Misplaced Pages

#390609

104-477: During this process, Vladimiro Montesinos , despite not being part of the group that created Plan Verde , took responsibility for keeping the plan alive in the face of adversity, updating it and adapting it to the interests of his presidential-military circle. He was in charge of extending the conspiracy beyond what its original plotters had envisaged. Under the military government of Juan Velasco Alvarado , Peru's debt increased greatly due to excessive borrowing and

208-513: A coup d'état against Fujimori in November 1992 later stated that Montesinos took an active part in torturing them. On 16 March 1998, former Peruvian Army Intelligence Agent Luisa Zanatta accused Montesinos of ordering illegal wiretaps of leading politicians and journalists. Zanatta also said that army intelligence agents had killed fellow agent Mariella Barreto Riofano because she gave a magazine information about human rights violations, as well as

312-480: A continuity of government . In summary, some of the main objectives of Plan Verde were as follows: The idea would have been to establish a regime that would basically apply the guidelines contained in the Plan, but keeping Fujimori in the presidency and an appearance of a democratic and civil government. The advantage – for the coup plotters – was that it avoided the internal and external conflicts derived from establishing

416-1027: A death squad known as the Grupo Colina , part of the National Intelligence Service, which was thought to have been responsible for the Barrios Altos massacre and the La Cantuta massacre , actions intended to repress the Shining Path ( Sendero Luminoso ), the major communist insurgency movement that had been operating since the 1980s, but only resulted in the execution of civilians. Montesinos avoided large-scale violence against opponents, saying he wanted to avoid performing "clumsy" acts that occurred under Chilean president Augusto Pinochet . Violence instead targeted peasants and students, avoiding prominent individuals in order to remain covert. Four officers who were tortured during interrogation after plotting

520-625: A 1998 letter from the CIA chief in Lima sent to Montesinos, the American official would admire Montesinos' "leadership, dedication, and professionalism". Montesinos had strong connections with the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) for over 25 years and was said to have received $ 10 million from the agency for his government's anti-terrorist activities, with international bank accounts possessed by Montesinos reportedly holding at least $ 270 million. Monstesinos

624-529: A coup as designed in Plan Verde were prepared over a two-year period and finally executed during the 1992 Peruvian coup d'état , which ultimately established a civilian-military regime and began the institution of objectives presented in Plan Verde. The implementation of various objectives were supported by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) . This society is collapsing, without

728-684: A doubt, ... But the problems here are so entrenched that you have to have a collapse before you can implement fundamental changes in the political system. Hernando de Soto , the founder of one of the first neoliberal organizations in Latin America, Institute for Liberty and Democracy (ILD), began to receive assistance from Ronald Reagan 's administration, with the National Endowment for Democracy 's Center for International Private Enterprise (CIPE) providing his ILD with funding and education for advertising campaigns. Between 1988 and 1995, de Soto and

832-496: A government of the armed forces. The disadvantage was that it did not allow them to carry out all their proposals comfortably. The coup initially included in the plan was opposed by Anthony C. E. Quainton , the United States Ambassador to Peru . Military planners also decided against the coup as they expected Mario Vargas Llosa, a neoliberal candidate, to be elected in the 1990 Peruvian general election . President García

936-599: A group of the armed forces finalized plans to overthrow the García government with a plan titled Driving Peru into the 21st century . This volume consists of eight chapters and four addendums . The goals were to establish Peru as a developed country through the turn of the twenty-first century by establishing a neoliberal economy with policies similar to Chile's or those proposed by Mario Vargas Llosa . This volume also details plans to sterilize impoverished citizens in what Rospigliosi described as "ideas frankly similar to [those of]

1040-536: A jungle area of the Huallaga region (where he operated an illegal airstrip). Recordings of radio communications presented during the trial showed that members of the army had let Chávez's organization operate freely in the Huallaga region in exchange for bribes. During a latter appearance in the court, Chávez appeared tortured and drugged, evidenced by his incoherent speaking. After sentencing, while in prison, Chávez talked to

1144-642: A key role with making Fujimori abide by the military's demands. Díaz and Montesinos allegedly convinced Fujimori that he was being targeted by the Túpac Amaru Revolutionary Movement and made Fujimori stay at the Círculo Militar, limiting his access to only military officials. Rospigliosi states "an understanding was established between Fujimori, Montesinos and some of the military officers" involved in Plan Verde prior to Fujimori's inauguration. Montesinos and SIN officials would ultimately assume

SECTION 10

#1733126147391

1248-522: A liberal economic program as well as the installment of an authoritarian government which would impose order". Plan Verde consisted of three volumes of documents prepared by an influential sector of the Peruvian armed forces, with each volume being an update based on the conditions experienced in Peru at the time. Between 1988 and 1989, a coup d'état was initially planned to oust President García. In October 1989,

