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132-523: On 5 September, President Joseph Kasa-Vubu dismissed Lumumba and six other members of the government. The dismissal order was countersigned by two ministers who disapproved of Lumumba's actions. Lumumba refused to leave office and contested with his replacement over control of the administration. Parliament reaffirmed its confidence in the Lumumba Government, resulting in a constitutional deadlock. On 14 September, Colonel Joseph-Désiré Mobutu launched

264-480: A coup that definitely removed Lumumba from power and installed his own regime. Lumumba was later murdered, and the constitutional crisis created by his removal remained unresolved until 1961. The Congo Free State was established in 1885 as the private domain of King Leopold II of Belgium. By the turn of the century, however, the violence of Free State officials against indigenous Congolese had brought intense diplomatic pressure on Belgium to take official control of

396-615: A round table conference in Brussels in 1960 with the Congolese leadership to discuss the political future of the country. The round table conference formally opened on 20 January. In the first speech, the Belgian Prime Minister assured that the Congo would be granted independence but did not specify a date. Kasa-Vubu demanded that a Congolese government be formed immediately, but his request

528-512: A "poison test" with a substance extracted from a kasa tree. The word "Kasa" was appended onto his name in commemoration of the event. Kasa-Vubu's mother died four years after his birth, and his father died in 1936. On 31 January 1925 he was baptised under the Christian name of Joseph at the Scheutist Catholic mission of Kizu, near Tshela . In 1927 Kasa-Vubu enrolled in primary school at

660-577: A Mukongo, showed much warmer approval of the government. However, it also solidified the oppositional alignment of PUNA, CONAKAT, and the MNC-K. Bolikango's supporters were infuriated by the result, as were many Bangala soldiers. Nevertheless, the discontent seemed to pose little threat to the Lumumba Government's operations or credibility, except in Kasai (in regard to the MNC-K). International opinion expressed satisfaction at

792-427: A comprehensive "Africanisation" of the administration, in spite of its risks, would be necessary. There were 9,800 Belgian civil servants in the Congo, all of whom held senior positions. Of the 12,485 Congolese functionaries, only 637 held higher level posts. Of the top three grades in the civil service, only three posts were held by Congolese. The Belgians were opposed to Africanisation, as it would create inefficiency in

924-474: A firing squad, their bodies were dissolved in acid. In reports Munongo said, "I will speak frankly, If people accuse us of killing Lumumba, I will reply: 'Prove it'." At the Conference Nationale Souveraine (CNS) shortly before his death, Mabika Kalanda asked him, "Godefroid, you are one of the survivors who participated in the end of Patrice Émery Lumumba. Why would you not take advantage of

1056-467: A guarantee of support in his presidential candidacy. As result of the negotiations with Kasa-Vubu, the cabinet was reshuffled to include an ABAKO Minister of Finance. In turn, the suggested Minister of Finance assumed the responsibility of Economic Coordination. The minister unseated by the change inherited the Ministry of Land Affairs, which was split off from the Ministry of Mines. A member of PUNA took over

1188-458: A long illness. Kasa-Vubu's family went into exile following his death, first to Algeria and then Switzerland. One of his daughters, Justine M'Poyo Kasa-Vubu , eventually returned to the Congo (then called Zaire ) in the 1990s. In 1997, she was appointed a cabinet minister by Laurent Kabila and then ambassador to Belgium. A bust of Kasa-Vubu's visage was erected on his tomb in September 2002 at

1320-554: A mandate to end the emerging Simba Rebellion . Tshombe recalled the exiled Katangese Gendarmerie and recruited white mercenaries, integrating them with the Armée Nationale Congolaise (ANC). Many of the mercenaries had fought for Katanga while Tshombe was the leader of that breakaway province. Despite the successes against the Simba rebels, Tshombe's prestige was damaged by his use of white mercenaries and western forces. He lost

1452-525: A moral obligation to support and defend the government within the limits set by the law, the members of the government themselves have a duty to work together as a team. Their policy must be the policy of the government and not that of one party, one race, or one tribe. It must be a policy which reflects the interests of the nation and which allows humanitarian values to flourish in freedom. This imperative excludes all feelings of hatred, suspicion, and bad faith towards those who have collaborated loyally with us. It

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1584-465: A presumably symbolic head of state and head of government was the most noticeable and potentially harmful feature borrowed from the Belgian constitution. As in a parliamentary system , such power was to be exercised by a prime minister and a cabinet responsible to Parliament. If the cabinet lost the confidence of Parliament, a motion of censure would be passed (either with a simple majority in both houses of

1716-473: A rally in the capital on 4 January 1959. The municipal government issued a de facto ban on the event. ABAKO supporters were infuriated and, at the scheduled time of the rally, initiated three days of violent and destructive riots . The Force Publique (the colonial army) suppressed the revolt with considerable brutality. On 13 January the Belgian King, Baudouin , declared that independence would be granted to

1848-411: A result, many ministers were confused as to the location of their offices, the composition of their staffs, and the scope of their responsibilities. Organisational charts for the ministries were under evaluation as late as 28 June. The large number of departments also greatly fractured authority; social policy was shared between three ministries (Social Affairs, Labour, Youth and Sports) and economic policy

1980-462: A series of resolutions on 19 February and the conference closed the following day. One of the resolutions called for another conference to be held to negotiate the economic transition of the Congo. The conference opened on 20 April. Most of the Congolese attendees of the earlier round table were occupied by domestic political affairs and did not attend. The conference dissolved without the Congolese making many serious guarantees, though they obtained for

2112-566: A series of weak governments while confronting subsequent rebellions by Lumumba's supporters. In 1965, he was overthrown in another coup by Joseph-Désiré Mobutu and died four years later. Joseph Kasa-Vubu was born in the village of Kuma-Dizi in the Mayombe district in the Bas-Congo , in the west of the Belgian Congo . Different sources list his year of birth as 1910, 1913, 1915, or 1917, though 1915

2244-523: A strong unitary state, nationalism, and the termination of Belgian rule and began forming alliances with regional groups, such as the Kivu-based Centre du Regroupement Africain (CEREA). Though the Belgians supported a unitary system over the federal models suggested by ABAKO and CONAKAT, they and more moderate Congolese were unnerved by Lumumba's increasingly extremist attitudes. With the implicit support of

