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The Gallina or Largo-Gallina culture was an occupation sequence during the pre- Hispanic period in the American Southwest from approximately 1050 to 1300. The culture was located in north-central New Mexico roughly north of the Jemez Mountains , and was named after the Rio Gallina (and Largo Canyon), which runs through the region.

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63-609: The Gallina are tentatively linked to the Rosa Phase of the Ancestral Puebloans . Evidence indicates a connection to the Rosa people , due to similar skills such as basket weaving , black on white pottery, and architecture. They also have similar ornaments such as shells pierced for stringing, bone beads, and stone pipes. More recent scholarship has suggested the Gallina phase emerged through

126-514: A different cycle unrelated to rainfall. This forced the abandonment of settlements in the more arid or overfarmed locations. Evidence suggests a profound change in religion in this period. Chacoan and other structures constructed originally along astronomical alignments, and thought to have served important ceremonial purposes to the culture, were systematically dismantled. Doorways were sealed with rock and mortar. Kiva walls show marks from great fires set within them, which probably required removal of

189-475: A few generations was probably also due to migrations of people from surrounding areas. Innovations such as pottery, food storage, and agriculture enabled this rapid growth. Over several decades, the Ancestral Puebloan culture spread across the landscape. Ancestral Puebloan culture has been divided into three main areas or branches, based on geographical location: Modern Pueblo oral traditions hold that

252-424: A large system of easy transportation, as timber was not locally available. Analysis of strontium isotopes shows that much of the timber came from distant mountain ranges. Throughout the southwest Ancestral Puebloan region, the inhabitants built complexes in shallow caves and under rock overhangs in canyon walls. Unlike earlier structures and villages atop mesas, this was a regional 13th-century trend of gathering

315-457: A range of structures that included small family pit houses , larger structures to house clans , grand pueblos , and cliff-sited dwellings for defense. They had a complex network linking hundreds of communities and population centers across the Colorado Plateau . They held a distinct knowledge of celestial sciences that found form in their architecture. The kiva , a congregational space that

378-482: A single stage. Most houses faced south. Plazas were almost always surrounded by buildings of sealed-off rooms or high walls. There were often four or five stories, with single-story rooms facing the plaza; room blocks were terraced to allow the tallest sections to compose the pueblo's rear edifice. Rooms were often organized into suites, with front rooms larger than rear, interior, and storage rooms or areas. Ceremonial structures known as kivas were built in proportion to

441-632: A smooth, leveled surface in the bedrock or removing vegetation and soil. Large ramps and stairways in the cliff rock connect the roads above the canyon to sites at the bottom. The largest roads, built at the same time as many of the great houses (1000 to 1125 CE), are: the Great North Road, the South Road, the Coyote Canyon Road , the Chacra Face Road , Ahshislepah Road, Mexican Springs Road ,

504-461: A social movement. Artifacts from the Gallina time period are found commonly throughout the region, artifacts include vessels, and lithic tool remains such as projectile points/remnants, evidence of lithic reduction from cores and cobble, hand grinding tools such as the mono and corresponding mattata, and the prominent tri notched axe head. There are indications that the Gallina were advanced at basket weaving. Most flakestone found on Gallina sites

567-417: A veneer of small sandstone pieces, which were pressed into a layer of binding mud . These surfacing stones were often arranged in distinctive patterns. The Chacoan structures together required the wood of 200,000 conifer trees, mostly hauled – on foot – from mountain ranges up to 70 miles (110 km) away. One of the most notable aspects of Ancestral Puebloan infrastructure

630-703: A widespread practice among Ancestral Puebloans. Ancestral Pueblo people in the North American Southwest crafted a unique architecture with planned community spaces. Population centers such as Chaco Canyon (outside Crownpoint, New Mexico ), Mesa Verde (near Cortez, Colorado ), and Bandelier National Monument (near Los Alamos, New Mexico ) have brought renown to the Ancestral Pueblo peoples. They consisted of apartment complexes and structures made of stone, adobe mud, and other local material, or were carved into canyon walls. Developed within these cultures,

693-516: Is characterized by fine hatching, and contrasting colors are produced by the use of mineral-based paint on a chalky background. South of the Anasazi territory, in Mogollon settlements, pottery was more often hand-coiled, scraped, and polished, with red to brown coloring. Certain tall cylinders were likely ceremonial vessels, while narrow-necked jars, called ollas , were often used for liquids. Pottery from