1352-467: A national scandal in 2000. This exposure forced him to flee Peru and precipitated Fujimori's resignation. Investigations unveiled Montesinos' involvement in a wide range of illegal activities, including embezzlement, drug trafficking, and orchestrating extrajudicial killings. He was subsequently captured, tried, and convicted on multiple charges. Despite his imprisonment, Montesinos continued to influence Peruvian politics and sought to protect allies within

1456-465: A policy of tax breaks for media organizations that allowed government advertising on their platforms, with Fujimori subsequently receiving increased promotion. Secret videos of Montesinos paying media executives were eventually released to the public, showing Fujimori's closest advisor giving them bundles of cash in exchange for support and the firing of critical journalists. Payoffs and promises of legal leniency were made to multiple chicha press tabloids,

1560-493: A relationship with Montesinos as a way to have direct influence in Peru; the SIN head would clear bureaucratic obstacles and would immediately implement the recommendations of the CIA. During his years with Fujimori, Montesinos was said to be paid $ 1 million annually by the CIA from 1990 to 2000, according to US officials, while the CIA and the DEA defended him from allegations of misconduct. In

1664-472: A smaller younger generation that could not provide economic stimulation to rural areas, making such regions more impoverished. Vladimiro Montesinos Vladimiro Lenin Ilich Montesinos Torres ( Spanish pronunciation: [bla.ð̞iˌmi.ɾo ˌle.nĩn iˌlit͡ʃ mõn̪.t̪eˌsi.nos ˈt̪o.res] ; born May 20, 1945) is a Peruvian former intelligence officer and lawyer, most notorious for his role as

1768-637: A story about potential attacks against Peru's southern rival, Chile , then ruled by dictator Augusto Pinochet , an ally of the U.S. In February 1978, Montesinos was freed after two years in jail. He was given work by his cousin Sergio Cardenal Montesinos, a lawyer who persuaded him to pursue a degree in law. In April of the same year, Montesinos applied to the National University of San Marcos in Lima. He received his law diploma only three months later, through fraudulent means. Book No. 24 of

1872-479: Is an essential constant in the strategy of power and development of the state". The second volume of Plan Verde was titled Intelligence Appraisal that had four chapters and seventeen addendums. In this volume, focused on political analysis, public opinion, operation scenarios and other objectives. These objectives included locations to be captured and targets to be killed, with a list of politicians and union members included. Addendums were documented one day following

1976-472: The 1970s energy crisis . The economic policy of President Alan García distanced Peru from international markets further, resulting in lower foreign investment in the country. Under García, Peru experienced hyperinflation and increased confrontations with the Maoist Shining Path terrorist group, leading the country towards high levels of instability. The Peruvian armed forces grew frustrated with

2080-534: The Fujimorist faction, including Keiko Fujimori . Montesinos' early life was influenced by his communist parents and his cousin, a leader of the Shining Path guerrilla group. He received military training in the U.S. and Peru, later becoming involved in intelligence and political advisory roles. His legal career, following a brief imprisonment for espionage, was marred by fraudulent activities and associations with drug traffickers. Former Vladimiro Montesinos

2184-545: The Population Research Institute , USAID ceased funding for sterilizations in Peru. Sterilizations continued until President Fujimori fled to Japan in 2000. Following USAID's withdrawal, Fujimori contacted the Nippon Foundation – whose directors hosted Fujimori when he fled to Japan – requesting assistance with sterilization programs. The policy of sterilizations resulted in a generational shift that included

SECTION 20

#1733126147391

2288-521: The U.S. Embassy, Paris . From 1973 through 1976, he was deputy chief of mission in Kathmandu . In 1976, President Gerald Ford nominated Quainton as United States ambassador to the Central African Empire . Ambassador Quainton presented his credentials on February 20, 1976, and held this post until June 9, 1978. He then became the coordinator for Counterterrorism . During this time, he oversaw

2392-610: The United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) and the Nippon Foundation supported the sterilization efforts of the Fujimori government. The investigation found that as USAID funding increased for the program, more sterilizations were performed, with the investigatory board concluding that the "correlation has a causal nature, since there is information made public recently, which has revealed the global strategy defined for

2496-649: The United States Foreign Service in 1959. As a Foreign Service Officer , he was posted to Sydney 1959–62, to Karachi 1963, to Rawalpindi 1964–66, and to New Delhi 1966–69. He spent 1969–72 at the United States Department of State in Washington, D.C. , as the senior political officer for India in the Bureau of Near East and South Asian Affairs . He then spent 1972–73 as a political officer at

2600-527: The University of Southern California were documented to have met with Montesinos. Such trips for foreign individuals provided by the United States were rare at the time and were only reserved for high-value recruits destined to carry out US interests. Upon his return to Lima, he was arrested for having failed to obtain formal government permission to make the trip. In 1977, Major José Fernández Salvatteci of

2704-532: The Venezuelan government in Caracas and extradited back to Peru. Then his trial began. Montesinos was convicted of embezzlement, illegal assumption of his post as intelligence chief, abuse of power , influence peddling and bribery. Those charges carried sentences of between five and fifteen years each, but Peruvian prison sentences are served concurrently, so prosecutors continued to pursue him on additional charges. He