2376-535: A two-thirds majority in a single house) and it would be dismissed. By comparison, the head of state (a President) was irresponsible and only had the power to ratify treaties, promulgate laws, and nominate high-ranking officials (including the Prime Minister and the cabinet). In Belgium, parliamentary tradition had rendered these duties inconsequential in the face of the premier's influence. In the Congo, no such convention had been established. The Loi Fondamentale defined

2508-582: A week after the country's independence in 1960, their government was confronted by the Congo Crisis , a series of secession movements and rebellions. During this time, Kasa-Vubu, a centrist, clashed with the leftist Lumumba when the latter ordered assistance from the Soviet Union , leading to a political deadlock. Kasa-Vubu then dissolved Lumumba's government, accusing it of having communist sympathies. Following Lumumba's execution in 1961, Kasa-Vubu presided over

2640-463: Is also the duty of the government to respect the institutions which have been set up and to abide by the normal rules of democratic practice. On 5 September, Kasa-Vubu dissolved Lumumba's government which he accused of communist sympathies. Lumumba refused to accept his dismissal and announced Kasa-Vubu's dismissal, creating a stalemate that endured until 14 September, when Army Commander Joseph-Désiré Mobutu seized power and arrested Lumumba. Lumumba

2772-581: Is the most probable date. He was the eighth of nine children in a family of the Yombe people , an ethnic group that is a subset of the Kongo people . His father was a successful farmer who, as an independent entrepreneur, traded with street merchants in Cabinda and built his house at the outskirts of the village. This earned him the animosity of the villagers and in an attempt to assuage their hostility he volunteered to undergo

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2904-730: The All-African Peoples' Conference in Accra , Ghana, in December 1958. Lumumba was deeply impressed by the Pan-Africanist ideals of Ghanaian President Kwame Nkrumah and returned to the Congo with a more radical party programme, demanding the country's "genuine" independence. Fearing that they were being overshadowed by Lumumba and the MNC, Kasa-Vubu and the ABAKO leadership announced that they would be hosting

3036-589: The Democratic Republic of the Congo (the Republic of the Congo until 1964) from 1960 until 1965. A member of the Kongo ethnic group , Kasa-Vubu became the leader of the Alliance des Bakongo (ABAKO) party in the 1950s and soon became a leading proponent of Congo's independence from Belgian colonial rule . He then became the country's first president in a coalition with Patrice Lumumba as prime minister. Less than

3168-644: The Mouvement National Congolais (MNC). Diverse in membership, the party sought to peacefully achieve Congolese independence, promote the political education of the populace, and eliminate regionalism. The MNC drew most of its membership from the residents of the eastern city of Stanleyville and from the population of the Kasai Province , where efforts were directed by a Muluba businessman, Albert Kalonji . Belgian officials appreciated its moderate and anti-separatist stance and allowed Lumumba to attend

3300-465: The Palais de la Nation to vote on Lumumba's government. Lumumba addressed the deputies, promising to maintain national unity, abide by the will of the people, and pursue a neutralist foreign policy. The Chamber proceeded to engage in a heated debate. Though the government contained members from parties that held 120 of the 137 seats, reaching a majority was not a straightforward task. While several leaders of

3432-483: The Republic of the Congo . During the meeting a committee was established to draft a Treaty of Friendship, Assistance, and Co-operation to be signed with Belgium. It stipulated that the Belgian civil servants in the Congo and the Belgian officers of the Force Publique would remain at their posts and receive compensation from the Belgian government. It also allowed for Belgian metropolitan troops to continue to garrison

3564-461: The ABAKO won a significant number of votes in the new parliament but not an outright victory. In a political compromise, it was agreed that Patrice Lumumba , of the Mouvement National Congolais (MNC) would be prime minister, and Kasa-Vubu would face Jean Bolikango , a former mentor in the ABAKO, for the presidency. The election of Kasa-Vubu brought about wide-ranging acceptance of the Congo's new administration. The Belgian press reacted positively to

3696-574: The Americans, the United Nations and the Soviet Union. Meanwhile, Kasa-Vubu faced criticism from ABAKO and President Fulbert Youlou of Congo-Brazzaville for not curbing Lumumba's authoritarian actions. He resisted their pressure, and on 13 August he broadcast an appeal for unity and support for the government. Nevertheless, he cautioned the government against arbitrariness and excess: If I am under

3828-541: The Association du Personnel Indigene de la Colonie (APIC) labour union. Fourteen of the ministers were openly left-leaning, including Gizenga, Mulele, and Gbenye. Gizenga, Mulele, Kashamura, and Bisukiro had connections with foreign leftists—mostly African nationalists—and harboured a more programmatic approach to their politics, probably due to the disaffection of farmers in their constituencies. Yav, Bomboko, and Bolamba were all known Belgian protégés, while Rudahindwa worked at

3960-628: The Belgian Foreign Ministry, they adopted an order of precedence that was nearly identical to the system used in Belgium. Ministers also concerned themselves with housing, and several visited Belgian officials at their homes in search of prospective residences. Lumumba was unable to move himself and his staff into his designated residence and offices until the Belgian Governor-general vacated the premises on 5 July. "The functioning of

4092-477: The Belgian colonizers were to blame for all our troubles." At the onset of his premiership Lumumba had two main goals: ensure that independence would bring a legitimate improvement in the quality of life for the Congolese and unify the country in a centralised state by eliminating tribalism and regionalism. He was also worried that opposition to his government would appear rapidly and had to be managed quickly and decisively. "The first Congolese government represented

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4224-535: The CNS to tell us your truth?" Munongo emotionally replied, "My dear Mabika, you put an important issue before me. What I can say at this stage is that I was not alone. We were numerous. We'll have to get all these people together. But anyway, I can say at that time, we were working, without realizing it, for the interests that were not ours. We were young". He died without ever fully recounting his role in Lumumba's death. Munongo

