The Former Uganda National Army (abbreviated as FUNA ) was a Ugandan rebel group active during the Ugandan Bush War and the subsequent insurgencies in the country. The group claimed to be a continuation of the Uganda Army under Idi Amin and was made up mostly of Amin loyalists. It came to be led by General Isaac Lumago and Brigadier Amin Onzi . The group was mainly active in Northern Uganda as well as Zaire and Sudan , where they operated rear bases and acquired weapons and equipment.
64-462: Initially, the group fought against the government of Milton Obote until 1985, when military officer Tito Okello launched a coup and ousted Obote's government. From then until the ascension of Yoweri Museveni as president in 1986, the FUNA supported Okello's government against the rebelling National Resistance Movement . After Museveni took power, FUNA once again became a rebel movement. FUNA disbanded in
128-496: A coup that overthrew Obote's government. Okello's new regime managed to successfully make peace with a number of armed groups, including the FUNA. This enabled FUNA to be integrated into the national military and it gained a seat on Okello's junta council. Okello ruled until early 1986, when he was overthrown by the National Resistance Army , with Yoweri Museveni taking power. This effectively ended FUNA's integration into
192-481: A Parliamentary majority and Obote became prime minister in 1962. He assumed the post on 25 April 1962, appointed by Sir Walter Coutts , then Governor-General of Uganda . The following year the position of governor-general was replaced by a ceremonial presidency to be elected by the parliament. Mutesa, the Kabaka (King) of Buganda, became the ceremonial president, with Obote as executive prime minister. In January 1964,
256-765: A comfortable beach house close to Nyerere's private residence; Tanzanian officials initially continued to call him "President", and later " Mzee ". Despite his rare public appearances and public restraint, Obote vigorously plotted to overthrow Amin: He set up a small rebel force of 100 guerrillas which occasionally launched raids from Kenya into Uganda, and created his own "navy" of six boats which smuggled coffee on Lake Victoria to finance political and militant activities. The navy also built up an underground network in Uganda. These operations were entrusted to some of his most trusted followers such as David Oyite-Ojok . Obote hoped to gradually undermine Amin's regime until being able to launch
320-573: A construction worker at an engineering firm. While in Kenya, Obote became involved in the national independence movement. Upon returning to Uganda in 1956, he joined the political party Uganda National Congress (UNC), and was elected to the colonial Legislative Council in 1957. In 1959, the UNC split into two factions, with one faction under the leadership of Obote merging with the Uganda People's Union to form
384-518: A general uprising with support by the exiles in Tanzania. However, the efforts of his rebel network produced few tangible results, as his movement was unable to assassinate important followers of Amin and lacked support among most Ugandans. In fact, Obote remained deeply unpopular in much of Uganda, and even those opposed to Amin did not want to see him return to power. In 1979, Idi Amin was ousted by Tanzanian forces aided by Ugandan exiles. By 1980, Uganda
448-465: A guerilla war with the Sudanese government. The Obote government withdrew support for the rebels and arrested a German mercenary called Steiner and extradited him to Sudan for trial. The Israeli government was unhappy with these events. In January 1971, Obote was overthrown by the army while on a visit to Singapore to attend a Commonwealth conference , and Amin became president. In the two years before
512-663: A hospital in Johannesburg , South Africa at the age of 79. Milton Obote was given a state funeral , attended by President Museveni, in the Ugandan capital Kampala in October 2005, to the surprise and appreciation of many Ugandans because he and Museveni had been bitter rivals. Other groups, such as the Baganda survivors of the Luweero Triangle massacres, were bitter that Obote was given
576-470: A meaningful investigation. Oda stated that had he known of these new accusations, he would have encouraged Ochieng to include them in the proposed resolution. Nevertheless, he did not suggest that it should then be amended. Two MPs stated that they were aware that a significant amount of gold had passed in and out of the country in recent years. Other members reiterated that there had been rumours in Kampala about
640-575: A mutiny occurred at the military barracks at Jinja , Uganda's second city and home to the 1st Battalion of the Uganda Army . There were similar mutinies in two other eastern African states; all three countries requested the support of troops from the British military. Before they arrived, however, Obote sent his defence minister Felix Onama to negotiate with the mutineers. Onama was held hostage, and agreed to many demands, including significant pay increases for
704-493: A rebel army, and moved to Sudan. However, Obote's exile efforts were hampered by his lack of support among Ugandans, as many other opposition groups—both leftists and conservatives—were more willing to support Amin than offer him any aid. Even part of the UPC had decided to split from him. There were also considerable ethnic tensions as well as personal rivalries in Obote's camps, undermining