2808-689: The World Bank , and the Inter-American Development Bank , who convinced him to follow the guidelines for economic policy set by the international financial institutions. The policies included a 300 percent tax increase, unregulated prices and privatizing two-hundred and fifty state-owned entities. The policies of de Soto led to the immediate suffering of poor Peruvians who saw unregulated prices increase rapidly. Those living in poverty saw prices increase so much that they could no longer afford food. The New York Times wrote that de Soto advocated for

2912-465: The internal conflict in Peru that involved the genocide of impoverished and indigenous Peruvians, the control or censorship of media in the nation and the establishment of a neoliberal economy controlled by a military junta in Peru. The military decided against committing a coup as initially outlined in Plan Verde as they expected Mario Vargas Llosa , a neoliberal candidate, to be elected in

3016-460: The "informal president" for Fujimori. De Soto proved to be influential to Fujimori, who began to repeat de Soto's advocacy for deregulating the Peruvian economy. The Fujimori government received a $ 715 million grant from USAID on 29 September 1990 for the Policy Analysis, Planning and Implementation Project (PAPI) that was developed "to support economic policy reform in the country". PAPI funding

3120-729: The "most theoretically sophisticated of young military officers in national security doctrine" and that he had "considerable leadership potential". Montesinos expressed during the nomination process that he wanted to meet with officials of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the United States National Security Council of President Gerald Ford to discuss military and economic relations. He also specified to US officials that he did not want to "waste time" going to tourist destinations such as Walt Disney World . The United States Department of State and

3224-399: The "preparation of legislative texts" and "contributed to the emergence of a private sector advisory role" in Peru's economy. The policies promoted by de Soto and implemented by Fujimori eventually caused macroeconomic stability and a reduction in the rate of inflation , though Peru's poverty rate remained largely unchanged with over half of the population living in poverty in 1998. Following

Plan Verde - Misplaced Pages Continue

3328-480: The 1990 election. According to Fernando Rospigliosi, Montesinos was not initially involved with Plan Verde , but his ability to resolve issues for the military resulted in the armed forces tasking him with implementing the plan with Fujimori, while Alfredo Schulte-Bockholt would say that both General Nicolás de Bari Hermoza and Montesinos were responsible for the relationship between the armed forces and Fujimori. Peruvian political analyst Umberto Jara would describe

3432-417: The 1992 coup, Peruvian newspapers, radio and television stations were occupied by the military beginning at 10:30pm on 5 April and remained for forty hours until 7 April, limiting initial response from domestic media. During the period, only the Fujimori government was granted to communicate with the public and all newspapers were printed under military observation and contained similar content; every publication

3536-828: The Americas in Panama . A year later, he graduated from the Chorrillos Military School , in Lima, Peru . In 1973, during the Revolutionary Government of the Armed Forces of Peru 's leftist military junta of General Juan Velasco Alvarado , Montesinos became an artillery captain in the Peruvian army and was appointed to the role of aide to General Edgardo Mercado Jarrín , who served as both Prime Minister and Chief of

3640-402: The Armed Forces. While working with Jarrín, Montesinos travelled with the prime minister to Algeria , Colombia , Cuba , France , Spain and Venezuela . While visiting Cuba, he stayed with Raúl Castro as a personal guest. The Armed Forces Movement of Portugal had also reportedly been in contact with Montesinos. He visited several foreign institutions as an official representative of

3744-604: The Army Intelligence Service ( Spanish : Servicio de Inteligencia del Ejército (SIE)) charged Montesinos with the crimes of spying and treason, accusing him of delivering military documents to the embassy of the United States in Lima. The documents included a list of weapons which Peru had purchased from the Soviet Union. The subsequent investigation revealed that top-secret documents had been found in his possession, and that he had photographed them and given copies to

3848-401: The CIA purportedly being supportive of Fujimori's candidacy were authentic. Rendón writes that the United States supported Fujimori because of his relationship with Montesinos. Fujimori's campaign exploited the popular distrust of the existing Peruvian political establishment and the uncertainty about the proposed neoliberal economic reforms of his opponent Vargas Llosa. Fujimori would win

3952-639: The CIA then began its relationship with Montesinos. From 5 to 21 September 1976, Montesinos travelled to Washington, D.C. paid for by the United States government, meeting with multiple US officials; Robert Hawkins of the CIA's Office of Current Intelligence, Luigi R. Einaudi , policy-planning chief of the US State Department's Latin America division, Alfred Stepan of Yale University , Albert Fishlow of University of California, Berkeley , Riordan Roett of Johns Hopkins University and Abraham Lowenthal of

4056-460: The CIA. Montesinos had travelled to the U.S. without authorization from army command, and had forged military documents to allow him to complete the trip without being detained. Montesinos was dishonorably discharged from the military and sentenced two years in the military prison at Bolivar Barracks in Pueblo Libre . This was a far less severe sentence than the customary death penalty that