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756-499: Is made from quartzite, obsidian, and chert. The lithic materials can be traced to local stone deposits such as Jemez Mountain Obsidian and Pedernal Chert . Some of the ceramic reusable bowls and jars share similarities with Rosa era pieces, yet there are key differences. For instance, the wide mouth cook pots found commonly at Gallina sites are not seen among Rosa artifacts. Also, all jars found at Rosa sites have flat bottoms whereas

819-654: Is no hard evidence for either, research is ongoing. Ancestral Puebloans The Ancestral Puebloans , also known as the Anasazi and by the earlier term the Basketmaker-Pueblo culture, were an ancient Native American culture that spanned the present-day Four Corners region of the United States, comprising southeastern Utah , northeastern Arizona , northwestern New Mexico , and southwestern Colorado . They are believed to have developed, at least in part, from

882-804: Is that Ancestral Puebloans responded to pressure from Numic -speaking peoples moving onto the Colorado Plateau, as well as climate change that resulted in agricultural failures. The archaeological record indicates that for Ancestral Puebloans to adapt to climatic change by changing residences and locations was not unusual. Early Pueblo I Era sites may have housed up to 600 individuals in a few separate but closely spaced settlement clusters. However, they were generally occupied for 30 years or less. Archaeologist Timothy A. Kohler excavated large Pueblo I sites near Dolores, Colorado , and discovered that they were established during periods of above-average rainfall. This allowed crops to be grown without requiring irrigation. At

945-506: Is the Chaco Road at Chaco Canyon, a system of roads radiating from many great house sites such as Pueblo Bonito, Chetro Ketl, and Una Vida. They led toward small outlier sites and natural features in the canyon and outside. Through satellite images and ground investigations, archaeologists have found eight main roads that together run for more than 180 miles (300 km), and are more than 30 feet (10 m) wide. These were built by excavating into

1008-611: The Oshara tradition , which developed from the Picosa culture . The people and their archaeological culture are often referred to as Anasazi , a term introduced by Alfred V. Kidder from the Navajo word anaasází meaning 'enemy ancestors' ( anaa– 'enemy', -sází 'their ancestors') although Kidder thought it meant 'old people'. Contemporary Puebloans object to the use of this term, with some viewing it as derogatory. The Ancestral Puebloans lived in

1071-490: The sandstone landscape. In areas where resistant strata (sedimentary rock layers), such as sandstone or limestone , overlie more easily eroded strata such as shale , rock overhangs formed. The Ancestral Puebloans favored building under such overhangs for shelters and defensive building sites. All areas of the Ancestral Puebloan homeland suffered from periods of drought and erosion from wind and water. Summer rains could be unreliable and produced destructive thunderstorms. While

1134-531: The "Sky City", in New Mexico. Before 900 CE and progressing past the 13th century, the population complexes were major cultural centers. In Chaco Canyon, Chacoan developers quarried sandstone blocks and hauled timber from great distances, assembling 15 major complexes. These ranked as the largest buildings in North America until the late 19th century. Evidence of archaeoastronomy at Chaco has been proposed, with

1197-432: The 12th and 13th centuries. The main reason is unclear. Factors discussed include global or regional climate change, prolonged drought, environmental degradation such as cyclical periods of topsoil erosion or deforestation, hostility from new arrivals, religious or cultural change, and influence from Mesoamerican cultures. Many of these possibilities are supported by archaeological evidence. Current scholarly consensus

1260-618: The 13th century. Canjilon Mountain Canjilón Mountain is a 10,922 feet (3,329 m). mountain approximately six miles northeast of the village of Canjilón, in the Carson National Forest . The word cajilon is the term for "deer antler" in Northern New Mexican Spanish . The mountain was so named because of its resemblance to an antler. The mountain gave its name to the nearby creek (Canjilon Creek), to

1323-715: The American Great Plains , in areas near the Cimarron and Pecos Rivers and in the Galisteo Basin . Terrain and resources within this large region vary greatly. The plateau regions have high elevations ranging from 4,500 to 8,500 feet (1,400 to 2,600 m). Extensive horizontal mesas are capped by sedimentary formations and support woodlands of junipers , pinyon , and ponderosa pines , each favoring different elevations. Wind and water erosion have created steep-walled canyons, and sculpted windows and bridges out of

