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Defence Human Intelligence Unit

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The Defence Human Intelligence (HUMINT) Unit, previously known as the Joint Support Group ( JSG ), is a covert human intelligence unit of the Intelligence Corps within the British Army .

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107-516: The recruitment, selection and deployment of its agent handlers is known within the military as OP Samson and all of its activities are classified as secret. It was established in 2007 as Operation Banner concluded and following the Stevens Inquiry into allegations of collusion between the former Force Research Unit and Protestant paramilitary groups in Northern Ireland . The DHU, then

214-470: A 24-hour presence in the battalion's " tactical area of responsibility " (TAOR). An example of this structure can be seen in the make-up of 2 UDR based at Drumadd Barracks in Armagh: Sub-headquarter units would maintain contact with their own patrols and HQ by radio. In many cases the radios were operated by Greenfinches (female soldiers), whose husbands or sons and/or daughters were on one of

321-555: A 36-hour curfew and arrested all journalists inside the curfew zone. It is claimed that because the media were unable to watch them, the soldiers behaved "with reckless abandon". A large amount of CS gas was fired into the area while hundreds of homes and businesses were forcibly searched for weapons. The searches caused much destruction, and there were scores of complaints of soldiers hitting, threatening, insulting and humiliating residents. The Army also admitted there had been looting by some soldiers. Four civilians were killed by

428-536: A UDR Battalion Headquarters. The dispersal of UDR soldiers into their areas of responsibility was through sub-barracks of platoon or company size. Battalion headquarters would usually be located in the county town , but not always as some counties had two battalions. Guarded by conrate soldiers, these barracks would become doubly active after 6 pm as part-time soldiers arrived for evening duties. After Ulsterisation began in 1976, many battalion headquarters had full-sized permanent cadre companies and these would maintain

535-509: A drawback in that many men of comparatively young ages who had considerable years of service before retirement or promotion created a "promotion block". The response from the B Specials was mixed. Some felt betrayed and resigned immediately, while others made application to join the UDR as soon as forms were available. Others joined the newly formed RUC Reserve instead, especially in Belfast, where during

642-578: A duty-by-duty basis to assess their worth. In the Newry (C) company of 3 UDR , many of the recruits had formerly been soldiers in the local territorial company of the Royal Irish Fusiliers , including the company commander. It was a simple matter to appoint men who had previously been his NCOs and he supplemented these with former sergeants from the USC. The filling of senior NCO posts in this manner did have

749-575: A secret British Army unit, the Military Reaction Force (MRF), carried out undercover operations in Belfast. It killed and wounded a number of unarmed Catholic civilians in drive-by shootings . The British Army initially claimed the civilians had been armed, but no evidence was found to support that. Former MRF members later admitted that the unit shot unarmed people without warning, both IRA members and civilians. One member said, "We were not there to act like an army unit, we were there to act like

856-521: A state of lasting peace" and acknowledges that, as late as 2006, there were still "areas of Northern Ireland out of bounds to soldiers". The report analyses Israeli military theorist Martin van Creveld 's comments on the outcome of the operation: Martin van Creveld has said that the British Army is unique in Northern Ireland in its success against an irregular force. It should be recognised that

963-744: A strategy to defeat the IRA, which was backed by Michael Carver , head of the British Army. It proposed that the growth of the UDA "should be discreetly encouraged in Protestant areas, to reduce the load on the Security Forces", and suggested they "turn a blind eye to UDA arms when confined to their own areas". That summer, the Army mounted some joint patrols with the UDA in Protestant areas, following talks between General Robert Ford and UDA leader Tommy Herron . In November 1972

1070-462: A terror group". At first, many of the drive-by shootings were blamed on Protestant loyalists. Republicans claim the MRF sought to draw the IRA into a sectarian conflict to divert it from its campaign against the state. In May 1992, there were clashes between paratroopers and Catholic civilians in the town of Coalisland , triggered by a bomb attack on a British Army patrol in nearby Cappagh that severed

1177-546: A vetting officer. Applicants were divided into three categories: those who were immediately deemed acceptable, those who were to be immediately rejected, and those whose applications threw up doubt about their suitability. All applications were supposed to be submitted to the RUC Special Branch and Criminal Investigation Department , but in practice, this didn't always happen because of the initially high number of applicants. On 13 January 1970 seven "training majors" from

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1284-404: A week both had melded together. By 1 April 1970, only 1,606 of the desired 4,000 men had been enlisted, and the UDR began its duties much under strength. The regiment continued to grow, however. In 1973 numbers peaked at 9,100 (all part-time) and at the time of amalgamation had stabilised its numbers at 2,797 permanent cadre soldiers and 2,620 part-time. Unlike the USC, who were controlled by

1391-720: The 1st Battalion, Parachute Regiment ; fourteen died. Some were shot from behind or while trying to help the wounded. The Widgery Tribunal largely cleared the soldiers of blame, but it was regarded as a " whitewash " by the Catholic community. A second inquiry, the Saville Inquiry , concluded in 2010 that the killings were "unjustified and unjustifiable". On 9 July 1972, British troops in Portadown used CS gas and rubber bullets to clear Catholics who were blocking an Orange Order march through their neighbourhood. The British Army then let