4160-416: The Círculo Militar, limiting his access to only military officials. Rospigliosi states "an understanding was established between Fujimori, Montesinos and some of the military officers" involved in Plan Verde prior to Fujimori's inauguration. Montesinos and SIN officials would ultimately assume the armed force's position in the plan, placing SIN operatives into military leadership roles. After Fujimori won

4264-901: The Foreign Service which Quainton held from December 29, 1995, to August 22, 1997. In 1997, Quainton left government service and joined the Una Chapman Cox Foundation . He then became president and CEO of the National Policy Association . Since 2003, he has been the Distinguished Diplomat-in-Residence at the American University School of International Service . He retired in 2019 but continued to teach his signatures courses on diplomatic practice and Peru until 2023. While in England, he married

Plan Verde - Misplaced Pages Continue

4368-442: The Fujimori years, Montesinos gained extensive control over the Peruvian media by bribing television channel executives in an effort to know and control all information within Peru. Bribes ranged from approximately US$ 500,000 per month to Channels 2 and 5 to $ 1.5 million per month to Channel 4. In total, Montesinos paid more than US$ 3 million per month in bribes to Peruvian television channels. Montesinos funneled additional funds to

4472-556: The ILD were mainly responsible for some four hundred initiatives, laws, and regulations that led to significant changes in Peru's economic system . Under Fujimori, de Soto served as "the President's personal representative", with The New York Times describing de Soto as an "overseas salesman" for Fujimori in 1990, writing that he had represented the government when meeting with creditors and United States representatives. Others dubbed de Soto as

4576-561: The Lima bar association . He became notorious for representing a number of Colombian and Peruvian members of the illegal drug trade , as well as police officers accused of being involved in drug trafficking. Between 1978 and 1979, he represented Colombian drug lords Evaristo "Papá Doc" Porras Ardila and Jaime Tamayo. In addition, he acted as guarantor on Tamayo's lease of several offices and warehouses used to manufacture cocaine . Between 1980 and 1983, Montesinos revealed sensitive information related to military wiretapping and assassinations to

4680-470: The Nazis", with the military writing that "the general use of sterilization processes for culturally backward and economically impoverished groups is convenient", describing these groups as "unnecessary burdens" and that "given their incorrigible character and lack of resources ... there is only their total extermination". The extermination of vulnerable Peruvians was described by planners as "an economic interest, it

4784-501: The Peruvian army, also without authorization. When the Velasco government fell in 1975, Montesinos was able to maintain his position in the military during the more conservative government of General Francisco Morales-Bermúdez. He would also serve as an aide for prime ministers Guillermo Arbulú Galliani and Jorge Fernández Maldonado Solari during the government of Francisco Morales Bermúdez . A talented writer, Montesinos wrote many of

4888-509: The SIN. Former Peruvian generals and commanders also reported to the United States that Montesinos controlled Fujimori. Montesinos then reportedly made Fujimori nominate former artillery officers to head key sectors of civilian and military posts, including the Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of Interior, effectively giving Montesinos control of Peru's military. In a statement to a colleague at

4992-564: The US government showed that by 1996 the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) was aware of the allegations. Despite evidence that Montesinos was in business with Colombian narco-traffickers, the CIA paid Montesinos's intelligence organization $ 1 million a year for 10 years to fight drug trafficking. One of the most notorious scandals during this period was the 11 May 1996 seizure of 169–176 kg of cocaine (the quantity depends on

5096-683: The United States in September 1987, serving as Deputy inspector general of the Department of State from September 1987 to November 1989. Newly-inaugurated President George H. W. Bush named Quainton United States ambassador to Peru . He presented his credentials on December 11, 1989, and served until September 16, 1992. After his tenure in a Peru, Bush then nominated Quainton to be assistant secretary of state for diplomatic security , an office he held from September 23, 1992, until December 29, 1995. President Bill Clinton then named him director general of

5200-576: The United States supported Fujimori because of his relationship with Vladimiro Montesinos , a former Peruvian intelligence officer of the National Intelligence Service (SIN) who was charged with spying on the Peruvian military for the Central Intelligence Agency. In summary, Rendón writes, "If Vargas Llosa with liberal democracy was very polarizing and a danger to American interests in the region, Fujimori with authoritarianism

5304-558: The University of San Marcos Office of Records, where Montesinos' graduation would be noted, has disappeared from the Office. Montesinos' undergraduate thesis and other materials related to his academic record have never been produced. On 15 August 1978, Montesinos used his degree to register as a lawyer with the Superior Court of Lima. Ten days later, on 25 August 1978, he became a member of

SECTION 50

#1733126147391

5408-478: The Yanacocha, though Newmont sought majority rights to access the mine, raising a judicial dispute between the two. US Ambassador to Peru Dennis Jett told the Fujimori government that "any appearance of succumbing to French pressure would feed rumors of corruption in the Peruvian judicial system and thus scare off international investors", with Montesinos later telling a supreme court judge tasked with decision that if