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#1732855249465768-609: A report on the investigation, decided to reintroduce his motion urging the government to take action. On 31 January Obote met with the UPC parliamentary group in secret to explain the delays. He stated that Amin had confirmed that the bank account belonged to him, and that the money had been given to him by Congolese rebels so that he could purchase supplies for them. The group decided that the matter involved sensitive information pertaining to national security, so all UPC MPs would reject Ochieng's motion to avoid an open debate in Parliament on
832-837: A second time by another coup d'état in 1985 led by Tito Okello , prompting him to live the rest of his life in exile. Apollo Milton Obote was born in the Akokoro village in the Apac district in northern Uganda, on 28 December 1925. He was the third born of nine children of a tribal chief of the Oyima clan Lango ethnic group. He began his education in 1940 at the Protestant Missionary School in Lira , and later attended Gulu Junior Secondary School, Busoga College , Mwiri and eventually university at Makerere University . Having intended to study law,
896-490: A series of purges. Still, Obote refused to give up, and moved to Tanzania where he received much more support. Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere had close ties with Obote and had supported his socialist orientation. The Tanzanian and Somali governments initially planned to help Obote regain power by invading Uganda through the Kagera Salient . This project was never implemented, as Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai informed
960-489: A significant role in shaping Uganda's political landscape. It contributed to the rise of Idi Amin, who later seized power in a military coup in 1971. Furthermore, it had long-lasting implications for the relationship between the central government and traditional institutions in Uganda. On 19 December 1969, there was an assassination attempt against Obote. As he was leaving the UPC annual delegates' conference at Lugogo Indoor Stadium in Kampala, Mohamed Sebaduka fired one shot at
1024-455: A state funeral. He was survived by his wife and five children. On 28 November 2005, his wife Miria Obote was elected UPC's president. Gold Scandal Prime Minister of Uganda (1962–1966) 2nd President of Uganda (1966-1971) First Exile (1972–1979) Second Presidency (1980–1985) The Gold Scandal of 1965 was a political scandal in Uganda and a contributing factor to
1088-468: A subject not taught at the university, Obote took a general arts course, including English and geography. At Makerere, Obote honed his natural oratorical skills; he may have been expelled for participating in a student strike, or alternatively left after a place to study law abroad was not funded by the protectorate government. He worked in Buganda in southern Uganda before moving to Kenya , where he worked as
1152-513: The Democratic Party —the leading opposition party—accusing former prime minister Benedicto Kiwanuka of orchestrating the plot. In the aftermath of the attempt, all opposition political parties were banned, leaving Obote as an effectively supreme leader. A state of emergency was in force for much of the time and many political opponents were jailed without trial for life. Obote's regime terrorised, harassed, and tortured people. His secret police,
1216-481: The Luweero Triangle . After his second removal from power, Obote fled to Kenya and later to Zambia . For some years, it was rumoured that he would return to Ugandan politics. In August 2005, however, he announced his intention to step down as leader of the UPC. In September 2005, it was reported that Obote would return to Uganda before the end of the year. On 10 October 2005, Obote died of kidney failure in
1280-552: The Mengo Crisis of 1966. Prime Minister of Uganda Milton Obote was politically opposed to Democratic Republic of the Congo Prime Minister Moise Tshombe . Obote arranged for meetings with Congolese rebel leaders Christophe Gbenye and Nicholas Olenga to offer them covert aid. Lasting from December 1964 to March 1965, the meetings frequently involved the exchange of arms which Obote procured from Tanzania and
1344-631: The Uganda People's Congress (UPC). Obote represented the UPC at the Ugandan Constitutional Conference , held at Lancaster House in 1961, alongside fellow Ugandan politician A. G. Mehta . The Conference was organised by the British Government to pave the way for Ugandan independence. In the runup to independence elections, Obote formed a coalition with the Buganda royalist party, Kabaka Yekka . The two parties controlled
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#17328552494651408-557: The General Service Unit, led by Obote's cousin, was responsible for many cruelties. In 1969–70, Obote published a series of pamphlets that were supposed to outline his political and economic policy. The Common Man's Charter was a summary of his approach to socialism, which became known as the Move to the Left . The government took over a 60% share in major private corporations and banks in
1472-404: The UPC's opposition believed that the elections were rigged, which led to a guerrilla war by Yoweri Museveni's National Resistance Army (NRA) and several other military groups. Obote held the additional title of Minister of Finance . In 1983, the Obote government launched Operation Bonanza, a military expedition that claimed tens of thousands of lives and displaced a significant portion of