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1386-747: The American Southwest began to leave their historic homes and migrate south. According to archaeologists Patricia Crown and Steadman Upham, the appearance of the bright colors on Salado Polychromes in the 14th century may reflect religious or political alliances on a regional level. Late 14th- and 15th-century pottery from central Arizona, widely traded in the region, has colors and designs which may derive from earlier ware by both Ancestral Pueblo and Mogollon peoples. The Ancestral Puebloans also excelled at rock art , which included carved petroglyphs and painted pictographs . Ancestral Pueblo peoples painted Barrier Canyon Style pictographs in locations where

1449-475: The Ancestral Puebloans originated from sipapu , where they emerged from the underworld . For unknown ages, they were led by chiefs and guided by spirits as they completed vast migrations throughout the continent of North America. They settled first in the Ancestral Puebloan areas for a few hundred years before moving to their present locations. The Ancestral Puebloans left their established homes in

1512-542: The Chinle, Animas, Jemez , and Taos Rivers. The larger rivers were less directly important to the ancient culture, as smaller streams were more easily diverted or controlled for irrigation. The Ancestral Puebloan culture is perhaps best known for the stone and earth dwellings its people built along cliff walls, particularly during the Pueblo II and Pueblo III eras, from about 900 to 1350 CE in total. The best-preserved examples of

1575-510: The Field Museum in Chicago has been studying a group of Ancestral Puebloan villages that relocated from the canyons to the high mesa tops during the late 13th century. Haas believes that the reason to move so far from water and arable land was a defense against enemies. He asserts that isolated communities relied on raiding for food and supplies, and that internal conflict and warfare became common in

1638-434: The Gallina jars commonly have a tapering underbody that end in a point. This was probably designed to allow the jar to be settled upright in a bed of ashes in the fire pit . The Gallina also modified the necks of their jars, more than likely designed to allow the jar to be easier to hold. The Gallina are recognized for their black on white, grey utility, corrugated and basket impressed pottery designs. Gallina architecture

1701-410: The Gallina, have not been discovered in the Gallina area. A few possible examples were noted by Florence Hawley Ellis , but their identification is tenuous. Starting in 1161, the ecological condition shifted toward drought conditions. Although not every year was bad, the pattern was increasingly dry. From 1250 to 1265 the drought was particularly bad, and the years 1278 and 1292 were the worst. All of

1764-410: The Gallina; many other archaeologists, however, do not. In the 1300s the region was slowly depopulated. Contemporary archaeologists suggests a social movement as a potential cause. Most Gallina sites discovered are found to have been left in perfect order and followed a ritualistic pattern. The fire pits were filled to the rim and then the floors were cleaned. The house was given a quick burning and then

1827-544: The Great Houses were elite, wealthier families. They hosted indoor burials, where gifts were interred with the dead, often including bowls of food and turquoise beads. Over centuries, architectural forms evolved but the complexes kept some core traits, such as their size. They averaged more than 200 rooms each, and some had 700 rooms. Rooms were very large, with higher ceilings than Ancestral Pueblo buildings of earlier periods. They were well-planned: vast sections were built in

1890-753: The Mesa Verde and the Bandelier areas. Evidence also suggests that a profound change took place in the Ancestral Pueblo area and areas inhabited by their cultural neighbors, the Mogollon . Historian James W. Loewen agrees with this oral tradition in his book, Lies Across America: What Our Historic Markers and Monuments Get Wrong (1999). No academic consensus exists with the professional archeological and anthropological community on this issue. Environmental stress may have caused changes in social structure, leading to conflict and warfare. Near Kayenta, Arizona , Jonathan Haas of

1953-475: The Pueblo II became more self-contained, decreasing trade and interaction with more distant communities. Southwest farmers developed irrigation techniques appropriate to seasonal rainfall, including soil and water control features such as check dams and terraces. The population of the region continued to be mobile, abandoning settlements and fields under adverse conditions. There was also a drop in water table due to