5512-409: The armed force's position in the plan, placing SIN operatives into military leadership roles. After taking office, Fujimori abandoned the economic platform he promoted during his campaign, adopting more aggressive neoliberal policies than those espoused by his competitor in the election. Fujimori would go on to adopt many of the policies outlined in Plan Verde. With the compliance of Fujimori, plans for

5616-507: The arms deal broke into his offices and stole the video that was subsequently broadcast. Because of the arms deal, Montesinos lost the support of the US, which attached high strategic importance to crushing the FARC. On 14 September 2000, Peruvian television broadcast a video of Montesinos bribing an opposition congressman, Alberto Kouri , to support Perú 2000 , Fujimori's party. The video caused Fujimori's remaining support to collapse. He accepted

5720-471: The arms were airlifted from Jordan via Peru, to the FARC insurgent guerrillas in southern Colombia . Montesinos claimed the credit for uncovering the arms smuggling, which involved upwards of 10,000 Kalashnikov assault rifles . Jordan rejected the Peruvian version of events, insisting the shipments were legitimate government-to-government deals. Evidence emerged which pointed to Montesinos having orchestrated

5824-529: The bone to get him to give up the tape. In view of such tactics, the Clinton administration threatened briefly not to recognize Fujimori's victory. It backed off from this threat, and pressured Fujimori's government to take action to root out abuses, including ousting Montesinos. Continuing political unrest in Peru would have represented a serious problem as US operations against the FARC in Colombia got under way. Peru

5928-547: The collapse of Peru's society, with the economist saying that a civil crisis was necessary to support the policies of Fujimori. With the funding and support of USAID, the Apoyo Institute and the Confederación Nacional de Instituciones Empresariales Privadas (CONFIEP) proposed a new economic model to be established in the 1993 Constitution of Peru . As PAPI concluded in 1997, USAID determined that PAPI assisted with

6032-399: The country is not there for more economic experiments". According to Oiga , the armed forces finalized plans on 18 June 1990 involving multiple scenarios for a coup to be executed on 27 July 1990, the day prior to Fujimori's inauguration. In one of the scenarios, titled "Negotiation and agreement with Fujimori. Bases of negotiation: concept of directed Democracy and Market Economy", Fujimori

6136-593: The decision was not in favor with Newmont, then the United States would not support Peru's territorial dispute with Ecuador from the Cenepa War . The Supreme Court ultimately decided 4-3 in favor of granting the rights to Newmont. The DEA documented in December 1990, that Montesinos utilized illegal surveillance acts both domestically and internationally. Montesinos is widely accused of threatening or harassing Fujimori's political opponents. Evidence proves that he supervised

6240-485: The drug's origin and destiny were never determined and the investigations were compromised by Fujimori's corrupt government and possibly Montesinos himself. A 2011 investigation revealed that some four drug shipments were made abroad, with Miami listed as a destination, in air force planes during 1993–1994. Only the material authors (several low-ranking officers) were processed, acquitted and publicly defended by Fujimori in late 1997 (amongst them Fujimori's aide-de-camp who

6344-420: The election, and according to Oiga , the armed forces finalized plans on 18 June 1990 involving multiple scenarios for a coup to be executed on 27 July 1990, the day prior to Fujimori's inauguration. The magazine noted that in one of the scenarios, titled " Negotiation and agreement with Fujimori. Bases of negotiation: concept of directed Democracy and Market Economy ", Fujimori was to be directed on accepting

SECTION 60

#1733126147391

6448-420: The extent of influence he expected in return for the stated monetary bribe. The Fujimori government also controlled the content of Channel 7, Televisión Nacional de Peru , which was explicitly state owned. Canal N , remained the only independent television channel, funded entirely by monthly service fees. Montesinos did not bribe Canal N because of their low viewership, numbering in the tens of thousands, which

6552-501: The first round of presidential elections of 8 April 1990, another three days after the second round of elections of 10 June and a final addendum titled Final Coordination Sheet was created on 27 July 1990, one day before the inauguration of Alberto Fujimori. Through this volume and its addendums, modifications were made from dissolving both the executive and legislative branches to instead only dissolving congress. The third and final volume titled The Strategic Council of State provides

6656-495: The former chief of the Armed Forces Joint Command, and Fujimori had both complete knowledge of the illicit acts of Montesinos. Frequently, Montesinos secretly videotaped himself bribing individuals in his office, incriminating politicians, officials and military officers. His downfall appears to have been precipitated by the discovery of a major illegal arms shipment. Arranged by guerrilla leader Tomás Medina Caracas ,

6760-469: The government. In response, former United Nations Secretary-General Javier Pérez de Cuéllar said, "Peru is no longer a democracy. We are now a country headed by an authoritarian regime." The 2000 presidential elections, which followed years of political violence, was controversial. A journalist claimed to have a videotape of Montesinos bribing election officials to fix the vote. He claimed to have been kidnapped by secret police agents, who sawed his arm to