4356-487: The Chamber and busy trying to confirm the support of other parties, demanded to be made formateur . Negotiations on the composition of the first government began on 31 May though a formateur had still not been selected. Belgium had committed itself to 30 June for independence and risked embarrassing itself in the international community if it proceeded without the Congo having its own government. Walter Ganshof van der Meersch

4488-527: The Congo and that individual regions became specialised . The country was split into nesting, hierarchically organised administrative subdivisions, and run uniformly. As early as the 1920s, the Congo possessed one of the densest colonial regimes in Africa. The administration was heavily involved in the life of the Congolese; Belgian functionaries closely monitored and enforced agricultural production, provided medical services to many residents, and frequently toured even

4620-494: The Congo in the future. Meanwhile, discontent surfaced among the MNC leadership, who were bothered by Lumumba's domination over the party's politics. Relations between Lumumba and Kalonji also grew tense, as the former was upset with how the latter was transforming the Kasai branch into an exclusively Luba group and antagonising other tribes. This culminated in the split of the party into the MNC-Lumumba/MNC-L under Lumumba and

4752-534: The Congo's monetary and fiscal policy would be decided upon by both institutions, greatly limiting the economic freedom of the new government. The Congolese were left in effect with no monetary authority and so could not issue currency or generate credit. The Belgians also persuaded several significant businesses to deposit a total of £17.5 million in the Congo's treasury (which had only £4.9 million in December 1959) as advance payments for future taxes, duties, and dividends. However, this action in-effect guaranteed that

4884-458: The Congo's 1960 budget, by far the largest debt burden of any relinquished African colony. However, this was somewhat alleviated by two factors. Firstly, most of it was incurred through development work. Secondly, the government assumed control over a portfolio of assets worth approximately £240 million, including a significant amount of shares of the UMHK and several important parastatals. In addition to

5016-538: The Congo's bureaucracy and lead to a mass exodus of unemployed civil servants which they would be unable to handle back in Europe. All the same the proposal could not be quickly enacted before independence; Lumumba was wary of a hasty reorganisation that would jeopardise the administration and reluctantly favored a slower transformation. He also considered the Africanisation of the territorial service to be important, but since

5148-493: The Congo, to do everything in your power to help me...Our government, strong, national, and popular, will be the salvation of this country." Extracts from Lumumba's independence speech, 30 June 1960 The Independence Day formalities were arranged by the Belgians. The itinerary began with an 11:00 ceremony at the Palais de la Nations, where King Baudouin and President Kasa-Vubu were due to deliver speeches. Kasa-Vubu's address, which

5280-414: The Congolese accepted the date of 30 June 1960 for sovereignty to be granted. Questions over whether Belgium would retain any responsibilities after independence for a transitional period were resolved by a committee, which recommended that all powers should be conferred upon the Congolese state and any technical assistance should be agreed upon through a treaty. The decisions of the delegates were ratified in

5412-628: The Congolese state a large number of shares in the Union Minière du Haut Katanga (UMHK), a highly profitable mining company. It was decided at the Round Table Conference that the resolutions the participants adopted would serve as the basis for the Loi Fondamentale (Fundamental Law), a temporary draft constitution left for the Congo until a permanent one could be promulgated by a Congolese parliament. The division of executive power between

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5544-400: The Congolese struggle for independence. Kasa-Vubu was set to address the crowd on African nationalism , but colonial authorities banned the meeting. They were unable to calm the crowd and thousands of Congolese began rioting. Kasa-Vubu was arrested, along with several other leaders, and imprisoned for inciting the riot. He was released two months later. Upon Congo's independence from Belgium,

5676-442: The Lumumba Government was officially invested. With the institution of a broad coalition, the parliamentary opposition was officially reduced to only the MNC-K and some individuals. The Soviet Union was pleased by the composition of the government and made several overtures to Lumumba to try and secure his favor, while United States officials were unsure how to respond. According to the Loi Fondamentale, Parliament had to meet to elect

5808-575: The MNC-Kalonji/MNC-K under Kalonji and Iléo. The latter began advocating federalism. Adoula left the organisation altogether. Alone to lead his own faction and facing competition from ABAKO, Lumumba became increasingly strident in his demands for independence. He was arrested following a riot in Stanleyville; nevertheless, his influence and that of the MNC-L continued to grow rapidly. The party advocated for

5940-530: The MNC-L was made president with 74 votes (a majority), while the two vice presidencies were secured by the PSA and CEREA candidates, both of whom had the support of Lumumba. With time running out before independence, Baudouin took new advice from Ganshof and made Lumumba formateur . The following day the Senate convened to elect its officers. Though Iléo won the presidency, the two vice presidencies were awarded to BALUBAKAT and

6072-422: The MNC-L. Once it was apparent that Lumumba's bloc controlled Parliament, several members of the opposition became eager to negotiate for a coalition government so they could share power. Among these were Bolikango, Delvaux, and Bolya. Their quest for compromise undermined the strength of the anti-MNC-L alliance. By 22 June (shortly before the vote on the Senate's officers) Lumumba's government, headed by himself in

6204-634: The Ministry of Finance, a minister of state, the Secretary of State for the Interior, and a written pledge of support from the MNC-L and its allies for his presidential candidacy. Lumumba weighed his options for the Minister of Foreign Affairs between Thomas Kanza (Daniel Kanza's son), André Mandi, and Justin Bomboko . He mistrusted Bomboko, whom the Belgians supported and with whom he had political differences. Kanza, who

6336-561: The Ministry of Social Affairs, which was broken off of the Ministry of Labour. ABAKO earned one minister of state and secretary of state. The Secretary of State for the Interior was transferred to the Secretariat for Finance, while PUNA was entrusted with one minister of state. According to Kanza, Jacques Lumbala and Joseph-Désiré Mobutu held much influence in the final determination of Lumumba's government. Baudouin also formally decreed Lumumba to be prime minister. The government consisted of

6468-579: The Political Round Table called for the establishment of a Collège Exécutive Général (General Executive College), a body composed of six Congolese—one from each province—designed to share power with the Governor-general until independence. They were as follows: Rémy Mwamba for Katanga, Joseph Kasa-Vubu for Léopoldville, Patrice Lumumba for Orientale, Paul Bolya for Équateur, Pierre Nyanguyle for Kasaï, and Anicet Kashamura for Kivu. The members of