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2016-602: The Sun Dagger petroglyph at Fajada Butte a popular example. Many Chacoan buildings may have been aligned to capture the solar and lunar cycles, requiring generations of astronomical observations and centuries of skillfully coordinated construction. The Chacoans abandoned the canyon, probably due to climate change beginning with a 50-year drought starting in 1130. Immense complexes known as "great houses" embodied worship at Chaco. Archaeologists have found musical instruments, jewelry, ceramics, and ceremonial items, indicating people in

2079-504: The West Road, and the shorter Pintado-Chaco Road. Simple structures like berms and walls are sometimes aligned along the roads. Some tracts of the roads lead to natural features such as springs, lakes, mountain tops, and pinnacles. The longest and best-known of these roads is the Great North Road, which originates from different routes close to Pueblo Bonito and Chetro Ketl. These roads converge at Pueblo Alto and from there lead north beyond

2142-415: The amount of winter snowfall varied greatly, the Ancestral Puebloans depended on the snow for most of their water. Snow melt allowed the germination of seeds, both wild and cultivated, in the spring. Where sandstone layers overlay shale, snow melt could accumulate and create seeps and springs, which the Ancestral Puebloans used as water sources. Snow also fed the smaller, more predictable tributaries, such as

2205-630: The area. The Ancestral Puebloan homeland centers on the Colorado Plateau, but extends from central New Mexico on the east to southern Nevada on the west. Areas of southern Nevada, Utah, and Colorado form a loose northern boundary, while the southern edge is defined by the Colorado and Little Colorado Rivers in Arizona and the Rio Puerco and Rio Grande in New Mexico. Structures and other evidence of Ancestral Puebloan culture have been found extending east onto

2268-528: The camps. The camps were thought to be more hunting-oriented based on the arrows, knives, and scrapers found at the sites. The camps were most frequently located on lava beds because of the retention and radiation of the sun’s heat off the rock. The warmth may have allowed small plots for farming, although this is still under debate. The dwellings and drying areas had paths leading to them that were sometimes "paved" with slabs of rock or filled in with chinking stones. Ellis believed these sites to be associated with

2331-457: The canyon limits. Along roadways were only small, isolated structures. Archaeological interpretations of the Chaco road system are divided between an economic purpose and a symbolic, ideological or religious role. The system was discovered in the late 19th century and excavated in the 1970s. By the late 20th century, aerial and satellite photographs helped in the study. Archaeologists suggested that

2394-539: The continuation of the Chaco Canyon elite system, which had seemingly collapsed a century earlier. Other researchers instead explain these motifs as part a wider Pueblo style or religion. During the period from 700 to 1130 CE ( Pueblo I and II Eras ), the population grew fast due to consistent and regular rainfall which supported agriculture. Studies of skeletal remains show increased fertility rather than decreased mortality. However, this tenfold population increase over

2457-409: The dates for droughts and predicted impact on crops are based on conifer growth (from tree rings). At some point during difficult drought conditions, some members traveled from villages to camp on Canjilon Mountain in order to hunt and gather. Each of these mountain camps had two to ten people and brought a cook pot, water jar, food bowl, and canteen with them, opting not actually to make pottery in

2520-475: The dismantling of their religious structures was an effort to symbolically undo the changes they believed they caused due to their abuse of their spiritual power, and thus make amends with nature. Most modern Pueblo peoples (whether Keresans , Hopi , or Tanoans ) assert the Ancestral Puebloans did not "vanish", as is commonly portrayed. They say that the people migrated to areas in the southwest with more favorable rainfall and dependable streams. They merged into

2583-414: The east and west side of the house. Evidence supports the idea that these bins were used primarily for food/grain storage as remains are often found within. These houses were generally "unit-type" which have thick walls of unworked stones in mud mortar. The interiors of these houses were smooth and neatly plastered. They also contained fire pits with U-shaped deflectors that directed heat and caught ash. There

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2646-588: The elite family whose burials associate them with the site practiced matrilineal succession. Room 33 in Pueblo Bonito, the richest burial ever excavated in the Southwest, served as a crypt for one powerful lineage, traced through the female line, for approximately 330 years. While other Ancestral Pueblo burials have not yet been subjected to the same archaeogenomic testing, the survival of matrilineal descent among contemporary Pueblo peoples suggests that this may have been