1536-617: The Ugandan armed forces. When the Parliament demanded an investigation of Obote and the ousting of Amin, he suspended the constitution and declared himself President in March 1966, allocating to himself almost unlimited power under state of emergency rulings. Several members of his cabinet , who were leaders of rival factions in the party, were arrested and detained without charge. Obote responded with an armed attack upon Mutesa's palace , which ended with Mutesa fleeing to exile. In 1967, Obote's power
1600-438: The account. The government promised to investigate the matter. A Judicial Commission of Inquiry was set up for the purpose, but its establishment was delayed by existing army regulations. The rules required that an army officer could only be investigated by persons of equal or higher rank. Only the army commander, Shaban Opolot , held a higher rank than Amin, and no officer was of a rank equivalent to Amin. Obote planned on having
1664-611: The army that went into exile after Amin’s overthrow remains intact in southern Sudan and eastern Zaire" in 1985. FUNA often fought with the UNRF and was eventually expelled from the country around July 1981. FUNA continued to be active in Zaire and Sudan throughout the Bush War, although remaining smaller and weaker than its UNRF rival. It continued to launch attacks on Uganda and be a nuisance to government forces. In July 1985, General Tito Okello launched
1728-552: The army, Obote, Minister of Internal Affairs Felix Onama , and Minister of Planning and Community Development Adoko Nekyon , had illegally profited off of gold, ivory, and cash originating from the Congo. According to Ochieng, in February 1965 Amin opened an account with the Ottoman Bank . Within 24 days, Sh. 340,000 (£17,000 sterling , equivalent to £415,758 in 2023) was deposited in
1792-401: The army, and the rapid promotion of many officers, including the future president Idi Amin . In 1965, Kenyans had been barred from leadership positions within the government, and this was followed by the removal of Kenyans en masse from Uganda in 1969, under Obote's guidance. As prime minister, Obote was implicated in a gold smuggling plot , together with Idi Amin, then deputy commander of
1856-438: The cabinet, and all had attended the 4 February meeting. Though the threat posed by Ibingira to his leadership was eliminated, Obote decided to consolidate his position by deprecating his ex-rival's allies, specifically Mutesa. He announced that Mutesa was involved in a military coup plot to overthrow his government, precipitating the Mengo Crisis . On 23 February he moved Opolot to the position of Chief of Defence Staff, and Amin
1920-506: The country in 1970. During Obote's regime, flagrant and widespread corruption emerged in the name of his version of "socialism". Food shortages sent prices through the ceiling. Obote's persecution of Indian traders contributed to this rise in prices. The Israeli government was training the Ugandan police and military and providing arms to the Anyanya in Southern Sudan who were engaged in
1984-517: The country suffered from severe corruption and food shortages. He was overthrown in a military coup d'état by Idi Amin in 1971, settling in exile in Tanzania , but was re-elected in an election reported to be neither free nor fair in 1980, a year after Amin's 1979 overthrow. His second period of rule ended after a long and bloody conflict known as the Ugandan Bush War during which he was overthrown
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2048-512: The coup Obote's relations with the West had become strained. Some have suggested that Western Governments were at least aware of, and may have aided, the coup. The Israeli government certainly played an active role in planning and implementing the coup. They operated mechanized equipment and maintained a high profile in and around the capital including manning roadblocks. According to one source, "They were to be seen everywhere." The fall of Obote's regime
2112-613: The day following the debate Onama placed Amin on a short leave of absence. Minister of Internal Affairs Basil Bataringaya appointed a commission to investigate the accusations. When Obote returned to Kampala on 15 February, he was unable to dissuade his ministers from proceeding with an investigation. The cabinet attempted to convene on 22 February to appoint a new commission of inquiry into the matter, but Obote swiftly placed five members under arrest; Ibingira, Emmanuel Lumu , Balaki K. Kirya, Mathias Ngobi, and George Magezi were detained. The latter four had all been parties to Ibingira's wing in
2176-434: The discussion—and followed the direction of their government. Though the motion had only pertained to Amin, Ochieng's accusations had attacked the credibility of Obote, Onama, and Nekyon, and it seemed apparent to leaders that a new, independent inquiry had to be made. Several MPs had suggested during the debate that an investigation be made so that the three ministers could prove their innocence. Cuthbert Joseph Obwangor ,
2240-765: The early to mid 1990s, but was largely eclipsed by other Ugandan rebel movements FUNA was operational until at least 1996, but the rise of the West Nile Bank Front and the Uganda National Rescue Front II led to a number of FUNA fighters and officers defecting to join the new insurgent groups. It is not known precisely when FUNA disbanded, but reports of its activity ceased after 1997. Milton Obote Prime Minister of Uganda (1962–1966) 2nd President of Uganda (1966-1971) First Exile (1972–1979) Second Presidency (1980–1985) Apollo Milton Obote (28 December 1925 – 10 October 2005)