6600-401: The Prime Minister's speech was proof of a radical and anti-Western outlook. After the speech Lumumba and Bomboko signed the accords officially conferring sovereignty upon the Congo with their Belgian counterparts. Joseph Kasa-Vubu Joseph Kasa-Vubu , alternatively Joseph Kasavubu , ( c.  1915 – 24 March 1969) was a Congolese politician who served as the first President of

6732-400: The activities of Gbenye and Mwamba who both, acting in their respective capacities as Minister of Justice and Minister of Interior, had tried to cement their own control over the organisation. With the independence of the country, the new government also inherited a complex financial situation. The political uncertainty of 1959 led to the overall withdrawal of over £90 million from the Congo by

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6864-483: The advice of the formateur , the King would appoint the Prime Minister and the suggested ministers. Within three days of the nomination the government would have to receive a vote of confidence from both houses of Parliament (in this case, 69 votes in from the Chamber and 43 votes from the Senate would be required). The Belgians hoped a moderate alliance would materialise to oppose the MNC-L, so they would not have to give Lumumba

6996-455: The authorities to remain in Léopoldville. Articles 47 and 48 of the Loi Fondamentale dictated how the first Congolese government was to be formed. In accordance with them, The King of the Belgians would consult with the major political forces that emerged after elections and appoint a formateur (former) who would then create a government "likely to obtain the confidence of [P]arliament". On

7128-632: The bases of Kitona and Kamina until another agreement could arrange the installations' handover to the Congolese government. The text of the treaty was hurriedly finished and on 29 June the agreement was signed by Belgian Prime Minister Gaston Eyskens , Belgian Foreign Minister Pierre Wigny , Lumumba, and Bomboko. Most observers familiar with the Congolese situation believed that the new government would not, with so much technical assistance, really operate independently of Belgium and some feared that regardless of such support it would not be able to function effectively. Meanwhile, foreign delegations arrived in

7260-561: The behest of the white settlers of Kivu. Nyembo used his position as Secretary of State for Defence to spy on the department's activities for Tshombe, who had secured office as the President of Katanga Province. Most of the members of the government, aside from Bomboko, Kanza, and Mandi, were ignorant of international affairs and Cold War dynamics. Mandi's place as the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs allowed him to monitor Bomboko's activities for Lumumba. As Minister of Youth and Sports, Mpolo

7392-535: The capital in advance of the Independence Day festivities. The Soviet gestures to Lumumba guaranteed a straightforward arrangement in their diplomatic relations with the Congolese government and an ambassador was assigned to attend the independence ceremony. More complicated negotiations regarding foreign relations took place with other states, such as Ghana. Congolese ministers were invited to an array of receptions, parties, and conferences. Their associations revealed

7524-455: The capital of the Congo. He worked there for 15 years, attaining the rank of chief clerk, the highest level of employment available to Congolese civil servants under Belgian rule. In 1956 he was in charge of accounting for all of the administration's general stores. Kasa-Vubu began semi-clandestine political organising work while he was still employed by colonial authorities. Following the resignation of its leader on 21 March 1954, Kasa-Vubu

7656-540: The cartel leadership, he was impressed by their obstinacy and assurances of a strong anti-Lumumba polity. He also faced increasing pressure from Belgian and moderate Congolese advisers to end Lumumba's assignment. On the following day Ganshof declared that Lumumba had failed to fulfill his role, and terminated his mission. Acting on Ganshof's advice, Baudouin then named Kasa-Vubu formateur . Lumumba responded by threatening to form his own government and present it to Parliament without official approval. He subsequently announced

7788-435: The central government was preoccupied the task mostly fell to the responsibility of the provincial authorities. Seeking another gesture that might excite the Congolese people, Lumumba proposed to the Belgian government a reduction in sentences for all prisoners and an amnesty for those serving a term of three years or less. Ganshof feared that such an action would jeopardise law and order and he evaded taking any action until it

7920-439: The college did not hold direct responsibility over any departments. Even though the date for independence had been established at the Round Table Conference, there was still substantial uncertainty throughout the Congo as to which faction would come to dominate politics in the new government. This caused deep anxiety among most of the electorate. The official electoral campaign began on 11 May, marred by confusion and violence. With

8052-523: The colonial administration, the moderates formed the Parti National du Progrès (PNP) under the leadership of Paul Bolya and Albert Delvaux . It advocated centralisation, respect for traditional elements, and close ties with Belgium. In southern Léopoldville Province, a socialist-federalist party, the Parti Solidaire Africain (PSA), was founded with Antoine Gizenga as its president. After

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8184-473: The completion of the former courses in 1939 he was expelled by the bishop. Kasa-Vubu subsequently returned to Mayombe and took up work as a bookkeeper for the Kangu mission. Dissatisfied with his salary of 80 francs per month, Kasa-Vubu passed the instructor's exam and became a sixth-grade teacher at the mission school in early 1941. However, his pay was not increased and he left the mission in open disagreement with

8316-430: The confused political situation many ministers were mistrustful of others and made such appointments based on regional or tribal affiliations. Petty tribal, religious, and personal disputes among staff hampered the establishment of the administration. Three hundred Congolese personnel were sent to Belgium for training in various ministries but very little changed in the lower levels of the administration; most clerks received

8448-431: The country's future profits would meet its deficits, greatly jeopardising the future liquidity of the Congo's finances. A drop in world commodity prices starting in 1956 had decreased the profitability of the Congo, leading to three-and-a-half years of deficits, though the Belgians proposed subsidising it. Lumumba's government was also liable for a national debt of £350 million. Managing it was estimated to expend 24.2% of

8580-486: The country, which it did in 1908, creating the Belgian Congo . The colony was divided into six provinces: Léopoldville, Équateur , Orientale , Kivu , Kasai , and Katanga . The city of Léopoldville was designated as the capital in 1923. Belgian rule in the Congo was based around the "colonial trinity" ( trinité coloniale ) of state , missionary and private company interests. The privileging of Belgian commercial interests meant that capital sometimes flowed back into