2709-556: The forerunners of contemporary Pueblo peoples although specific site to modern group connections are unclear. Three UNESCO World Heritage Sites located in the United States are credited to the Pueblos: Mesa Verde National Park , Chaco Culture National Historical Park and Taos Pueblo . Pueblo , which means "village" and "people" in Spanish, was a term originating with the Spanish explorers who used it to refer to

2772-658: The form of a 300-year period of aridity called the Great Drought. This also led to the collapse of the Tiwanaku civilization around Lake Titicaca in present-day Bolivia. The contemporary Mississippian culture also collapsed during this period. Confirming evidence dated between 1150 and 1350 has been found in excavations of the western regions of the Mississippi Valley , which show long-lasting patterns of warmer, wetter winters and cooler, drier summers. In this later period,

2835-495: The growing populations into close, defensible quarters. There were buildings for housing, defense, and storage. These were built mostly of blocks of hard sandstone, held together and plastered with adobe mortar. Constructions had many similarities, but unique forms due to the unique rock topography. The best-known site is at Mesa Verde, with a large number of well-preserved cliff dwellings. This area included common Pueblo architectural forms, such as kivas, towers, and pit-houses, but

2898-466: The images were protected from the sun yet visible to the public. Designs include human-like forms. The so-called "Holy Ghost panel" in the Horseshoe Canyon is considered to be one of the earliest uses of graphical perspective where the largest figure appears to take on a three-dimensional representation. Recent archaeological evidence has established that in at least one great house, Pueblo Bonito,

2961-466: The massive roof – a task which would require significant effort. Habitations were abandoned, and tribes divided and resettled far. This evidence suggests that the religious structures were abandoned deliberately over time. Pueblo oral history holds that the ancestors had achieved great spiritual power and control over natural forces. They used their power in ways that caused nature to change and caused changes that were never meant to occur. Possibly,

3024-471: The number of rooms in a pueblo. A small kiva was built for roughly every 29 rooms. Nine complexes each had a Great Kiva, up to 63 feet (19 m) in diameter. T-shaped doorways and stone lintels marked all Chacoan kivas. Although simple and compound walls were often used, great houses usually had core-and-veneer walls: rubble filled the gap between parallel load-bearing walls of dressed, flat sandstone blocks bound in clay mortar. Walls were covered in

3087-614: The people also adopted design details from other cultures as far away as contemporary Mexico . These buildings were usually multistoried and multipurposed, and surrounded by open plazas and viewsheds . Hundreds to thousands of people lived in these communities. These complexes hosted cultural and civic events and infrastructure that supported a vast outlying region hundreds of miles away linked by transportation roadways. Built well before 1492 CE, these towns and villages were located in defensive positions, for example on high, steep mesas such as at Mesa Verde or present-day Acoma Pueblo , called

3150-590: The people's particular style of dwelling. The Navajo people, who now reside in parts of former Pueblo territory, referred to the ancient people as Anaasází , an exonym meaning "ancestors of our enemies", referring to their competition with the Pueblo peoples. The Navajo now use the term in the sense of referring to "ancient people" or "ancient ones", whereas others ascribe the meaning of Anasazi to "those who are different from our people"; (lit. Ana = "different from us" + asaza = "the old ones"). Hopi people use

3213-522: The pit-house, a common feature in the Basketmaker periods. Ancestral Puebloans are also known for their pottery. Local plainware pottery used for cooking or storage was unpainted gray, either smooth or textured. Pottery used for more formal purposes was often more richly adorned. In the northern portion of the Ancestral Pueblo lands, from about 500 to 1300 CE, the pottery styles commonly had black-painted designs on white or light gray backgrounds. Decoration

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3276-520: The road's main purpose was to transport local and exotic goods to and from the canyon. The economic purpose of the Chaco road system is shown by the presence of luxury items at Pueblo Bonito and elsewhere in the canyon. Items such as macaws , turquoise and seashells, which are not part of this environment, and imported vessels distinguished by design, prove that the Chaco traded with distant regions. The widespread use of timber in Chacoan constructions required

3339-437: The roof timbers were removed. Some archaeologists who follow the belief of abandonment tend to think that this was a process designed to minimize the abilities of someone to use personal artifacts left behind in witchcraft . While forensic evidence of violence and exist within the region, there is no certainty in regards to the cause. Hypotheses of the past have included explanations from genocide to internecine war. Although there