6864-404: The gun-running operation rather than dismantling it. A senior Peruvian general was found to have participated in the deal, and another principal participant was a government contractor. He had signed at least eleven deals with the Fujimori regime, most of them to provide supplies to the Peruvian military. According to one report, a group of military officers angered by Montesinos's apparent role in

6968-687: The head of Peru's National Intelligence Service (SIN) during the presidency of Alberto Fujimori . Montesinos was widely regarded as the power behind the throne , often regarded as the true authority in the government, supported by the Peruvian Armed Forces . Montesinos' career was marked by his deep connections with the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), through which he received substantial funding ostensibly for anti-terrorism efforts. His tenure saw numerous human rights abuses and corruption scandals. The " Vladi-videos ," secretly recorded tapes showing Montesinos bribing officials, led to

7072-405: The inability of the García administration to handle the nation's crises and began to draft a plan to overthrow his government. According to Peruvian sociologist and political analyst Fernando Rospigliosi, Peru's business elites held relationships with the military planners, with Rospigliosi writing that businesses "probably provided the economic ideas which [the military] agreed with, the necessity of

7176-581: The investigators cited E. Liagin, who reported that from 1993 to 1998, "USAID's own internal files reveal that in 1993 the US basically took over Peru's national health system" during the period of forced sterilizations, with E. Liagin concluding that it was "virtually inconceivable that sterilization abuses could have occurred in the systematic way that has been documented without the knowledge of USAID local administrators and their counterparts in Washington". In 1998 after facing pressure following investigations by

7280-538: The last quarter of the last century by the United States government in order to obtain a decrease in the birth rate". The subcommittee cited the National Security Study Memorandum 200 and Henry Kissinger 's direction to lower population growth in developing countries in order to maintain stability for United States political and economic interests. In documents provided by the Freedom of Information Act ,

7384-550: The location of bodies from the La Cantuta massacre. Zanatta said that in early 1997, Barreto had told her that she was part of the Grupo Colina death squad responsible for the La Cantuta massacre. Barreto's dismembered body was found by a roadside on 29 March 1997, and showed evidence of torture before death and mutilation. The addiction to information is like the addiction to drugs. We live on information. I need information. During

7488-421: The military's plan at least twenty-four hours before his inauguration. Rospigliosi writes that head of the National Intelligence Service (SIN), General Edwin “Cucharita” Díaz, beside Montesinos also played a key role with making Fujimori abide by the military's demands. Díaz and Montesinos allegedly convinced Fujimori that he was being targeted by the Túpac Amaru Revolutionary Movement and made Fujimori stay at

7592-557: The newspaper Expreso and the television channels Global Television , Latina Televisión , América Televisión , and Panamericana Televisión . The plan's forced sterilization of vulnerable groups through the Programa Nacional de Población has been variably described as an ethnic cleansing or genocidal operation. According to Back and Zavala, the plan was an example of ethnic cleansing as it targeted indigenous and rural women. Jocelyn E. Getgen of Cornell University wrote that

7696-632: The newspaper Kausachum , run by Augusto Zimmerman, ex-spokesperson of deposed president Juan Velasco Alvarado . General Carlos Briceño, the Commander of the Peruvian Army, re-opened the investigation into Montesinos' alleged treason. Montesinos fled to Ecuador , where in 1984 he revealed information to the Ecuadorian Army about Peru's military weapons purchases. The investigation was closed that year in order to "protect institutional image", and Montesinos

7800-413: The political opposition on their channel. Another showed Channel 4 owners getting $ 1.5 million a month for similar cooperation. Others show Montesinos counting out $ 350,000 in cash to Channel 5's proprietor, and the owner of Channel 9 receiving $ 50,000 to cancel an investigative series called SIN censura (Uncensored). In June 2001, through the assistance of the U.S. Government, Montesinos was turned over to

7904-544: The presidential campaign for Fujimori in the 1990 Peruvian general election to enter as a dark horse candidate . In addition, evidence exists that Montesinos reportedly forged tax documents and the birth certificate of Fujimori according to the Harvard International Review . Prior to the election, the Peruvian Armed Forces created Plan Verde , a clandestine military operation developed during

8008-485: The presidential election on 28 July 1990, Montesinos became his chief advisor and the de facto head of the SIN. Fujimori would go on to adopt many of the policies outlined in Plan Verde. Just days after Fujimori took office, the United States shared concerns in diplomatic cables that paramilitary death squads had been created by Montesinos. The Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) , according to documents, believed in 1990 that Montesinos effectively ruled Peru through

8112-524: The press and revealed that Montesinos said to him at one point that he "did some work" with Pablo Escobar , leader of the Medellín Cartel . Montesinos was paid US$ 50,000 a month during 1991 and 1992. As proof, the government presented recordings during Chávez's trial of radio communications between his drug traffickers and members of the Armed Forces attesting to bribery of Montesinos. In addition, Chávez said that retired general Nicolás de Bari Hermoza ,