8712-438: The course of 30 years. The ABAKO quickly responded with a demand for "immediate independence". The Belgian government was not prepared to grant the Congo independence, and even when it started realising the necessity of a plan for decolonisation in 1957, it was assumed that such a process would be solidly controlled by Belgium. In December that year the colonial administration instituted reforms that permitted municipal elections and

8844-466: The creation of a "popular" government with the support of Pierre Mulele of the PSA. Meanwhile, Kasa-Vubu, like Lumumba, was completely unable to communicate with his political opponents. The decision to appoint him formateur rallied the PSA, CEREA, and BALUBAKAT to Lumumba, making it unlikely that he could form a government that would survive a vote of confidence. This was confirmed when the Chamber met on 21 June to select its officers; Joseph Kasongo of

8976-414: The culmination of the work of the independence movement...Lumumba's government intended to claim its rightful independence immediately and set out to combat all vestiges of colonialism and all forms of neocolonialism ; he hoped to persuade the Congolese peoples to build a unified nation in a democratic state within the rule of law." Sociologist Ludo De Witte To achieve the first aim, Lumumba figured

9108-421: The development, while the Léopoldville's daily newspaper Courrier d'Afrique , edited by a Kongo, showed much warmer approval of the government. International opinion expressed satisfaction at the striking of a proper balance in leadership. Belgian politicians hoped that Kasa-Vubu would check Lumumba's impulses and personal disdain for Belgium. He was officially sworn in as president on 27 June. The new republic

9240-440: The different factions in the government; some individuals heavily associated with the representatives of socialist countries or "progressive" Africans and Asians, while others only mingled with Westerners and their sympathisers. As these divisions surfaced, the ministers began to label each-other according to their beliefs; the categories ranged from socialist and anti-imperialist to reactionary and pro-Belgian. The ministers' names on

9372-490: The duality of authority they held in their ministries. In the ministries that were established before independence the cabinet posts were mostly filled by loyal members of the responsible minister's party. A minority were held by Europeans, with exception of the seats in the Defence cabinet, which were completely occupied by Belgian officers. A handful of the secretariats were given to some of the few Congolese university graduates. In

9504-407: The economic boom. Most évolué s sought to use their unique status to earn special privileges in the Congo. Since opportunities for upward mobility through the colonial structure were limited, the évolué class institutionally manifested itself in social clubs. Additional groups, such as labour unions, alumni associations, and ethnic syndicates, provided other Congolese the means of organisation. Among

9636-401: The fact that the former two were held by MNC-L members, while the majority of PUNA and MNC-K members were extremely displeased that their party leaders had not been included in the government. Lumumba failed to prevent dissidence by giving ABAKO and CONAKAT, parties both in control of regions with autonomous tendencies, a more secondary role in his government. European circles were displeased that

9768-456: The first Congolese government seemed to me from the first to be bizarre and unique; though excusable in view of its members' lack of experience, organization, equipment, coordination, of almost everything." Thomas Kanza The establishment of the new administration was mired with substantial confusion. The Belgians had expected 10 ministers, not 23 (of whom 20 held responsibility over a unique ministry), so most departments had to be divided. As

9900-465: The following individuals: The 37-strong Lumumba Government was very diverse, with its members coming from different classes, different tribes, and holding varied political beliefs. Though many had questionable loyalty to Lumumba, most did not openly contradict him out of political considerations or fear of reprisal. He dominated the Council of Ministers, and most of the ministers did respect his abilities. Of

10032-497: The formation of political parties. Nationalism increased in 1958 as more évolués began interacting with others outside of their own locales and started discussing the future structures of a post-colonial Congolese state. Nevertheless, most political mobilisation occurred along tribal and regional divisions. In Katanga, various tribal groups came together to form the Confédération des associations tribales du Katanga (CONAKAT) under

10164-624: The government as solely "the Prime Minister and the Ministers"; the office of the President was regarded as a separate institution. A parliament was to be composed of a lower chamber, the Chamber of Deputies , and an upper chamber, the Senate . Senators and deputies that assumed a ministerial post in the central government were allowed to retain their seats in Parliament. A state commissioner would be appointed by

10296-436: The government list circulated among the press were increasingly appended by their respective party affiliation. This development, according to Kanza, led foreigners to pigeonhole ministers with their parties' beliefs. "Thus, both within and without, the new Congo which my government creates will be a rich, free and prosperous country. But if we are to achieve this object quickly, I must ask all of you, legislators and citizens of

10428-541: The government was, in the words of Lumumba, "practically formed". At noon, he made a counter-offer to Kasa-Vubu, who instead responded with a letter demanding the creation of a seventh province for the Bakongo. Lumumba refused to comply and instead pledged to support Bolikango in his bid for the Presidency. At 14:45 he presented his proposed government before the press. Both ABAKO and the MNC-K were absent from its composition, while

10560-409: The grounds that ABAKO members would revolt and that, in his personal opinion, Kasa-Vubu would make a better head of state. Kasa-Vubu won the vote, 150 to 43 with 11 abstentions. The election of Kasa-Vubu brought about wide-ranging acceptance of the Congo's new administration. The Belgian press reacted positively to the development, while the Léopoldville's daily newspaper Courrier d'Afrique , edited by

10692-561: The head of state with the consent of the Senate to represent the central government in each province. Their main duties were to "administer state services" and "assure coordination of provincial and central institutions." The constitution delineated the authority of the central and provincial governments. Among the central government's duties and responsibilities were foreign affairs, national defence, domestic security, customs and currency, communications, major public works, higher education, national judiciary, and economic planning. In areas where

10824-404: The head of state within 48 hours of the appointments of the presiding officers of each chamber. Bolikango and Kasa-Vubu were the only two declared candidates. Lumumba had promised to support the former in the election in exchange for PUNA's support for his government's investiture. Afterward he secretly instructed the nationalist parliamentarians to vote for Kasa-Vubu, figuring that this would please

10956-478: The latter half of the 19th century. He entered the major seminary in Baudouinville in 1947, where he would stay for two years. In Kisantu , Munongo obtained his degree from the school of administrative sciences. He became a court clerk, then a police judge at the court responsible for identity cards. At the service of pensions, he became the head of the office, before becoming territorial agent in 1959. Munongo

