongoing politics Carlist Traditionalism focused on negative points of reference, opposing Liberalism and its incarnations like constitutionalism, electoral system, ongoing secularization of state, desamortización and centralization. Concepts attributed to
24625-410: The first half of the 19th century – emphatically claimed that a king can rule only within strict limits. They are set principally by 3 factors: natural law as defined in divine order, fundamental laws of Spain and self-government of groups forming the society. A king who reaches beyond limits becomes not only a tyrant but also a heretic and may be overthrown. The Traditionalist political doctrine
24822-549: The first month of the Popular Front's government, nearly a quarter of the provincial governors had been removed due to their failure to prevent or control strikes, illegal land occupation, political violence and arson. The Popular Front government was more likely to prosecute rightists for violence than leftists who committed similar acts. Between February and July, approximately 300 to 400 deaths occurred from political violence, while hundreds of churches, religious buildings and monuments were destroyed, damaged, or vandalised. Azaña
25019-1107: The former does not admit allegiance to any claimant or dynasty while the latter supports leadership of Sixto Enrique de Borbón , and that the former remains firmly within Vatican-defined orthodoxy while the latter is highly sympathetic towards the FSSX format of Catholicism. Both maintain their websites and social media profiles, issue bulletins, organize various types of public events and at times take part in elections. Key non-political institutions more or less flavored with Traditionalism are Fundación Ignacio Larramendi, Fundación Elías de Tejada, Centro de Estudios Históricos y Políticos General Zumalacárregui, Consejo de Estudios Hispánicos Felipe II, Fundación Speiro and Fundación Luis de Trelles; they issue own periodicals, stage cultural events, organize scientific conferences and remain active in cyberspace. Some of them maintain publishing houses and award prizes. Among numerous ephemeral periodicals and mostly electronic bulletins ( Tradición Viva , Ahora )
25216-400: The government's opponents on the right. Although the nationalist generals were planning an uprising, the event was a catalyst and a public justification for a coup. Stanley Payne claims that before these events, the idea of rebellion by army officers against the government had weakened; Mola had estimated only 12% of officers reliably supported the coup and Mola considered fleeing for fear he
25413-803: The help of the British intelligence agents, the rebels chartered a Dragon Rapide aircraft to transport Franco from the Canary Islands to Spanish Morocco . Franco arrived in Morocco on 19 July. Franco was offered this position as Mola's planning for the coup had become increasingly complex and it did not look like it would be as swift as he hoped, instead likely turning into a miniature civil war that would last weeks. Mola had concluded troops in Spain were insufficient and it would be necessary to use elite units from North Africa, something Franco had always believed would be necessary. On 12 July 1936, Falangists in Madrid killed police officer Lieutenant José Castillo of
25610-424: The islands to which they were assigned. On 18 July, Casares Quiroga refused an offer of help from the CNT and Unión General de Trabajadores (UGT), leading the groups to proclaim a general strike—in effect, mobilising. They opened weapons caches, some buried since the 1934 risings, and formed militias. The paramilitary security forces often waited for the outcome of militia action before either joining or suppressing
25807-401: The key points of the theory, with monarchy approached as an ultimate and united social body and not infrequently viewed in transcendent terms. As a king was supposed to top the political structure, in general sovereignty was placed exclusively with him. Most Traditionalists claimed that fragmented sovereignty – e.g. shared with a nation or its representative bodies in constitutional monarchy –
26004-587: The last Traditionalist known to have been killed was the victim of ETA . As a political doctrine the Spanish Traditionalism did not develop its own economic theory. Explicit references are rare, either very general or very fragmented. Wartime experience of Carlist states briefly emergent during Carlist Wars provide little guidance, be it in general economic terms or in terms of detailed questions like fiscal, monetary or trade policy. Massively changing economic conditions from remnants of late feudalism of
26201-655: The late 18th century to the post-industrial globalization of the early 21st century at various points in time elicited comments applicable to specific conditions, but falling short of a general theory. There are no traceable specific references to economy in early Traditionalist writings, produced during the twilight of Spanish feudalism. The first incursions into the area came upon implementation of revolutionary roots and gradual emergence of bourgeoisie . Some early Traditionalist theorists voiced in defense of certain features of historical regime, especially huge religious landholdings, subject to massive expropriation project launched by