3402-573: The same time, nearby areas that suffered significantly drier patterns were abandoned. Ancestral Puebloans attained a cultural "Golden Age" between about 900 and 1150. During this time, generally classed as Pueblo II Era, the climate was relatively warm and rainfall mostly adequate. Communities grew larger and were inhabited for longer. Highly specific local traditions in architecture and pottery emerged, and trade over long distances appears to have been common. Domesticated turkeys appeared. After around 1130, North America had significant climatic change in

3465-461: The southern regions of Ancestral Pueblo lands has bold, black-line decoration and the use of carbon-based colorants. In northern New Mexico, the local black-on-white pottery tradition, the Rio Grande white wares , continued well after 1300 CE. Changes in pottery composition, structure, and decoration are signals of social change in the archaeological record. This is particularly true as the peoples of

3528-715: The space restrictions of these alcoves resulted in far denser populations. Mug House, a typical cliff dwelling of the period, was home to around 100 people who shared 94 small rooms and eight kivas, built right up against each other and sharing many walls. Builders maximized space use and no area was off-limits. Not all the people in the region lived in cliff dwellings; many colonized the canyon rims and slopes in multifamily structures that grew to unprecedented size as populations swelled. Decorative motifs for these sandstone/mortar structures, both cliff dwellings and not, included T-shaped windows and doors. This has been taken by some archaeologists, such as Stephen Lekson (1999), as evidence of

3591-673: The stone dwellings are now protected within United States' national parks , such as Navajo National Monument , Chaco Culture National Historical Park , Mesa Verde National Park , Canyons of the Ancients National Monument , Aztec Ruins National Monument , Bandelier National Monument , Hovenweep National Monument , and Canyon de Chelly National Monument . These villages, called pueblos by Spanish colonists, were accessible only by rope or through rock climbing. These astonishing building achievements had modest beginnings. The first Ancestral Puebloan homes and villages were based on

3654-399: The term Hisatsinom , meaning "ancient people", to describe the Ancestral Puebloans. The Ancestral Puebloans were one of four major prehistoric archaeological traditions recognized in the American Southwest, also known as Oasisamerica . The others are the Mogollon , Hohokam , and Patayan . In relation to neighboring cultures, the Ancestral Puebloans occupied the northeast quadrant of

3717-465: The various Pueblo peoples whose descendants still live in Arizona and New Mexico. This perspective was also presented by early 20th-century anthropologists, including Frank Hamilton Cushing , J. Walter Fewkes , and Alfred V. Kidder . Many modern Pueblo tribes trace their lineage from specific settlements. For example, the San Ildefonso Pueblo people believe that their ancestors lived in both

3780-586: Was also influenced by the Rosa style. Villages ranged from three to twenty dwellings and were generally combinations of surface structures and pit houses with north-south orientation. The pit houses were often dug in the high points of mesas and then completely palisaded . The house interiors are seen to have two hearths with banquets, or benches which skirt the walls, these are believed to be used as beds as well as seats. Pit houses often include wing walled storage units. Unit houses often had storage bins that extended off

3843-550: Was generally a ventilator shaft through the wall that followed the north-south orientation of the house. The interior roofs were left as beams and bags were hung from them as a storage method. The surface houses were always rectangular, however, the pit houses could be round or rectangular. Both styles of houses were accessed through roof entry, this is evident from the structural remains of ladders. The Gallina constructed masonry towers along ridges. The towers generally had thick walls and better than usual masonry. This thickness

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3906-452: Was probably designed to support the weight. The towers were about 20-30 Ft one story buildings entered on the high level by a ladder. These towers were possibly signal stations similar to a line of telegraph stations. While the possibility of reuse for food storage is plausible, the fact remains that was not the intended use. Sipapus and kivas , the standard material indications of Ancestral Puebloan religions that were contemporaneous with

3969-524: Was used mostly for ceremonies, was an integral part of the community structure. Archaeologists continue to debate when this distinct culture emerged. The current agreement, based on terminology defined by the Pecos Classification , suggests their emergence around the 12th century BCE, during the archaeologically designated Early Basketmaker II Era . Beginning with the earliest explorations and excavations, researchers identified Ancestral Puebloans as

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