8216-628: The reason for the CIA's interest in Montesinos. In the 1970s, Peru was governed by one of the few left-wing regimes in South America, a continent dominated by right-wing governments. Locked in the Cold War with the Soviet Union and fearing its influence in the region, as well as that of the Communist government of Cuba, the US was seeking information about activities in Peru. Montesinos conjured up and told

8320-471: The relationship Montesinos had between the military and Fujimori: [Montesinos was] the nexus capable of uniting two weaknesses: an army that had lost its prestige because of subversion and human rights violations, and a political unknown, absolutely solitary, without a political organization or a social base. Mario Vargas Llosa later reported that United States Ambassador to Peru , Anthony C. E. Quainton , personally told him that allegedly leaked documents of

8424-476: The resignation of Montesinos and thanked him for his services. He then announced the dissolution of the National Intelligence Service (SIN) and new elections, in which he would not run. Shortly thereafter, Montesinos sought political asylum in Panama. In following months, some of the most infamous "Vladi-videos" were released. One showed the owners of Channel 2 being offered US$ 500,000 a month to ban appearances of

8528-445: The risk of defection by the TV channel owners. He also ensured continued cooperation through blackmail, utilizing video evidence of sexual indiscretions by bribe recipients. To keep track of the numerous bribes and gain further evidence of the owners' complicity, which could also be used as blackmail, Montesinos filmed monetary exchanges and forced channel executives to sign contracts stipulating

8632-425: The role of governing entities in the plan and a set of Q&As . A plan to establish a " civil-military government " is detailed; military-appointed presidents and ministers who "can be changed or be victims of attacks" were designated to be "drivers" to operate the state, described as a "vehicle". Meanwhile, a "shadow" government would be operated by the military "out of the enemy's line of sight" in order to maintain

8736-508: The source) aboard a Peruvian Air Force Douglas DC-8 (frequently confused in the media as the presidential Boeing 737 as it had operated on this role until the acquisition of the Boeing ) that was about to depart on a mission to Russia (with stopovers at the Canary Islands and Bordeaux ), carrying military aviation equipment for maintenance. The scandal remains a mystery to this day because

8840-608: The speeches for ministers of the government and was a frequent contributor to newspapers. He was also reportedly writing various treatises regarding an invasion of Chile and granting Bolivia access to the Pacific Ocean . In 1974, political scientist Alfred Stepan of Yale University recommended to the Embassy of the United States, Lima that Montesinos be given the International Visitor's Leader Grant , describing him as

8944-519: The systemic nature of sterilizations and the mens rea of officials who drafted the plan proved an act of genocide. The Centro Amazónico de Antropología y Aplicación Práctica non-profit stated that the act "was the largest genocide since [Peru's] colonization ". At least 300,000 Peruvians were victims of forced sterilization in the 1990s, with the majority being affected by the PNSRPF. According to Peru's congressional subcommittee investigations, USAID,

9048-511: The task force in charge of dealing with the 1980 Dominican Republic Embassy siege in Bogotá by M-19 guerrillas. He held this post until 1981 and was then named United States ambassador to Nicaragua by President Ronald Reagan , presenting his credentials on March 26, 1982, and serving there until May 6, 1984. Reagan then appointed Quainton United States ambassador to Kuwait , a post which he held from September 1984 to August 1987. Quainton returned to

9152-454: The television channels through government advertising. From 1997 to 1999, the Peruvian government increased their advertising budget by 52%, becoming Peru's largest advertiser. Ultimately, Montesinos held editorial control over Peru's free-to-air television networks: Frecuencia Latina , América Televisión , Panamericana Televisión , ATV , and Red Global . To maintain this control he structured bribe payments in monthly installments, limiting

9256-502: The time, Montesinos would remark "[Fujimori] is completely malleable: he does nothing at all without me knowing". While leading the SIN through the 1990s, Montesinos served the interests of the United States on multiple occasions according to the Harvard International Review . The United States reportedly support Fujimori's candidacy in the 1990 elections due to Montesinos' ties. The United States reportedly maintained

9360-487: Was a result of the unaffordability of the monthly fees for most Peruvians. Canal N was the first network to air the Kouri videotape, which exposed the extent of Montesinos's corruption. On 14 July 1997, the government legally stripped Baruch Ivcher , a native Israeli , of his Peruvian nationality for supposed offenses against the government. In September, control of Channel 2 was given to minority shareholders more sympathetic to

9464-471: Was accused of sixty-three crimes that range from drug trafficking to murder . On 29 January 2024, Montesinos pleaded guilty to charges of homicide, murder and forced disappearance in the 1992 killings of six farmers accused of being rebels in Pativilca , Lima Region , and was sentenced to 19 years' imprisonment. Anthony C. E. Quainton Anthony Cecil Eden Quainton (April 4, 1934 – July 31, 2023 )