26398-610: The late 1920s he was increasingly disappointed with centralization and the facade quasi-party, Unión Patriótica . There is little agreement about the figure of Angel Herrera Oria , founder and the moving spirit of ACNDP . Some students consider him representative of Catholic Traditionalism rooted in Balmesian and Menendezpelayista schools. Others set him on the antipodes of Traditionalism, noting that minimalist, democratic and accidentalist format of his activity should be rather associated with modern Catholic groupings. Acción Española ,
26595-452: The late 1940s, marked by emergence of a review Arbor and works of Rafael Calvo Serer , joined by Vicente Marrero and Florentino Pérez Embid . Own approaches to Traditionalism were fathered by Eugenio Vegas Latapié , Leopoldo Eulogio Palacios , Eugenio d'Ors Rovira and Manuel Garcia Morente , with a spirit of neotradicionalismo in the Juanista camp championed by José María Pemán . In
26792-615: The late 19th century that the question of social fabric emerged on the forefront, which it keeps occupying until today. Its understanding is founded on the concept of organicism: society is formed by a multitude of functional or natural communities – family being the primary and most important component – and is not a set of individuals. These communities are described as joined in a multi-layer structure organized by teleological principles, hierarchic and constantly interfacing with each other. Individuals are first and foremost expressed as members of those communities, not as their own selves, as
26989-477: The late 19th century was that of a social sovereignty. It claimed that communitarian components of the society standing between an individual and a king – named cuerpos intermedios – are fully autonomous and self-governed within their own limits. Neither king nor state nor political administration were entitled to tamper with them and were restrained in their powers by those very autonomous establishments. Effectively, this concept rendered Traditionalist state sort of
27186-448: The law shut out workers seeking extra income as pickers. Newly established labour arbitration boards regulated salaries, contracts, and working hours, but were more favourable to workers than employers. A decree in July 1931 increased overtime pay and several laws in late 1931 restricted whom landowners could hire. Other efforts included decrees limiting: the use of machinery; efforts to create
27383-466: The left, was quite fragmented: on the one hand socialists and communists supported the republic but on the other, during the republic, anarchists had mixed opinions, though both major groups opposed the Nationalists during the Civil War; the latter, in contrast, were united by their fervent opposition to the Republican government and presented a more unified front. Traditionalism (Spain) Defunct Traditionalism ( Spanish : tradicionalismo )
27580-500: The level of popular public discourse Traditionalist press have usually denigrated democracy. However, some key theorists admitted that it might be operational at the lowest community level, e.g. in case of a municipio . Moreover, few – at times dubbed "democrats to the core" – did not reject democracy, understanding it as a principle of representation and legal recognition; according to this reading, popular parliamentary elections were rejected as not genuinely democratic. Similarly vague
27777-403: The mechanism of decision making, also to the extent of suspending or blocking royal resolutions; in extreme cases, they were entitled to disobedience or even rejection of an illegitimate ruler. Regardless of the differences, the government was generally deemed responsible to a king rather than to any social representation with monarchy vaguely "moderated" by representatives of the society. Such
27974-441: The mid-18th century the criticism shifted to technocratic mode of governing; Andrés Piquer Arrufat , Nuix de Perpiñá brothers and especially Fernando de Ceballos y Mier confronted rising "despotismo ministerial", perceived as a result of arrogant Enlightenment . Indeed, some scholars emphasize the anti-Enlightenment spirit of 18th-century Traditionalists; others prefer to underline rather their anti-absolutist stand. In none of
28171-652: The mid-1950s a Carlism-related breed of Traditionalist theorists entered the scene and it is they who for the third time brought Traditionalism to its highest intellectual standards. The one who stands out is Francisco Elías de Tejada, mostly a theorist of law, though also historian and theorist of political thought; Rafael Gambra Ciudad is perhaps best described as an anthropologist, Juan Vallet de Goytisolo and Alvaro d'Ors Pérez-Peix made their names as jurists and philosophers and Francisco Canals Vidal excelled as philosopher, theologian and historian. Their numerous works, some of them monumental in size, appeared mostly during