1498-776: The Elizabeth Cross . According to the "Sutton Index of Deaths", at the Conflict Archive on the Internet (CAIN), the British military killed 307 people (297 of whom were killed by the British Army, eight by the UDR, one by the RAF and one by the Ulster Special Constabulary) during Operation Banner. Another detailed study, Lost Lives , states that the British military killed 301 people during Operation Banner. In July 2007, under

1605-713: The European Court of Human Rights as "inhuman and degrading", and by the European Commission of Human Rights as " torture ". The operation led to mass protests and a sharp increase in violence over the following months. Internment lasted until December 1975, with 1,981 people interned. The incident that most damaged the relationship between the British Army and the Catholic community was Bloody Sunday, 30 January 1972. During an anti-internment march in Derry , 26 unarmed Catholic protesters and bystanders were shot by soldiers from

1712-530: The Falls Curfew (1970), Operation Demetrius (1971) and Bloody Sunday (1972). In their efforts to defeat the IRA, there were incidents of collusion between British soldiers and Ulster loyalist paramilitaries . From the late 1970s the British government adopted a policy of " Ulsterisation ", which meant giving a greater role to local forces: the UDR and RUC. After the Good Friday Agreement in 1998,

1819-558: The Freedom of Information Act 2000 , the Ministry of Defence published Operation Banner: An analysis of military operations in Northern Ireland , which reflected on the Army's role in the conflict and the strategic and operational lessons drawn from their involvement. The paper divides the IRA activity and tactics into two main periods: The "insurgency" phase (1971–1972), and the "terrorist" phase (1972–1997). The British Army claims to have curbed

1926-596: The Ministry of Defence , 1,441 serving members of the British armed forces died in Operation Banner; 722 of whom were killed in paramilitary attacks, and 719 of whom died as a result of assault, accidents, suicide or natural causes during deployment. This includes: A further 45 former British military personnel were killed during Operation Banner. It was announced in July 2009 that their next of kin will be eligible to receive

2033-512: The Royal Air Force providing helicopter support as required. A maritime component was supplied under the codename of Operation Grenada, by the Royal Navy and Royal Marines in direct support of the Army commitment. This was tasked with interdicting the supply of weapons and munitions to paramilitaries, acting as a visible deterrence by maintaining a conspicuous maritime presence on and around

2140-538: The Royal Ulster Rifles ) and Michael Torrens-Spence DSO , DSC , AFC . All were appointed lieutenant colonel on a one-year contract. However, some of these men were already past retirement age and after their year's contract was up they were replaced by lieutenant colonels from the regular army, the first of these being Lt Col Dion Beard of the 1st Royal Tank Regiment (1 RTR) who took over at 3 UDR on 15 February 1971. The policy of appointing regular officers

2247-726: The Stormont government in Belfast, the UDR was under the direct command of the General Officer Commanding Northern Ireland (GOCNI), the commander of the British Army in Northern Ireland. A six-man UDR Advisory Council (three Protestant and three Catholic) was formed and chaired by the colonel commandant . Its brief was "to advise the GOCNI on policy for the administration of the Ulster Defence Regiment, in particular on recruitment; and on such specific matters as

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2354-544: The "murder triangle". It also carried out some attacks in the Republic. Lethal Allies: British Collusion in Ireland claims the group killed about 120 people, almost all of whom were reportedly uninvolved Catholic civilians. The Cassel Report investigated 76 murders attributed to the group and found evidence that soldiers and policemen were involved in 74 of those. One member, RUC officer John Weir , claimed his superiors knew of

2461-461: The 'hard' areas of Belfast, and are not permitted to become involved in crowd confrontations anywhere. Men are armed with self-loading rifles or sub-machine guns. The current strength of the Regiment is 7910. Until 1976 the full-time cadre were "conrates" (so called because they had a "consolidated rate of pay") whose duties consisted of guarding bases and carrying out administrative tasks. The role of

2568-515: The 1980s, 85% of the intelligence that loyalists used to target people came from the security forces. A 2006 Irish Government report concluded that British soldiers also helped loyalists with attacks in the Republic of Ireland. The Army's locally-recruited Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR) was almost wholly Protestant. Despite the vetting process, loyalist militants managed to enlist; mainly to obtain weapons, training and intelligence. A 1973 British Government document (uncovered in 2004), "Subversion in

2675-502: The Army did not 'win' in any recognisable way; rather it achieved its desired end-state, which allowed a political process to be established without unacceptable levels of intimidation. Security force operations suppressed the level of violence to a level which the population could live with, and with which the RUC and later the PSNI could cope. The violence was reduced to an extent which made it clear to

2782-544: The Army ordered that a soldier should be discharged if his sympathy for a paramilitary group affects his performance, loyalty or impartiality. Within three years, 171 soldiers with UDA links had been discharged. In 1977, the Army investigated 10th Battalion, Ulster Defence Regiment based at Girdwood Barracks, Belfast. The investigation found that 70 soldiers had links to the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF), that thirty soldiers had fraudulently diverted up to £47,000 to