2304-503: The flow of gold and other valuables. Parliament passed the resolution with a single dissenting vote from Kakonge. Kakonge stated that the sudden reversal of the UPC parliamentary group's decision by the cabinet was unusual and must have been the product of a careful strategy. The rest of the UPC MPs had been informed of the cabinet's decision to accept the motion only when the debate opened—unaware that many ministers had not participated in
2368-501: The government and it returned to an insurgency. Even after the official end of the Bush War, FUNA continued operating during the insurgencies in Uganda in the late 1980s and early '90s. The NRA managed to get parts of FUNA to integrate into government forces, but elements of the group continued to be active. In early 1990, FUNA officers held several meetings in Zaire and the group also reportedly launched several raids into Ugandan territory. The group continued to be minorly active throughout
2432-557: The government's spokesperson in Parliament and the chairman of the cabinet in Obote's absence, told the legislature the following: We, as a Government, despite the serious allegations or statements made by the Hon. Mover, wish to submit this matter to an inquiry to establish the truth, if any, because we are not small men...if we will find that there is no truth, it is he who is going to lose. Now it does not mean that Government accepts these allegations, because these have got to be established. On
2496-407: The international agreement signed after the failed invasion. As a result, Obote kept a low-profile in the next years, as he continued his efforts to regain power. As he had not siphoned off money to overseas banks during his first presidency, Obote mostly lived off a Tanzanian pension. He gave no more interviews, and rarely ventured abroad to meet other opposition figures. Most of the time, he stayed at
2560-409: The investigation's findings. "For reasons that are not quite clear", Obote then left the capital, Kampala , to go on a tour of northern Uganda. Shortly before the session of Parliament on 4 February was convened, the cabinet hurriedly met without him. Only half of the ministers attended, and most of those present were sympathetic to Ibingira. The decision was then made that all UPC MPs should support
2624-596: The involved parties that he opposed a military intervention, while the Tanzanians feared that Western powers might intervene on Amin's side. At this point, Obote's loyalists in the Uganda Army had been crushed, and Nyerere offered Obote training camps in Tanzania to organize a guerrilla army in exile. Meanwhile, thousands of Obote supporters (including many soldiers) escaped to Sudan whose government also offered them sanctuary and training camps. From late March 1971, Obote built up
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2688-657: The late 1990s and many of its fighters joined the UNRF II and the West Nile Bank Front . The FUNA had its origins in the initial West Nile rebellion that began the Ugandan Bush War in 1980. Loyalists to the deposed Amin regime launched a rebellion in the West Nile region, aiming to overthrow Milton Obote. These loyalist forces were disorganized and led by a number of commanders, some who even had questioned their loyalty to
2752-757: The latter did not materialize, thereby contributing to the invasion's defeat. Obote never forgave Museveni for this, creating a lasting rift. The attempted invasion was also met with international condemnation, forcing the Tanzanian government to officially close the insurgent camps and pledge to stop supporting anti-Amin rebels. Obote and members of his inner circle consequently relocated to Dar es Salaam where many began to work as teachers, lawyers, doctors, etc., while his common fighters were moved to Tabora to become coffee farmers. The Tanzanian government informed Obote that it would continue tolerating anti-Amin insurgent activities as long as they remained clandestine, despite
2816-593: The matter shall be made public. During the speech in which he presented the motion, Ochieng also accused Obote, Onama, and Minister of Planning and Community Development Adoko Nekyon of being complicit in Amin's alleged activities. He argued that this was the reason for delay in the publishing of the commission's findings. Ochieng stated that an anonymous person had disclosed to him that Obote had received £50,000 worth of stolen gold, ivory, and coffee, and that Onama and Nekyon had each received £25,000 worth. He thus explained that
2880-490: The military training. In addition, the Sudanese government signed a treaty with Amin in early 1972, expelling Obote and his followers, greatly weakening them. Overall, Obote was unable to mobilize more than about 1,000 insurgents, many of whom lacked proper training. As tensions mounted between Tanzania and Uganda, even escalating in occasional border clashes, Nyerere finally greenlit the planned invasion. Even some exiles critical of Obote, such as Yoweri Museveni 's group, joined
2944-502: The money deposited in Amin's account was a gratuity for giving them the trafficked goods. Ochieng also stated that another anonymous person had informed him that Amin was promised command of the army for his alleged actions. He further accused Amin of being involved in a plot with members of the government to launch a coup and dissolve the constitution. Ochieng concluded that Amin would reveal these details if he were formally court martialed ; thus, Obote, Onama, and Neykon were not conducting