28368-519: The mid-19th century these were mostly states on the Apennine Peninsula ; successive Carlist claimants married women from Borbon and Habsburg branches, ruling in Naples , Modena or Parma . Their suppression of revolutionary risings in 1848–1849 was viewed as triumph over ungodly liberalism; their fall in 1859–1861 was viewed as a fatal blow to European order, the blow completed with abolition of
28565-433: The movement until today: "Dios – Patria – Rey". Complete amalgamation of Traditionalism and Carlism was far from accomplished, the key difference having been the legitimist and dynastic issue. It was first demonstrated by Alejandro Pidal , who without renouncing his fundamentally Traditionalist outlook in the early 1880s agreed to accept Liberal constitutional realm of Restauración as a hypothesis, rendered attractive by
28762-548: The name of Comunión Tradicionalista . Traditionalist references are at times applied to CEDA . Upon the 1935 publication of his key theoretical work Pradera emerged as the new intellectual champion of Traditionalism. Outbreak of the Civil War triggered emergence of some re-definitions of Traditionalism and two major synthetic works by Luis Hernando de Larramendi and Marcial Solana González-Camino . The late 1930s and 1940s, however, contributed rather to general bewilderment in
28959-521: The new regime was a "republican dictatorship", modelled after Salazar's Portugal and along the lines of being semi-pluralist authoritarian, rather than fascist totalitarian. The initial government would be an all-military "Directory", which would create a "strong and disciplined state". Sanjurjo would be the head of this new regime, due to being liked and respected within the military, though his position would be symbolic due to his lack of political talent. The 1931 Constitution would be suspended, replaced by
29156-533: The ones which stand out for continuity and quality are Verbo , Anales de Fundación Francisco Elías de Tejada , Aportes and Fuego y Raya . In popular public discourse Traditionalism is represented mostly by an array of electronic services, maintained by individuals, Carlist círculos, various organizations or informal groupings, and formatted as portals, fora, blogs, shared-content sites, news etc. Longevity of Traditionalism poses two major problems for those willing to discuss its theoretical contents: how to define
29353-630: The onset of the Great Depression , the government tried to assist rural Spain by instituting an eight-hour day and redistributing land tenure to farm workers. The rural workers lived in some of the worst poverty in Europe at the time and the government tried to increase their wages and improve working conditions. This estranged small and medium landholders who used hired labour. The Law of Municipal Boundaries forbade owners from hiring workers outside their locality. When some localities had labour shortages,
29550-446: The opposite faction of María Cristina ; in terms of popular support the rural masses were attracted to the camp of Don Carlos mostly by religious zeal and perceived threat of foreign-inspired secularization. However, most present-day scholars refer to his supporters as Carlists; cases of applying the Traditionalist denomination are rather exceptional. Though some students have no doubt that political outlook of Don Carlos and his followers
29747-414: The people before the military took over. The prime minister was hesitant. The uprising's timing was fixed at 17 July, at 17:01, agreed to by the leader of the Carlists, Manuel Fal Conde . However, the timing was changed—the men in the Morocco protectorate were to rise up at 05:00 on 18 July and those in Spain proper a day later so that control of Spanish Morocco could be achieved and forces sent back to
29944-407: The political system to match social reality. Until the 1850s, the economy of Spain was primarily based on agriculture . There was little development of a bourgeois industrial or commercial class. The land-based oligarchy remained powerful; a small number of people held large estates called latifundia as well as all of the important positions in government. The mid-century Carlist Wars , fought by
30141-447: The press. This changed at the turn of the centuries thanks to two figures who renovated Traditionalist thought: Enrique Gil Robles and Juan Vázquez de Mella. Both offered complete and similar political visions; the former produced it as a single lengthy treaty accompanied by few minor works and the latter as massive and a rather loose collection of press contributions, parliamentary addresses and booklets. Some scholars consider de Mella