2889-526: The Army said "the Government considered that the use of the word 'Ulster' is, frankly, unimportant". Another speaker said a majority in Northern Ireland prefer the word "Ulster". The proposed amendment was defeated and the UDR got its name. The Ulster Defence Regiment Act 1969 (c. 65) received royal assent on 18 December 1969 and was brought into force on 1 January 1970. General Sir John Anderson GCB , KCB DSO ( 5th Royal Inniskilling Dragoon Guards )

2996-423: The Army was a player, not a referee". Many Catholics initially welcomed the British Army's deployment, as Catholic neighbourhoods had been attacked by Protestant loyalists and the RUC. However, relations soured between the British Army and Catholics. The British Army's actions in support of the RUC and the unionist government "gradually earned it a reputation of bias" in favour of Protestants and unionists. In

3103-576: The Army. Senior Army officers privately lobbied successive Attorneys General not to prosecute soldiers, and the Committee on the Administration of Justice says there is evidence soldiers were given some level of immunity from prosecution. Elements of the British Army also colluded with illegal loyalist paramilitaries responsible for numerous attacks on civilians (see below ). Journalist Fintan O'Toole argues that "both militarily and ideologically,

3210-473: The Ballymurphy Massacre. No loyalists were included in the sweep, and many of those arrested were Catholics with no provable paramilitary links. Many internees reported being beaten, verbally abused, threatened, denied sleep and starved. Some internees were taken to a secret interrogation centre for a program of "deep interrogation". The five techniques , the interrogation techniques, were described by

3317-454: The British Army during the operation, and another 60 suffered gunshot wounds. On 9 August 1971, internment (imprisonment without trial) was introduced in Northern Ireland . Soldiers launched dawn raids and interned almost 350 people suspected of IRA involvement. This sparked four days of violence in which 20 civilians were killed and thousands were forced to flee their homes. Of the 17 civilians killed by British soldiers, 11 of them were in

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3424-605: The British Army or had been in the Special Constabulary and were middle-aged; this earned them the public nickname of " Dad's Army " – the sobriquet given to the Home Guard during World War II. After equipment shortages were resolved, male soldiers dressed in a similar fashion to regular army units. Camouflage jackets were worn and headgear was a distinctive dark green beret with a gold coloured "Maid of Erin" style harp, surmounted by St Edward's Crown (in later years this

3531-586: The British Army was deployed to assist the police. On 28 August 1969 security in Northern Ireland, including the USC, was put under the direct control of the General Officer Commanding in Northern Ireland, General Ian Freeland . The USC, which had no training in riot control, was mobilised to assist the RUC. A catalogue of incidents ensued, such as Specials from Tynan shooting dead an unarmed civil rights demonstrator in Armagh on 14 August 1969. While

3638-426: The British Army's overall commander in Northern Ireland, announced that anyone throwing petrol bombs would be shot dead if they did not heed a warning from soldiers. The Falls Curfew in July 1970 was a major blow to relations between the British Army and Catholics. A weapons search in the mainly Catholic Falls area of Belfast developed into a riot and then gun battles with the IRA. The British Army then imposed

3745-410: The British Army's campaign against the IRA, Catholic areas were frequently subjected to house raids, checkpoints, patrols and curfews that Protestant areas avoided. There were frequent claims of soldiers physically and verbally abusing Catholics during these searches. In some neighbourhoods, clashes between Catholic residents and British troops became a regular occurrence. In April 1970, Ian Freeland ,

3852-533: The British military from 1970 to 1997 . Catholics welcomed the soldiers when they first arrived in August 1969, but Catholic hostility to the British military's deployment increased after incidents such as the Falls Curfew (1970), Operation Demetrius (1971), the Ballymurphy Massacre (1971) and Bloody Sunday (1972). An internal British Army document released in 2007 stated that, whilst it had failed to defeat

3959-478: The GOCNI might refer to the council." The regiment would be commanded by a regular army brigadier. Battalions were to be commanded by "local members of the force". Commanding officers were initially former County Commandants from the disbanded USC. All were men of previous military experience, such as Dublin -born Desmond Woods who had at one time been the youngest winner of the Military Cross (serving with

4066-493: The IRA insurgency by 1972, after Operation Motorman. The IRA then reemerged as a cell-structured organisation. The report also asserts that the government efforts by the 1980s were aimed at destroying the IRA, rather than negotiating a political solution. One of the findings of the document is the failure of the British Army to tackle the IRA at strategic level and the lack of a single campaign authority and plan. The paper stops short of claiming that "Northern Ireland has achieved

4173-421: The IRA use of improvised mortars toward the end of the 1980s. In 1992, there were 17,750 members of all British military forces taking part in the operation. The British Army build-up comprised three brigades under the command of a lieutenant-general . There were six resident battalions deployed for a period of two and a half years and four roulement battalions serving six-months tours. In July 1997, during

4280-434: The IRA, it had made it impossible for the IRA to win through violence, and reduced substantially the death toll in the last years of conflict. From 1998, after the Good Friday Agreement , Operation Banner was gradually scaled down: patrols were suspended and several military barracks closed or dismantled, even before the start of the decommissioning of IRA armaments. The process of demilitarisation started in 1994, after