11088-478: The leadership of Godefroid Munongo and Moïse Tshombe . Hostile to immigrant peoples, it advocated provincial autonomy and close ties with Belgium. Most of its support was rooted in individual chiefs, businessmen, and European settlers of southern Katanga. It was opposed by Jason Sendwe 's Association Générale des Baluba du Katanga (BALUBAKAT). In October 1958 a group of Léopoldville évolué s including Patrice Lumumba , Cyrille Adoula and Joseph Iléo established

11220-492: The members of the ministerial cabinet, only Kanza and Bomboko had university educations while Yav was completing his studies in Brussels. Nineteen of the ministers had worked as clerks, two as medical assistants, one as a teacher, and one other professionally in the private sector (Kanza had worked with the European Economic Community ). Lumumba, Bolya, Nkayi, Rudahindwa, Nguvulu, Mandi, and Liongo were all members of

11352-531: The most important of these was the Alliance des Bakongo (ABAKO), representing the Kongo people of the Lower Congo. In 1954 ABAKO was taken over by Joseph Kasa-Vubu , and under his leadership it became increasingly hostile to the colonial authority and sought autonomy for the Kongo regions in the Lower Congo. A group of Congolese intellectuals issued a manifesto in 1956 that called for a transition to independence over

11484-461: The most pressure groups and appease the ABAKO constituency, which many feared would effect a secession of the Lower Congo. Mpolo thought electing Kasa-Vubu would be a mistake and sought to postpone the vote to give Lumumba time to reconsider his decision. During the session he took the floor and suggested that, in light of heightened tensions between Bolikango's and Kasa-Vubu's supporters, the assembly be adjourned to facilitate further discussions between

11616-483: The most rural territories to oversee their subjects. There was also a high degree of racial segregation between the native and white populations, the latter of which grew considerably after the end of World War II due to immigration from Europe. During the latter stages of World War II a new social stratum emerged in the Congo, known as the évolué s. Forming an African middle class in the colony, they held skilled positions (such as clerks and nurses) made available by

11748-498: The notable exceptions of CONAKAT, the PNP, and the Parti de l'Unité Nationale (PUNA), most parties' rhetoric was anti-colonial in focus. Frequent attacks on the colonial administration by candidates led to confusion among segments of the electorate, which were given the impression that all forms of government—except welfare services—were to be eliminated after independence. The MNC-L and the PNP were

11880-516: The only PSA members were from Gizenga's wing of the party. The Bakongo of Léopoldville were deeply upset by their exclusion from Lumumba's cabinet. They subsequently demanded the removal of the PSA-dominated provincial government and called for a general strike to begin the following morning. At 16:00 Lumumba and Kasa-Vubu resumed negotiations. Kasa-Vubu eventually agreed to Lumumba's earlier offer, though Lumumba informed him that he could not give him

12012-419: The only parties to launch significant national campaigns. The results for the Chamber of Deputies were as follows: The results for the Senate were as follows: After the results were announced, Lumumba stated, "I am ready to co-operate with our opponents to from a national union government." Belgium was surprised by the MNC-L's electoral success. Belgians who had anticipated a PNP-led government were aghast at

12144-444: The opposition had been involved in the formative negotiations, their parties as a whole had not been consulted. Furthermore, some individuals were upset they had not been included in the government and sought to personally prevent its investiture. In the subsequent arguments, multiple deputies expressed dissatisfaction at the lack of representation of their respective provinces and/or parties, with several threatening secession. Among them

12276-495: The political parties on their candidates of choice. Confused by the proposal, Kasongo (who was presiding) asked if it had been made on behalf of the government. Displeased, Lumumba indicated that it was not. Instead of using his power to adjourn, Kasongo deferred to the assembly, which decided to proceed with the election. Thomas Kanza coaxed Lumumba to step outside of the chamber where he, his father, and Mpolo attempted in vain to change his mind. Lumumba refused to alter his decision on

12408-406: The portfolio for economic affairs, controlled by a CONAKAT member, was undercut by the positioning of nationalists in control of the Ministry and Secretariat for Economic Coordination, and that mines and land affairs were placed under separate portfolios. Tshombe declared that it rendered his agreement to support the government "null and void". At 22:40 on 23 June, the Chamber of Deputies convened in

12540-475: The post of prime minister, included members of the MNC-L, the PSA, CEREA, BALUBAKAT, and the Fédération des Association de Ressortissments du Kasaï au Katanga (FEDEKA, a party in a cartel with BALUBAKAT). However, negotiations continued between Lumumba and Bolikango, Delvaux, and Kasa-Vubu. Lumumba reportedly offered ABAKO the ministerial positions for Foreign Affairs and Middle Classes, but Kasa-Vubu instead demanded

12672-444: The premiership. An anti-MNC-L coalition did form; it principally consisted of the PNP, PUNA, and the MNC-K led by Jean Bolikango (of PUNA), Kalonji, and Iléo (both of MNC-K). Kasa-Vubu aligned himself with the opposition but refused to become its leader. The loyalties of other parties were unsure, and the whole situation was complicated by the divided opinions within the parties themselves. Meanwhile, Lumumba, mindful of his plurality in

12804-408: The presidency of the Chamber, the support was not congruent; members of the moderate wing of the PSA had voted against the government while a few members of the PNP, PUNA, and ABAKO, and a single CONAKAT deputy voted in favor of it. Overall, the vote was a disappointment for the MNC-L coalition. The session was adjourned at 02:05 on 24 June. The Senate convened that day to vote on the government. There

12936-645: The private sector before the end of the year. In 1960 the flight of capital averaged £7 million a month until the Belgian authorities intervened. By then, the Central Bank of the Congo and Ruanda-Urundi had been drained to a point where it could no longer fulfill its financial obligations. To provide stability, the National Bank of Belgium agreed to back its operations. In return, the Central Bank transferred all of its gold and dollar reserves to Brussels and agreed that

13068-465: The prospect of Lumumba leading an independent Congo. Many members of the various foreign missions in the Congo, however, believed that he was the only man capable of bringing order and stability to the country. Luluabourg , the provincial capital of Kasai, was designated the provisional seat of Parliament—and by probable extension, the new government—but ethnic violence between the Baluba and Lulua in Kasai led