30338-570: The prevailing opinion is that the two offered highly competitive visions. Some relate birth of Traditionalism to mounting dissatisfaction with increasingly absolutist reforms of the 18th century. Some see absolutist references in the Persian Manifesto as linguistic misunderstanding, since the paragraph in question is reportedly clearly aimed against absolute, unlimited monarchical power, standing rather for sovereign execution of undivided powers limited by divine law, justice and fundamental rules of
30535-468: The primarily conservative and Catholic areas of Old Castile and León , which fell quickly. They took Cádiz with help from the first troops from Africa. The government retained control of Málaga , Jaén , and Almería . In Madrid, the rebels were hemmed into the Cuartel de la Montaña siege , which fell with considerable bloodshed. Republican leader Casares Quiroga was replaced by José Giral , who ordered
30732-405: The primary leader of the Nationalist side. The Nationalists advanced from their strongholds in the south and west, capturing most of Spain's northern coastline in 1937. They also besieged Madrid and the area to its south and west for much of the war. After much of Catalonia was captured in 1938 and 1939, and Madrid cut off from Barcelona, the Republican military position became hopeless. Following
30929-578: The provincial capitals and, following the resignation of Aznar's government, Alfonso XIII fled the country. At this time, the Second Spanish Republic was formed. This republic remained in power until the beginning of the civil war five years later. The revolutionary committee headed by Niceto Alcalá-Zamora became the provisional government, with Alcalá-Zamora himself as president and head of state . The republic had broad support from all segments of society. In May 1931, an incident in which
31126-468: The public discourse Traditionalism was already firmly and explicitly pitted against Liberalism. At that time it was only occasionally and loosely getting associated with Carlism, though "monarquía tradicional" became common reference of Carlist press and politicians. In the 1870s Traditionalism was first tested as operational political concept; during the Third Carlist War territories controlled by
31323-435: The question of public power emerged having been natural result of their advancement. Some Traditionalists presented the process as social structures built from the bottom until topped by institution of a monarchy, some prefer the option that people entrusted power to kings. This way or another, legitimate monarchical power was presented as resulting from human and social development in line with godly spirit, natural law declared
31520-424: The rebellion and was released from prison in January 1935. In sparking an uprising, the non-anarchist socialists, like the anarchists, manifested their conviction that the existing political order was illegitimate. The Spanish historian Salvador de Madariaga , an Azaña supporter and an exiled vocal opponent of Francisco Franco, wrote a sharp criticism of the left's participation in the revolt: "The uprising of 1934
31717-507: The rebellion. Quick action by either the rebels or anarchist militias was often enough to decide the fate of a town. General Gonzalo Queipo de Llano secured Seville for the rebels, arresting a number of other officers. The rebels failed to take any major cities with the critical exception of the July 1936 military uprising in Seville , which provided a landing point for Franco's African troops, and
31914-577: The relationship between a state and Spain has been somewhat vague. Given their emphasis on traditional social components and local identities in particular, Spain was not necessarily identified with a Spanish state. Independent political entities existing on the Iberian Peninsula in the Medieval era are deemed part of Spain, which might also be the case of Madrid-controlled territories elsewhere in Europe or Spanish possessions overseas, at times envisioned as
32111-607: The right-wing parties won the general election . The causal factors were increased resentment of the incumbent government caused by a controversial decree implementing land reform, by the Casas Viejas incident , and the formation of a right-wing alliance, Spanish Confederation of Autonomous Right-wing Groups (CEDA). Another factor was the recent enfranchisement of women, most of whom voted for centre-right parties. According to Stanley G. Payne and Jesús Palacios Tapias , left Republicans attempted to have Niceto Alcalá Zamora cancel
32308-414: The same emphasis. In general, the focus on royalty decreased over time; while the cornerstone of theories launched in the mid-19th century, in the mid-20th century it gave way to society as an object of primary attention. As exception there were also theorists counted among Traditionalists who remained close to adopting an accidentalist principle. However, it is generally assumed that monarchism formed one of