4387-711: The Joint Support Group, was active during the Iraq War in running Iraqi double agents and worked closely with the Special Air Service and Delta Force as part of Joint Special Operations Command Task Force Black by providing intelligence for counterterrorism operations. The killing of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi in June 2006 and the release of Norman Kember were both reportedly enabled by intelligence obtained by JSG. JSG intelligence also supported Operation Marlborough . JSG

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4494-447: The Ministry of Defence (MOD), a member of the Ministry of Home Affairs (Stormont) and Lieutenant Colonel S Miskimmon, the USC staff officer to the RUC. After discussions, they advocated a strength of 6,000 men (2,000 more than the Hunt recommendations), combat dress for duties, a dark green parade uniform, county shoulder titles, and a " red hand of Ulster " cap badge. The rank of " volunteer "

4601-541: The Northern Ireland cabinet remained supportive of the USC, it was put to them at a London meeting on 19 August that disbanding the USC was top of the British government 's agenda. The Hunt Report commissioned by the Government of Northern Ireland published on 3 October 1969, recommended that the RUC "should be relieved of all duties of a military nature as soon as possible". Further; a "locally recruited part-time force, under

4708-447: The Northern Ireland public that: "There's a new regiment in the army. We want you to help us form it." A coupon was provided for applicants to fill in, alternatively, those interested could pick up an information leaflet and application form from their local army barracks, TA Centre, Post Office, police station or library. A one-minute television commercial was produced which included a personal appeal by Brigadier Scott-Bowden. Recruiting

4815-525: The Orangemen march into the Catholic area escorted by at least 50 masked and uniformed Ulster Defence Association (UDA) militants. At the time, the UDA was a legal organization. That same day in Belfast, British snipers shot dead five Catholic civilians, including three children, in the Springhill Massacre . On the night of 3–4 February 1973, British Army snipers shot dead four unarmed men (one of whom

4922-530: The PIRA that they would not win through violence. This is a major achievement, and one with which the security forces from all three Services, with the Army in the lead, should be entirely satisfied. It took a long time but, as van Crefeld [sic] said, that success is unique. The US military have sought to incorporate lessons from Operation Banner in their field manual . [REDACTED] Category Ulster Defence Regiment The Ulster Defence Regiment ( UDR )

5029-488: The TA Centre, in exactly the same drill hall as they had previously used, for the first night of the new regiment. He noted there were some former B Specials in the room and observed they did not initially associate with the others – not on the grounds of religion but because the former TA soldiers all knew each other socially and sat together on canteen breaks whereas the former specials kept to their group of comrades, but within

5136-400: The UDR the largest infantry regiment in the British Army at that time. Two years later, four more were added, taking the total to eleven – 8th (County Tyrone) ; 9th (Country Antrim) ; 10th (City of Belfast) and 11th (Craigavon) . The regiment was described in 1972 as: Organised into 11 Battalions (59) companies: two in Belfast and the remainder cover county or sub-county areas. Seven of

5243-485: The UDR", suggested that 5–15% of UDR soldiers then were members of loyalist paramilitaries. The report said the UDR was the main source of weapons for those groups, although by 1973 weapons losses had dropped significantly, partly due to stricter controls. By 1990, at least 197 UDR soldiers had been convicted of loyalist terrorist offences and other serious crimes including bombings, kidnappings and assaults. Nineteen were convicted of murder and 11 for manslaughter. This

5350-474: The USC District adjutant actively campaigned to persuade his men not to apply. The Belfast Telegraph stated on 18 February 1970 that the first two soldiers reported as signing up were a 19-year-old Catholic and a 47-year-old Protestant. The regiment began with Catholic recruits accounting for 18% of the membership. Many were ex-regular soldiers, "eager to get back into uniform". By 1987 Catholic membership

5457-782: The USC, the Regular and Territorial Army, the Royal Navy , the Royal Air Force , the Royal Marines , the Indian Army and even the United States Army . In addition to the problem of finding officers there had to be observance of the Protestant/Catholic ratio but by March 1971, 18 Catholic officers had been recruited and the total number of officers was just enough for battalions to function at their current strengths. This rose to 23. All seven battalions were led by former commandants of

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5564-427: The USC. For each battalion there was a minimum requirement of: The appointment of non-commissioned officers (NCOs) was carried out in a variety of ways too. In most cases, men were selected who had previously held non-commissioned rank in any of the armed forces or the USC. In at least one case ( 2 UDR ) they were chosen by the men themselves. In some battalions, men were appointed as lance corporals (l/cpl) on

5671-560: The UVF, and that UVF members socialized with soldiers in their mess . Following this, two soldiers were dismissed on security grounds. The investigation was halted after a senior officer claimed it was harming morale. Details of it were uncovered in 2011. During the 1970s, the Glenanne gang —a secret alliance of loyalist militants, British soldiers and RUC officers—carried out a string of attacks against Catholics in an area of Northern Ireland known as