13200-408: The provincial and central governments took contradictory stances, the central government's positions took precedence. The division of authority, a compromise between the federalist and unitarianist politicians, was dubbed by Belgian lawyers as "quasi-federalism". The Loi Fondamentale was a complicated and cumbersome document for the politically inexperienced Congolese. One of the resolutions adopted at

13332-414: The riots of 4 January 1959 Belgian leaders became increasingly fearful of a violent political conflict emerging in the Congo. The security situation in the country deteriorated over the course of the year, especially in the Lower Congo and in Kasai. Fearing the degeneration of the unrest into a colonial war and facing intense pressure for reform, in late 1959 the Belgian government announced that it would host

13464-494: The same salary as they had previously and were left under the control of the same Belgian civil servants. The ministries of Foreign Affairs, Youth and Sports, Education, and Information, relative to the other departments, were initially able to function under Congolese management. On the eve of independence the chief of the Sûreté Nationale (security police) was attached to the Prime Minister's office, allowing Lumumba to monitor

13596-414: The striking of a proper balance in leadership. Belgian politicians hoped that Kasa-Vubu would check Lumumba's impulses and personal disdain for Belgian policies. He was officially sworn in as president on 27 June. "The first meetings of our Council of Ministers were unforgettable. Our discussions were of the most desultory kind. All of us were happy, or at least cheerful and satisfied, at being ministers. It

13728-498: The superior and the local bishop. In May he found a new job at Agrifor, an agricultural and logging company. With a monthly pay of 500 francs, he felt financially secure enough to marry; on 10 October Kasa-Vubu wedded Hortense Ngoma Masunda in a Catholic ceremony at the Kangu mission. They had nine children. In June 1942 Kasa-Vubu earned a job as a clerk in the finance department of the Belgian colonial administration in Léopoldville ,

13860-536: The support of Kasa-Vubu, who dismissed him from the post of prime minister, in October 1965. Mobutu seized power for a second time on 25 November 1965, now deposing Kasa-Vubu and subsequently declaring himself head of state. Mobutu placed Kasa-Vubu under house arrest before eventually allowing the deposed president to retire to his farm in Mayombe . Kasa-Vubu died in a hospital in Boma four years later in 1969, possibly after

13992-610: The third-year level. The following year he transferred to a minor seminary in Mbata-Kiela, 50 kilometers away from Tshela. There he completed his primary studies and began learning Latin and humanities in preparation for instruction at major seminary . An industrious student, Kasa-Vubu graduated second in his class in 1936 and was admitted to the Kabwe seminary in Kasai Province . He intended to study three years of philosophy and five years of theology before becoming an ordained priest. Following

14124-418: The timetable as the ABAKO movement gained in strength. In his inauguration speech as mayor of Dendale, Kasa-Vubu reiterated his demand for independence, drawing a reprimand from Belgian colonial authorities, which only strengthened his image as a Congolese leader. On 4 January 1959, an ABAKO political gathering organised by Kasa-Vubu erupted into violence, sparking the Léopoldville riots , a pivotal moment in

14256-505: The tribute to Baudouin in his oration. Kasongo then called Lumumba to the podium. The Prime Minister delivered a charismatic, nationalist address which praised the Congolese independence movement and spoke toward the necessary sacrifices to be taken to improve the country. He highlighted the abuses the Congolese people had faced under colonial rule and stressed the importance of the Congo as a new African state. The Belgian press and population had an extremely negative reaction, and both believed

14388-455: The urging of his supporters. Kasa-Vubu's role in Congolese history has been overshadowed in literature by Lumumba and Mobutu. Anthropologist Yolanda Covington-Ward wrote that, contrary to Lumumba's "privileged" position in historiography on Congolese nationalism, Kasa-Vubu and ABAKO were the primary "driving force" behind the independence movement. Godefroid Munongo Godefroid Munongo Mwenda M'Siri (20 November 1925 – 28 May 1992)

14520-407: The £13.5 million in servicing the debt, the 1960 second semester budget also called for an expenditure of £38 million in regular appropriations. It only provided for £28.5 million in receipts, so the Belgian subsidy (which was to come in monthly installments) was required to keep it balanced. On 27 June the Lumumba Government convened and announced that the country would be known after independence as

14652-433: Was Kalonji, who said he would encourage people of Kasaï to refrain from participating in the central government and form their own autonomous state. When a vote was finally taken, only 80 of the 137 members of the Chamber were present. Of these, 74 voted in favor of the government, five against, and one abstained. The 57 absences were almost all voluntary. Though the government had earned just as many votes as when Kasongo won

14784-461: Was Minister of Interior for the Congo in 1965 and then led the eastern Katanga province until 24 April 1966, when the province merged with the neighbouring province of Lualaba . He was Governor of South Katanga until 5 November 1966. It has been claimed he was involved in the ethnic cleansing of Kasaians from 1960 to 1962 in Katanga and tried to obtain Belgian support. It has been alleged that Munongo

14916-618: Was a Congolese politician. He was a minister and briefly interim president, in 1961. It has been claimed he was involved in ethnic cleansing and in the assassination of Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba , during the Congo Crisis . Munongo was born on 20 November 1925 in Bunkeya (now in Lualaba Province ). He was a descendant of King Msiri of the Nyamwezi , who founded the State of Garenganze in

15048-447: Was announced. Though Kasa-Vubu was aligned with their beliefs, he remained distanced from them. The MNC-L was also having trouble securing the allegiances of the PSA, CEREA, and BALUBAKAT. The cartel members refused to work with Lumumba. On 16 June Lumumba reported his difficulties to Ganshof, who then extended the deadline and promised to act as an intermediary between the MNC leader and the opposition. However, once he had made contact with

15180-421: Was another heated debate, in which Iléo and Adoula expressed their strong dissatisfaction with its composition. CONAKAT members abstained from voting. When arguments concluded, a decisive vote of approval was taken on the government: 60 voted in favor, 12 against, while eight abstained. All dissident arguments for alternative cabinets, particularly Kalonji's demand for a new administration, were rendered impotent and