9568-522: Was acquitted of two specific charges of corruption and conspiracy related to the mayor of Callao, whom he was alleged to have helped evade drug-trafficking charges. Montesinos was imprisoned at the Centro de Reclusión de Máxima Seguridad (CEREC) in Callao (which was built under his orders during the 1990s) and is serving 15 years in prison, but he will have to face at least 8 more trials in the next years. In total he

9672-472: Was allowed to return to Peru. During his attorney career, Montesinos was hired by Susana Higuchi , the wife of engineer Alberto Fujimori , assisting Higuchi after she made controversial deals in real estate . The paperwork in the case disappeared and the charges were dropped. This began the relationship between Montesinos and Fujimori. Peruvian journalist Gustavo Gorriti reported that Montesinos allegedly used $ 1 million provided by Pablo Escobar to fund

9776-454: Was also able to detect and deter some elements of a coup. During his campaigning for the 1990 election, Alberto Fujimori expressed concern against the proposed neoliberal policies of his opponent Mario Vargas Llosa. Vargas Llosa later reported that Ambassador Quainton personally told him that allegedly leaked documents of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) purportedly being supportive of Fujimori's candidacy were authentic. Rendón writes that

9880-576: Was an American diplomat who served as the United States ambassador to the Central African Empire , Nicaragua , Kuwait , and Peru . He was born in Seattle and educated at St. Michaels University School in Victoria, Canada. He earned a Bachelor of Arts degree from Princeton University and a Bachelor of Literature from Oxford University , where he studied as a Marshall Scholar . Quainton joined

9984-471: Was born in the city of Arequipa , the capital of the Arequipa Region in southern Peru. His parents were devout communists of Greek origin and named their son after Vladimir Lenin . Montesinos is a cousin of the incarcerated communist leader Óscar Ramírez Durand , a.k.a. "Feliciano", the leader of the Shining Path . In 1965, Montesinos graduated as a military cadet at the U.S. Army 's School of

10088-613: Was directly involved with assisting American businesses establish deals in Peru, mediating US-led drug enforcement efforts in the Peruvian army and air force and obtaining money for US antinarcotics missions in Peru upon demand. One of his largest accomplishments for the United States was granting majority mining rights of the Yanacocha mine – the fourth largest gold mine in the world – to the US-based Newmont . French mining company Bureau de Recherches Géologiques et Minières discovered

10192-538: Was needed as a base of operations and a defensive backstop against guerrillas based in Colombia's south, not far from the Peruvian border. The DEA was aware of reports in August 1990 that Montesinos was involved with being paid for the immunity of drug traffickers. Allegations circulated that Montesinos and General Nicolás Hermoza Ríos , the chairman of Peru's joint chiefs of staff, were taking protection money from drug traffickers. Documents that were later declassified by

10296-401: Was ordered to not include the word "coup". According to of Manuel D'Ornellas of Expreso in 1994, the military's oversight of the media was only momentary due to international condemnation Fujimori received. Through the remainder of Fujimori's tenure, his government would pay media organizations for positive coverage and to assist with maintaining the presidency. In 1994, Fujimori instituted

10400-626: Was part of the plane's crew). Peruvian drug kingpin Demetrio Chávez Peñaherrera, known as "El Vaticano", testified that Montesinos was a protector of drug trafficking. During a trial audience on 16 August 1996, Chávez Peñaherrera stated that he had bribed members of the Peruvian Armed Forces and Montesinos himself, as the effective chief of the Peruvian Intelligence Service (SIN), to be able to operate freely in Campanilla,

10504-618: Was primarily utilized for "studies, training, and dissemination efforts" by the Fujimori government. In a recommendation to Fujimori, de Soto called for a "shock" to Peru's economy. De Soto convinced then-president Fujimori to travel to New York City in a meeting organized by the Peruvian Javier Pérez de Cuéllar , secretary general of the United Nations, where they met with the heads of the International Monetary Fund ,

10608-437: Was the punishment for traitors during the military regime. United States Ambassador to Peru Robert William Dean contacted Minister of Foreign Affairs of Peru José de la Puente Radbill to pressure for Montesinos' release while the attorney representing the imprisoned army captain was asked to contact Einaudi. General Mercado then ordered the charges be dropped. Years later, declassified US State Department documents revealed

10712-413: Was to be directed on accepting the military's plan at least twenty-four hours before his inauguration, emphasizing directed democracy and a market economy. According to Schulte-Bockholt, General Nicolás de Bari Hermoza and Vladimiro Montesinos were responsible for the relationship between the military and Fujimori. Rospigliosi writes that SIN head General Edwin "Cucharita" Díaz beside Montesinos also played

10816-563: Was very consensual and more in line with American interests in Peru and the region". According to Rospigliosi, Montesinos was not initially involved with Plan Verde, but his ability to resolve issues for the military resulted with the armed forces tasking Montesinos with implementing the plan with Fujimori. Peruvian magazine Oiga reported that following the election, the armed forces were unsure of Fujimori's willingness to fulfill their objectives, writing in an evaluation note on 13 June 1990 that "We cannot expect anything certain from Cambio 90 and

#390609