5778-527: The Ulster Defence Regiment Bill, the legislation establishing the regiment, was being debated in Parliament there was considerable discussion about its proposed name. An amendment to the legislation was proposed that would have given the regiment the name "Northern Ireland Territorial Force". Proponents of this amendment were concerned to ensure that the word " Ulster " be removed from the name of

5885-445: The active patrols, which led to tense moments when mobile units or foot patrols came under attack and submitted a "contact report" by radio. The early image of the regiment, due to equipment and uniform shortages, was of a rag-tag bunch using World War II weaponry, old army uniforms and carrying pockets full of loose change in order to make reports from public telephone boxes. Many of the soldiers were veterans of earlier campaigns with

5992-488: The authority of the British government in Northern Ireland. This involved counter-insurgency and supporting the police in carrying out internal security duties such as guarding key points, mounting checkpoints and patrols, carrying out raids and searches, riot control and bomb disposal . More than 300,000 soldiers served in Operation Banner. At the peak of the operation in the 1970s, about 21,000 British troops were deployed, most of them from Great Britain . As part of

6099-604: The beginning of the Northern Ireland "Troubles" . Before then, the main security forces were the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) and the Ulster Special Constabulary (USC), otherwise known as the "B Specials". Catholics were reluctant to join what they saw as unionist militias that lacked impartiality leading to the forces becoming almost entirely Protestant. Large scale intercommunal rioting in 1969 stretched police resources in Northern Ireland , so

6206-415: The border and the state against armed attack and sabotage. It will fulfill this task by undertaking guard duties at key points and installations, by carrying out patrols and by establishing checkpoints and roadblocks when required to do so. In practice, such tasks are most likely to prove necessary in rural areas. It is not the intention to employ the new forces on crowd control or riot duties in cities. When

6313-411: The coast of Northern Ireland and Lough Neagh . The role of the armed forces in their support role to the police was defined by the Army in the following terms: At the peak of the operation in the 1970s, the British Army was deploying around 21,000 soldiers. By 1980, the figure had dropped to 11,000, with a lower presence of 9,000 in 1985. The total climbed again to 10,500 after the intensification of

6420-744: The collusion but allowed it to continue. The Cassel Report also said some senior officers knew of the crimes but did nothing to prevent, investigate or punish. Attacks attributed to the group include the Dublin and Monaghan bombings (1974), the Miami Showband killings (1975) and the Reavey and O'Dowd killings (1976). The Stevens Inquiries found that elements of the British Army had used loyalists as "proxies". Through their double-agents and informers, they helped loyalist groups to kill people, including civilians. It concluded that this had intensified and prolonged

6527-419: The conflict. The Army's Force Research Unit (FRU) was the main agency involved. Brian Nelson , the UDA's chief 'intelligence officer', was a FRU agent. Through Nelson, FRU helped loyalists target people for assassination. FRU commanders say they helped loyalists target only republican activists and prevented the killing of civilians. The Inquiries found evidence only two lives were saved and that Nelson/FRU

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6634-463: The conflict. According to one study, the British military killed 306 people during Operation Banner, 156 (~51%) of whom were unarmed civilians. Another study says the British military killed 301 people, 160 (~53%) of whom were unarmed civilians. Of the civilians killed, 61 were children. Only four soldiers were convicted of murder while on duty in Northern Ireland. All were released after serving two or three years of life sentences and allowed to rejoin

6741-399: The conflict. This included soldiers taking part in loyalist attacks while off-duty, giving weapons or intelligence to loyalists, not taking action against them, and hindering police investigations. The Army also had double agents and informers within loyalist groups who organized attacks on the orders of, or with the knowledge of, their Army handlers . The De Silva report found that, during

6848-518: The continuing activity of republican dissident groups, the loss of security-related jobs for the Protestant community, and the perception of the British Army presence as an affirmation of the political union with Great Britain. Adam Ingram , the Minister of State for the Armed Forces , has stated that assuming the maintenance of an enabling environment, British Army support to the PSNI after 31 July 2007

6955-563: The control of the G.O.C., Northern Ireland, should be raised" ... and that it "together with the police volunteer reserve, should replace the Ulster Special Constabulary". The new force was to be "impartial in every sense" and "remove the responsibility of military-style operations from the police". The British government accepted the findings of the Hunt Report and published a Bill and white paper on 12 November 1969 to begin

7062-504: The course of fierce riots in nationalist areas triggered by the Drumcree conflict , the total number of security forces in Northern Ireland increased to more than 30,000 (including the RUC). Vehicles, aircraft and ships used by the British military during Operation Banner, some of which were developed for the operation, include: The British military was responsible for about 10% of all deaths in

7169-662: The deaths were publicly attributed to the unit. The DHU recruits men and women of Colour Sergeant rank (or equivalent) and above, from all three branches of the British Armed Forces, up to the age of 42. Volunteers must attend a one-day briefing course, then pass a two-week pre-selection course followed by four months training at the Defence Intelligence Training Group at MOD Chicksands. Operation Banner Stalemate [REDACTED] British Armed Forces 1980s 1990s Operation Banner