15312-459: Was charged with advising Baudouin on the selection of a formateur . On 12 June he appointed Lumumba to be informateur (informer), tasked with investigating the possibility of forming a national unity government that included politicians with a wide range of views, with 16 June as his deadline. The same day as Lumumba's appointment, the parliamentary opposition coalition, the Cartel d'Union Nationale

15444-435: Was denied. Disagreements between him and the Belgians over the competence of the conference led to Kasa-Vubu walking out during the negotiations. His uncompromising style caused a split with ABAKO vice president Daniel Kanza . Lumumba, meanwhile, was released from prison and flew to Brussels to participate in the conference. On 27 January he made his first appearance and voiced his support for independence. After some discussion,

15576-459: Was elected president of the Alliance des Bakongo (ABAKO). Under his leadership, the group swept the first open municipal Leopoldville elections in 1957 and he was elected mayor of the Dendale district of the city. Kasa-Vubu quickly became known as one of the first Congolese leaders to call for independence. At first, he advocated for independence from Belgium on a 30-year timeline, but he shortened

15708-416: Was immediately disrupted by political and military strife and regional secessionist movements, and the central government was paralyzed by conflict between the conservative Kasa-Vubu and leftist Prime Minister Lumumba. While Lumumba advocated for a stronger central government, Kasa-Vubu preferred a more decentralized form of government that gave autonomous powers to provinces under a federal system. Kasa-Vubu

15840-559: Was in a position to act as the government's primary propagandist. Charles Kisolokele was chosen to be ABAKO's minister of state because he was a practicing member of Kimbanguism . Lumumba probably hoped that through the appointment he could earn the allegiance of the rest of the Kimbaguist members of ABAKO, thereby dividing the party. MNC-L members controlled eight ministries, including four major portfolios: national defence, interior, economic coordination, and agriculture. Tshombe objected to

15972-515: Was involved in the death of Lumumba in 1961. Before his death Munongo was quoted in a newspaper as saying that he would, if Lumumba came to Katanga, do what the Belgians could not do and kill him. Lumumba and two other ministers were beaten on a plane journey to Katanga. Near the airport at Luano in Lubumbashi, they were all tortured, and Lumumba was personally assaulted by Katangan leaders, including Munongo and Belgian officers. After they were shot by

16104-517: Was later handed to Moïse Tshombe 's secessionist state in Katanga and was murdered under an alleged association of Mobutu, Kasa-Vubu, Moise Tshombe and the western powers, who had interests in the natural resources in Congo. Over the next five years, Kasa-Vubu presided over a succession of weak governments. After the end of the secession of Katanga, Kasa-Vubu appointed Tshombe as prime minister in July 1964 with

16236-493: Was one of the founding members of the CONAKAT party, becoming its first president in October 1958. The Belgian authorities have pointed at the incompatibility between his functions, and had to step down as CONAKAT president in favour of Moïse Tshombe . By 1960, he was the second man in the nationalist CONAKAT party, alongside Moise Tshombe . Munongo was interim president of Katanga Province from 26 April to 22 June 1961. Munongo

16368-467: Was optimistic about his opportunity to govern, he was disappointed by the fact that his government—composed of inexperienced men and so hastily established—could not function properly and that he had to work with many politicians who opposed his agenda. Meanwhile, the Council of Ministers held its first meetings. Most of the cabinet was concerned about the formalities that were to be in play during independence ceremonies and, following an appeal for advice to

16500-428: Was paternalistic in nature. He opened by celebrating the Congo's first Belgian colonists and Leopold II. He cautioned the Congolese not to make any sudden alterations to the institutions of government they were being given, encouraged them to be wary of foreign interference, and stated that they now had to show themselves worthy of being granted independence. The Congolese audience disliked the speech, and Kasa-Vubu omitted

16632-597: Was play-acting; some of it pure comedy, some nearer to tragedy. We were ministers; we, the colonized, now had titles and dignity; but we had no power at all over any of the instruments we needed to carry out the functions expected of us. We argued about offices, about suitable and available sites for them, and how they should be shared among us. We discussed the allocation of ministerial cars; the choosing and allotting of ministerial residences; arrangements for our families and their travel...In short, we talked endlessly, laughed ourselves silly, and concluded by generally agreeing that

16764-447: Was regarded as rather mysterious in his motivations and his actions, frequently preferring to stay silent or give ambiguous answers when he was confronted. His role as head-of-state was theoretically ceremonial and far less influential than Lumumba's role as prime minister. During the immediate upheaval following independence, Kasa-Vubu took few steps and made few definitive statements, even as Lumumba appealed for international assistance to

16896-404: Was shared between four (Economic Affairs, Economic Coordination and Planning, External Commerce, Finance). The ministries were set up according to the Belgian model whereby each was split into two sections. The first consisted of a minister's personal cabinet of up to 12 members (for which no minimum qualifications were specified) under the charge of a chef de cabinet . The cabinets' establishment

17028-438: Was submitted to the Council of Ministers in advance for review, consisted of two parts. The first concerned the Congo's history and its future, while the second acted as a tribute to Baudouin. Lumumba was upset that he was not listed in the programme, and he secretly drafted his own speech with the assistance of Kanza and Mandi and informed Kasongo, who was to preside over the ceremony, of his intention to speak. Baudouin's address

17160-412: Was the primary concern of ministers and their clientele and they were the only government organisations speedily instituted during the hand-over of authority. The second section of a ministry was composed of several departments led by a secretary-general. Tasked with advising a minister on "political" and "administrative" functions, respectively, the two branches were predisposed to coming into conflict over

17292-474: Was too late to fulfill the request. Lumumba's opinion of the Belgians was further soured by the affair, which also contributed to his fear that independence would not appear "real" for the average Congolese. He was also wary of the continued dominance of the Catholic Church in Congolese affairs, but declared that his government would support freedom of religion and the separation of church and state . Though he

17424-476: Was well acquainted with Bomboko, suggested that he himself be made Delegate to the United Nations (UN) with ministerial status, so he could operate with autonomy, while Bomboko should receive charge of Foreign Affairs, because he was an elected deputy and had more political support. Lumumba eventually agreed to this proposal, while Mandi was made Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. By the morning of 23 June,

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