32505-435: The society were first of all bi-cameral Cortes and then Royal Council. A somewhat unclear question is this of Traditionalism and democracy . Understood in presently prevailing terms the two are clearly incompatible, as the former identified divine order and the latter the people as a source of public power. Also in terms of praxis most Traditionalists generally rejected democracy as unstable and non-functional system and at
32702-494: The spring. Franco was a key player because of his prestige as a former director of the military academy and as the man who suppressed the Asturian miners' strike of 1934 . He was respected in the Army of Africa, the Army's toughest troops. He wrote a cryptic letter to Casares on 23 June, suggesting the military was disloyal, but could be restrained if he were put in charge. Casares did nothing, failing to arrest or buy off Franco. With
32899-406: The start of the civil war; for comparison, the 1931–33 land reform had granted only 6,000 peasants 45,000 hectares. As many strikes occurred between April and July as had occurred in the entirety of 1931. Workers increasingly demanded less work and more pay. "Social crimes"—refusing to pay for goods and rent—became increasingly common by workers, particularly in Madrid. In some cases, this was done in
33096-408: The state and by no means sort of a privilege, granted by central authority to specific territorial entities. Fueros might be applicable to any sort of entity from a municipio to a region , though some theorists focused rather on smaller provinces and some rather on larger regions. According to Traditionalist reading identical set of specific regulations is not applicable across all entities forming
33293-698: The state and the Church are not supposed to be separate; the Traditionalist monarchy is a confessional state, with Church enjoying political, economic and otherwise support of the state, and the state enjoying pastoral support of the Church. The Church is supposed to retain economic autonomy; expropriations of religious properties, carried out in mid-decades of the 19th century, were viewed as assault on fundamental laws. Certain areas of public life, especially culture and education, were approached as jointly controlled by state and Church, though visions as to specific regulations might have differed. Common public orthodoxy requires that no freedom of religion or freedom of press
33490-481: The then fascist-nationalist Falange Española y de las JONS ("Falange") to help achieve their aims. Open violence occurred in the streets of Spanish cities, and militancy continued to increase, reflecting a movement towards radical upheaval, rather than peaceful democratic means as solutions. A small insurrection by anarchists occurred in December 1933 in response to CEDA's victory, in which around 100 people died. After
33687-421: The theory enjoyed its climax three times: in the 1840–1850s thanks to works of Jaime Balmes and Juan Donoso Cortés , in the 1890–1900s thanks to works of Enrique Gil Robles and Juan Vázquez de Mella , and in the 1950–1960s thanks to works of Francisco Elías de Tejada and Rafael Gambra . In terms of impact on real-life politics the concept exercised most visible influence during the rule of Ramón Narváez in
33884-426: The theory goes – as opposition to modernizing Borbonic reforms imported from France and resulting in buildup of an absolute monarchy . Initially the critics focused on intended homogenization of state; writers and scholars like Juan Manuel Fernández Pacheco , Narciso Feliú de la Peña and Manuel Larramendi objected to centralization efforts of Felipe V and voiced in favor of traditional local establishments. In
34081-426: The theory is narrowed, generally to Carlism though in some cases even down to its branches. Scaled down to a non-reducible minimum, Traditionalism is politics understood as implementation of social kingship of Jesus Christ; in practical terms it stands for a loosely organized confessional monarchy with strong royal power, with some checks-and-balances provided by organicist representation and with society organized on
34278-400: The ultra-conservatism of the monarchy. In 1873, Isabella's replacement, King Amadeo I of the House of Savoy , abdicated due to increasing political pressure, and the short-lived First Spanish Republic was proclaimed. The Republic was marred with political instability and conflicts and was quickly overthrown by a coup d'état by General Arsenio Martínez Campos in December 1874, after which
34475-650: The university at Oviedo. Rebels in the occupied areas proclaimed revolution for the workers and abolished the existing currency. The rebellion was crushed in two weeks by the Spanish Navy and the Spanish Republican Army , the latter using mainly Moorish colonial troops from Spanish Morocco . Azaña was in Barcelona that day, and the Lerroux-CEDA government tried to implicate him. He was arrested and charged with complicity. In fact, Azaña had no connection with