7276-545: The eleven are commanded by regular commanding officers. In addition the training majors, quartermaster, regimental sergeant majors, chief clerks, and signaller NCOs are also regulars. There are a number of 'conrate' (full-time UDR) posts in each unit, including adjutants, permanent staff instructors, security guards, etc. Many of the officer and senior rank conrates are ex-regulars. The remainder are part-timers. Their main tasks are guarding key points, patrolling, and surveillance, and manning vehicle checkpoints. They do not operate in

7383-457: The first IRA ceasefire. From the second IRA ceasefire in 1997 until the first act of decommissioning of weapons in 2001, almost 50% of the army bases were vacated or demolished along with surveillance sites and holding centres, while more than 100 cross-border roads were reopened. Eventually in August 2005, it was announced that in response to the Provisional IRA declaration that its campaign

7490-493: The first month of recruiting, only 36 Specials applied to join the UDR compared to an average of 29% – 2,424, one thousand of whom were rejected, mainly on the grounds of age and fitness. Around 75% of the men of the Tyrone B Specials applied, of whom 419 were accepted and, as a result, the 6th Battalion, Ulster Defence Regiment started life as the only battalion more or less up to strength, and remained so during its history. In five of

7597-491: The legs of a paratrooper. The soldiers ransacked two pubs, damaged civilian cars and opened fire on a crowd. Three civilians were hospitalized with gunshot wounds. As a result, the Parachute Regiment was redeployed outside urban areas and the brigadier at 3 Infantry Brigade , Tom Longland, was relieved of his command. There were incidents of collusion between the British Army and loyalist paramilitaries throughout

7704-458: The longest continuous deployment in the British Army's history, lasting over 37 years. While the withdrawal of troops was welcomed by nationalist political parties the Social Democratic and Labour Party and Sinn Féin , the unionist Democratic Unionist Party and Ulster Unionist Party opposed the decision, which they regarded as 'premature'. The main reasons behind their resistance were

7811-456: The new regiment. One speaker said the name "Ulster" would "frighten the Catholics away". They also argued that as three of Ulster's nine counties were not in Northern Ireland, the title was inaccurate, especially given that persons from outside of Northern Ireland would be prohibited by law from joining the regiment. For the British government's part, those defending the proposed name argued that

7918-493: The operation was gradually scaled down, most military facilities were removed and the vast majority of British troops were withdrawn. According to the Ministry of Defence , 1,441 serving British military personnel died in Operation Banner; 722 of whom were killed in paramilitary attacks, and 719 of whom died as a result of other causes. It suffered its greatest loss of life in the Warrenpoint ambush of 1979. The British Army

8025-479: The operation, a new locally-recruited regiment was also formed: the Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR). The Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) waged a guerrilla campaign against the British military from 1970 to 1997 . Catholics welcomed the troops when they first arrived, because they saw the RUC as sectarian , but Catholic hostility to the British military's deployment grew after incidents such as

8132-510: The organisation’s operators are also trained interrogators and have managed to obtain intelligence from captured enemy personnel that sources say has helped to save the lives of dozens of British personnel. The selection and training of interrogators, which is also run by the DHU, is called OP Metis . Since the formation of the organisation in the early 2000s, six operators have been killed on operations and several more have been wounded, although none of

8239-452: The process of establishing the UDR. Parliamentary debate in Westminster highlighted concerns that members of the USC were to be allowed to join the new force. A working party was set up at Headquarters Northern Ireland (HQNI) chaired by Major General A.J. Dyball of the Royal Ulster Rifles , then the deputy director of operations in Northern Ireland. The team included a staff officer from

8346-507: The regiment joined the British Army's Order of Battle and became operational. For each battalion there was a minimum requirement of: To recruit company and platoon officers, Scott-Bowden and his subordinates were obliged to award instant commissions to people deemed suitable. The ideal candidates were sought in the USC, reserve forces, university Officers' Training Corps and Army Cadet Force . In various battalions officers of company and platoon rank could be found who had served in

8453-517: The regiment was expanded by raising full-time platoons , known as "Operations Platoons", to perform duties on a 24-hour basis. The first of these was raised at 2 UDR under the command of a sergeant . By the end of the 1970s, the permanent cadre had been raised to sixteen platoons. These were then increased to company strength with the conrate role being phased out and full-time UDR soldiers undertaking their own guard duties and administration. The full-time element eventually increased to more than half

8560-606: The regiment was on continuous active service throughout its 22 years of service. It was also the first infantry regiment of the British Army to fully incorporate women into its structure. In 1992, the UDR was amalgamated with the Royal Irish Rangers to form the Royal Irish Regiment . In 2006, the regiment was retroactively awarded the Conspicuous Gallantry Cross . The UDR was raised in 1970, soon after

8667-480: The regiment, but the numbers were never representative. They were highest in 3 UDR , which had the highest percentage of Catholics throughout the Troubles, beginning with 30%, although this was a much lower percentage than that of the battalion area. Some sections were staffed entirely by Catholics, which led to protests from the B Specials Association that in 3 UDR "preference for promotion and allocation of appointments