34672-453: The very nucleus of Hispanidad, a metaphoric soul of Hispanic cultural tradition. In historiography there are abundant references to theocratic nature of Traditionalism, especially in its Carlist incarnation, and this opinion has even made it to college textbooks, though some scholars demonstrate caution and some reserve the term only for certain branches of Traditionalism. Scholars focusing on Spanish political thought do not confirm such
34869-658: The vision of Catholic Unity; the current he launched is named as Pidalismo. Far more important was the late 1880s secession of the so-called Integrists , headed by Ramón Nocedal . The faction de-emphasized all non-religious threads, including the legitimist one, but unlike the Pidalistas they adopted a vehemently intransigent stand towards the Restoration regime. Though there were many prolific Integrist writers active in their network of periodicals, Integrist version of Traditionalism failed to produce its systematic theoretical lecture;
35066-563: The war, it was the " dress rehearsal " for World War II . The Nationalists won the war, which ended in early 1939, and ruled Spain until Franco's death in November 1975. The war began after the partial failure of the coup d'état of July 1936 against the Republican government by a group of generals of the Spanish Republican Armed Forces , with General Emilio Mola as the primary planner and leader and General José Sanjurjo as
35263-603: Was a military conflict fought from 1936 to 1939 between the Republicans and the Nationalists . Republicans were loyal to the left -leaning Popular Front government of the Second Spanish Republic , and consisted of various socialist , communist , separatist , anarchist , and republican parties, some of which had opposed the government in the pre-war period. The opposing Nationalists were an alliance of Falangists , monarchists , conservatives , and traditionalists led by
35460-504: Was a major blow to Spanish Traditionalism. Some of its pundits remained at the verge of breaching loyalty to the popes and there were even signs of Traditionalist anti-clericalism emerging. Until today one of the two Traditionalist political groupings remains highly sympathetic to religious Traditionalism of FSSPX, which proves that though Traditionalism at times approached Ultramontanism , they can by no means by equaled. Non-Catholic Traditionalism has never taken root in Spain; though in
35657-448: Was a marginal concept, deemed originating from revolutionary fallacy and conveying defective theory of legitimacy built from bottom up. If used, the term "nation" stood for community united by common tradition rather than by ethnicity, as people were falling not into various nations but rather into various traditions or, according to some, into various patrias. Though according to Traditionalist reading all political sovereignty rests with
35854-517: Was called to form a government before the electoral process had ended. He shortly replaced Zamora as president, taking advantage of a constitutional loophole. Convinced that the left was no longer willing to follow the rule of law and that its vision of Spain was under threat, the right abandoned the parliamentary option and began planning to overthrow the republic, rather than to control it. PSOE's left wing socialists started to take action. Julio Álvarez del Vayo talked about "Spain being converted into
36051-402: Was compromised. He had to be convinced to remain by his co-conspirators. However, the kidnapping and murder of Sotelo transformed the "limping conspiracy" into a revolt that could trigger a civil war. The arbitrary use of lethal force by the state and lack of action against the attackers led to public disapproval of the government. No effective punitive, judicial or even investigative action
36248-461: Was considered the key Carlist theorist until in 1919 he broke away . The short-lived party he founded was named Partido Católico-Tradicionalista; in popular discourse it was referred to as Mellistas or Tradicionalistas, while the Carlists of the era – still sharing the same Traditionalist outlook – were usually named Jaimistas. Until his death in 1928 de Mella remained the undisputed highest authority on Traditionalist political thought, though since
36445-643: Was enforced, even though the regent-claimant was loosely involved in Resistance and he ended up in the Nazi concentration camp . The Cold War presented the Carlists with a dilemma. As intrinsically anti-revolutionary movement which fought bolshevisation of Spain during the civil war they perceived the Communist block as the arch-enemy. On the other hand, democratic, secular, liberal, left-wing, modern, casual, and initially fiercely anti-Spanish and anti-Portuguese regimes of
36642-445: Was founded on pre-Traditionalist realist antecedents, no Carlist author of the 1830s is credited for developing a Traditionalist outlook. A fully-fledged Traditionalism is usually noted as born in the 1840s and 1850s, fathered by two independently working scholars, Jaime Balmes y Urpiá and Juan Donoso Cortés. Both formulated largely overlapping theoretical systems accommodating traditional Catholicism within constitutional framework of