8774-715: The regiment. They argued that the name "Ulster" evoked emotive resistance from many Catholics in Northern Ireland and that the term "Ulster" had been associated with the Orange organisations and other organisations perceived as excluding Catholics e.g. the Ulster Protestant Volunteers , the Ulster Constitution Defence Committee , the Ulster Volunteer Force and the Ulster Special Constabulary. They argued "Ulster" had strong party political and partisan connotations and would deter Catholic participation in

8881-822: The regular army reported for duty. None had served in Northern Ireland previously. Their job was to raise each battalion and have it ready for duty on 1 April. These came to be known as TISOs (training, intelligence, and security officers). Each was assisted by a regular army quartermaster , a corporal clerk, a civil service Clerical Officer to act as Chief Clerk , and a typist. Premises were acquired from diverse sources including wooden huts in army training centres, USC huts or whatever accommodation could be found in regular army barracks or Territorial Army Centres. Seven battalions were formed initially: 1st (County Antrim) ; 2nd (County Armagh) ; 3rd (County Down) ; 4th (County Fermanagh) ; 5th (County Londonderry) ; 6th (County Tyrone) and 7th (City of Belfast) . On 1 April 1970

8988-808: The same fashion. Initially, the weapons issued were of WW2 vintage such as Lee–Enfield No.4 rifles and Sten submachine guns . In early 1972 the rifles were replaced with the standard issue L1A1 Self-Loading Rifle (SLR). Other weaponry became available too: 9 mm Browning pistols (Browning 9mm), the Sterling submachine guns (SMG), the L4A4 Light Machine Guns (Bren LMG) and L7A2 General Purpose Machine Gun (GPMG)s. Small stocks of Federal Riot Guns (FRG) were kept and used to fire plastic bullets to knock down doors and other obstacles during search operations. A number of Carl Gustav (Charlie G) 84 mm recoilless rifles were stocked but rarely deployed as

9095-532: The seven battalions, former Specials made up more than half of personnel; in the 4th Battalion, Ulster Defence Regiment , it reached 87%. The story was different in Belfast (10%) and the rest of Antrim (42%), where the figures were more balanced, with a correspondingly higher proportion of Catholic recruits. Some former B Specials felt so aggrieved at the loss of their force that they booed and jeered passing UDR patrols. Most anger seemed to be in County Down , where

9202-479: The term "Ulster" should still be included because of precedent; in the past, it had been attached to certain regiments in Northern Ireland. Another opponent of the amendment disagreed that Catholics would be put off joining because of the force. He pointed to the Ulster Unionist Party as an example of an organisation that included the word Ulster and had many Catholic members. The Under-Secretary of State for

9309-411: The time the UDR was the largest infantry regiment in the British Army, formed with seven battalions plus another four added within two years. It consisted mostly of part-time volunteers until 1976, when a full-time cadre was added. Recruiting in Northern Ireland at a time of intercommunal strife, some of its (mostly Ulster Protestant ) members were involved in sectarian killings. The regiment

9416-404: The total personnel. In 1990, the regiment's numbers stood at 3,000 part-time and 3,000 full-time soldiers, with 140 attached regular army personnel in key command and training positions. The standard of training of the permanent cadre made them suitable to be used in much the same way as regular soldiers and it was not uncommon for regular army units to then come under local command and control of

9523-636: The weapon was unsuited to most operations. (see Boat Sections below). SLRs were replaced in 1988 by the SA80 and at the same time machine guns were superseded by the Light Support Weapon . Metal caltrops were used at vehicle check points to puncture tyres on cars trying to escape roadblocks. For personal protection off duty, some soldiers were issued with a Walther PP . Major Ken Maginnis acquired permission for some to purchase Browning 9mm pistols at £200 each. These were deemed to be more effective. In

9630-486: Was 4%. By March 1970, there had been 4,791 applications to join, of which 946 were from Catholics and 2,424 from current or former members of the B-Specials. 2,440 had been accepted, including 1,423 from current or former B-Specials. As the percentage of recruits from both communities did not reflect the religious demographics of Northern Ireland , it never became the model Lord Hunt intended. Catholics continued to join

9737-531: Was a rifle green jacket and skirt. The beret was retained as headgear for men and women in best dress. On the formation of operations platoons, narrow coloured slides were adopted and worn on the shoulder straps in battalion colours. These indicated to the trained eye that the wearers were full-time soldiers. They were dispensed with as the operations platoons expanded into full-time rifle companies and were replaced by battalion-specific epaulette slides. Rank badges were as for infantry NCOs and officers and worn in

9844-475: Was an infantry regiment of the British Army established in 1970, with a comparatively short existence ending in 1992. Raised through public appeal, newspaper and television advertisements, their official role was the "defence of life or property in Northern Ireland against armed attack or sabotage" but unlike troops from Great Britain they were never used for "crowd control or riot duties in cities". At

9951-580: Was an IRA member) in the Catholic New Lodge area of Belfast. In the early hours of 31 July 1972, the British Army launched Operation Motorman to re-take Northern Ireland's " no-go areas ", mostly Catholic neighbourhoods that had been barricaded by the residents to keep out the security forces and loyalists. During the operation, the British Army shot four people in Derry, killing a 15-year-old Catholic civilian and an unarmed IRA member. From 1971 to 1973,