36839-485: Was hesitant to use the army to shoot or stop rioters or protestors as many of them supported his coalition. On the other hand, he was reluctant to disarm the military as he believed he needed them to stop insurrections from the extreme left. Illegal land occupation became widespread—poor tenant farmers knew the government was disinclined to stop them. By April 1936, nearly 100,000 peasants had appropriated 400,000 hectares of land and perhaps as many as 1 million hectares by
37036-410: Was particularly acute at the time. Conscription was a controversial policy that was eventually implemented by the government of Spain. As evidenced by the Tragic Week in 1909, resentment and resistance were factors that continued well into the 20th century. Spain was neutral in World War I . Following the war, wide swathes of Spanish society, including the armed forces, united in hopes of removing
37233-409: Was proportional to modernizing efforts of Liberal governments, which in course of the 19th century systematically did away with feudalism-rooted territory-specific establishments which prevented homogeneity of a modern state. The subject of fueros, traditional regulations specific to some if not most areas, started to feature in the 1840s in the Carlist rather than non-Carlist breed of Traditionalism; by
37430-438: Was replaced by General Dámaso Berenguer , who was in turn himself replaced by Admiral Juan Bautista Aznar-Cabañas ; both men continued a policy of rule by decree . There was little support for the monarchy in the major cities. Consequently, King Alfonso XIII of Spain relented to popular pressure and called municipal elections for 12 April 1931. Left-wing entities such as the Socialist and Liberal Republicans won almost all
37627-431: Was retained by the government—however, the whole of the Republican Air Force was very outdated. The war was cast by Republican sympathisers as a struggle between tyranny and freedom, and by Nationalist supporters as communist and anarchist red hordes versus Christian civilisation. Nationalists also claimed they were bringing security and direction to an ungoverned and lawless country. Spanish politics, especially on
37824-440: Was sacked as chief of staff and transferred to command of the Canary Islands . Manuel Goded Llopis was removed as inspector general and made general of the Balearic Islands . Mola was moved from head of the Army of Africa to commander of Pamplona . This latter reassignment, however, allowed Mola to direct the mainland uprising; General José Sanjurjo became the figurehead of the operation and helped reach an agreement with
38021-534: Was taken; Payne points to a possible veto by socialists within the government who shielded the killers drawn from their ranks. The murder of a parliamentary leader by state police was unprecedented, and the belief the state had ceased to be neutral and effective encouraged important sectors of the right to join the rebellion. Franco changed his mind on rebellion and dispatched a message to Mola to display his firm commitment. The Socialists and Communists, led by Indalecio Prieto , demanded that arms be distributed to
38218-505: Was the 1834 abolishment of guilds , bodies advocated even 100 years later. Finally, opposition to doing away with feudalism-rooted local customs, fiscal exemptions or other local tariffs, and popular rather than theoretical hostility to urbanization and industrialization by large pitted Traditionalism against the bourgeoisie realm. Few non-Carlist Traditionalists accepted desamortización and in line with nascent capitalist order declared individual private property an inviolable foundation of
38415-408: Was uneven, with the Republicans retaining a numerical advantage, but with the Navy's top commanders and two of the most modern ships, heavy cruisers Canarias —captured at the Ferrol shipyard—and Baleares , in Nationalist control. The Spanish Republican Navy suffered from the same problems as the army—many officers had defected or been killed after trying to do so. Two-thirds of air capability
38612-492: Was visible but not decisive, related to co-drafting of 1845 constitution , the 1851 concordat and his friendship with Bravo Murillo . Donoso was the first theorist dubbed Traditionalist, the term starting to appear in the public discourse in the early 1850s. The Carlist version of Traditionalism was developed mostly by vast array of periodicals, headed by La Esperanza and its chief, Pedro de la Hoz . The first complete Carlist lecture of Traditionalism – by some considered
38809-413: Was withdrawn following the Dolfuss assassination, but Mussolini was still viewed as an ally; in the mid-1930s some 200 Carlists received military training in Fascist Italy and the Comunión political leader Rodezno signed a related quasi-political agreement. During the Second World War there were both pro- Axis and pro- Allies currents within the organisation; eventually the non-engagement policy
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