10058-508: Was appointed as the first Colonel Commandant. He came to be known as the "Father of the Regiment". The first regimental commander was a WW2 veteran of some distinction, Brigadier Logan Scott-Bowden CBE DSO MC & Bar . Regimental Headquarters was set up in a small bungalow behind the NAAFI shop at Thiepval Barracks , Lisburn . Recruitment began on 1 January with a press conference. Advertisements appeared in local newspapers informing

10165-549: Was being given to Catholics". This was partially explained by the fact that in the mostly Catholic town of Newry, the Territorial Army company of the Royal Irish Fusiliers had been disbanded in 1968 and the vast majority of its soldiers had joined the UDR en masse. The company commander of C Company, (Newry), 3 UDR, was the former commander of the TA unit and was pleased to see that virtually all of his TA soldiers were on parade, in

10272-723: Was deployed to the War in Afghanistan and reportedly provided intelligence for the capture of 65 Taliban commanders during the Helmand province campaign . The DHU is tasked with obtaining intelligence by secretly penetrating terrorist organisations through the recruitment and running agents and informants. The DHU works closely with the Secret Intelligence Service , the Security Service , and United Kingdom Special Forces . Some of

10379-526: Was dulled down by blackening, a common practice for units of the British army when wearing cap badges on operational duties). The badge was a direct copy of the Royal Ulster Rifles cap badge with the Latin motto removed from its base. Female "Greenfinch" soldiers wore combat jackets and rifle green skirts with the UDR beret and cap badge. For ceremonial occasions men wore a rifle green version of British Army ( No.1 Temperate ceremonial ). Female "best dress"

10486-546: Was initially deployed, at the request of the unionist government of Northern Ireland , in response to the August 1969 riots . Its role was to support the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) and to assert the authority of the British government in Northern Ireland. The main opposition to the British military's deployment came from the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA). It waged a guerrilla campaign against

10593-644: Was not universally popular within the regiment, with the public or with some politicians, but the British Army persisted in replacing former USC commanding officers and by the time of amalgamation, around 400 regular army officers had served in these posts, some of whom went on to achieve general officer rank. A newspaper for the regiment was published, called "Defence". Commanders were able to communicate their views through this as well as through Part 2 Orders (routine orders) which, as with every British Army unit, were displayed on company noticeboards and were compulsory reading. The first seven battalions raised made

10700-635: Was only a small fraction of those who served in it, but the proportion was higher than in the regular British Army, the RUC and the civilian population. Initially, the Army allowed soldiers to be members of the Ulster Defence Association (UDA). Despite its involvement in terrorism, the UDA was not outlawed by the British Government until 1992. In July 1972, Harry Tuzo (the Army's General officer commanding in Northern Ireland) devised

10807-421: Was open to all "male citizens of good character" between the ages of 18 and 55. Application forms were sent to all members of the USC, which was soon to be wound up. Vetting was carried out by a Regular Army team of mostly retired officers from outside Northern Ireland including a vice admiral and a number of major generals . Each applicant had to provide two references and the referees would be interviewed by

10914-401: Was originally intended to more accurately reflect the demographics of Northern Ireland , and began with Catholic recruits accounting for 18% of its soldiers; but by the end of 1972, after the introduction of internment this had dropped to around 3%. It is doubtful if any other unit of the British Army has ever come under the same sustained criticism as the UDR. Uniquely in the British Army,

11021-598: Was over, and in accordance with the Good Friday Agreement provisions, Operation Banner would end by 1 August 2007. From that date troops were to be based in Northern Ireland only for training purposes, and reduced in number to 5,000; responsibility for security was entirely transferred to the police. The Northern Ireland–resident battalions of the Royal Irish Regiment – which grew out of the Ulster Defence Regiment – were stood down on 1 September 2006. The operation officially ended at midnight on 31 July 2007, making it

11128-447: Was reduced to a residual level, known as Operation Helvetic , providing specialised ordnance disposal and support to the PSNI in circumstances of extreme public disorder as described in Patten recommendations 59 and 66, should this be needed, thus ending the British Army's emergency operation in Northern Ireland. The support to the police forces was primarily from the British Army, with

11235-466: Was responsible for at least 30 murders and many other attacks – many of them on civilians. One victim was solicitor Pat Finucane . Nelson also supervised the shipping of weapons to loyalists from South Africa in 1988. From 1992 to 1994, loyalists were responsible for more deaths than republicans, partly due to FRU. Members of the security forces tried to obstruct the Stevens investigation. According to

11342-411: Was suggested for private soldiers. They recommended that each battalion should have a mobile force of two platoons , each equipped with a Land Rovers fitted for radio plus three "manpack" radio sets. After the presentation to the Ministry of Defence, a government white paper confirmed the agreed aspects of the new force and its task as: to support the regular forces in Northern Ireland in protecting

11449-498: Was the operational name for the British Armed Forces ' operation in Northern Ireland from 1969 to 2007, as part of the Troubles . It was the longest continuous deployment in British military history . The British Army was initially deployed, at the request of the unionist government of Northern Ireland , in response to the August 1969 riots . Its role was to support the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) and to assert

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