3008-403: The operation. The 1972 invasion of Uganda by Obote's rebel alliance was a military disaster, with much of the insurgent force destroyed. This failure contributed to the existing tensions among the anti-Amin forces. On his part, Obote would accuse Museveni of having lied about controlling an underground network in southern Uganda. This alleged network was supposed to cause a popular uprising, but
3072-491: The past government. This resulted in a split between those who wanted to distance themselves from Amin and those who remained specifically loyal to him. Those who wanted to distance themselves formed the Uganda National Rescue Front (UNRF) and the loyalists established FUNA. FUNA maintained that it was the same Uganda Army that operated during the Amin regime, with its leader Isaac Lumago stating "the structure of
3136-471: The population. The brunt of the blame for this massacre was placed on the people of northern Uganda for supporting the action of the Prime Minister which increased the existing regional tensions in the country. It has been estimated that approximately 100,000 to 500,000 people died as a result of fighting between Obote's Uganda National Liberation Army (UNLA) and the guerrillas. On 27 July 1985, Obote
3200-401: The president. The bullet struck Obote in the face, breaking two of his teeth and passing through his cheek. Sebaduka's pistol jammed, and another assassin, Yowana Wamala, threw a grenade at the president, but it failed to explode. Sebaduka was shot by Obote's bodyguards, but both conspirators escaped in the pandemonium following the attempt. Investigators later arrested them and several members of
3264-685: The rebels paid for with gold and ivory. The support also included direct military assistance from the Ugandan Army . Obote had most of this effort executed by Colonel Idi Amin without the knowledge of other military leaders. There was division in the Ugandan cabinet on the policy taken towards the rebels, as it strained relations with the Congolese government and with the United States. On 16 March 1965 KY MP Daudi Ochieng lodged an accusation in Parliament that Colonel Idi Amin —a high ranking officer in
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#17328552494653328-502: The residence of King (Kabaka) Edward Muteesa II of Buganda . The attack aimed to dislodge Muteesa from power and diminish his influence. During the assault, the palace was heavily shelled, resulting in substantial damage notable of which were his Rolls Royce cars that were set on fire. Muteesa managed to escape and sought refuge in the British High Commission in Kampala, although his brother Prince Alexander David Ssimbwa
3392-540: The resolution. According to lawyer and intelligence officer Akena Adoko , the meeting and decision was taken at Ibingira's initiative on advice from his political ally, President Edward Mutesa , who reportedly told him, "Let us join forces right now. Obote and ministers loyal to him are all out, you are the Cabinet boss, let Cabinet meet now and reverse the decision not to support my motion. This has given me much pains. You and I can do wonders working together." Ochieng's motion
3456-482: The rules rewritten to make the establishment of the commission easier, but the Attorney General's office decided instead to revise all army regulations, which took additional time. The inquiry was further delayed by the fact that many of the Congolese rebels which the commission wished to interview had been driven out of their country and had divided themselves into different factions. Minister of Defence Felix Onama
3520-590: Was a Ugandan politician who served as the second prime minister of Uganda from 1962 to 1966 and the second president of Uganda from 1966 to 1971 and later from 1980 to 1985. A Lango , Obote studied at the Busoga College and Makerere University . In 1956, he joined the Uganda National Congress (UNC) and later split away by founding the Uganda People's Congress (UPC) in 1960. After Uganda gained independence from British colonial rule in 1962, Obote
3584-444: Was arrested. This incident marked a pivotal moment in Ugandan politics and had profound implications for the country's future. The attack on Muteesa's palace was followed by Obote's subsequent abolition of the kingdoms in Uganda, including Buganda, and the declaration of Uganda as a republic. This action led to heightened political unrest and ethnic tensions within the country. The assault on Muteesa's palace and its aftermath played
3648-485: Was cemented when the parliament passed a new constitution that abolished the federal structure of the independence constitution and created an executive presidency. The attack on Muteesa's palace refers to a significant event that occurred during Milton Obote's first reign of presidency in Uganda commonly known as the Mengo Crisis . On 24 May 1966, Obote ordered an assault on the (Lubiri) palace located at Mengo in Kampala ,
3712-563: Was deposed again. As in 1971, he was overthrown by his own army commanders in a military coup d'état ; this time the commanders were Brigadier Bazilio Olara-Okello and General Tito Okello . The two men briefly ruled the country through a Military Council, but after a few months of near-chaos, Museveni's NRA seized control of the country. By July 1985, Amnesty International estimated that the Obote regime had been responsible for more than 300,000 civilian deaths across Uganda. Abuses were particularly conspicuous in an area of central Uganda known as
3776-617: Was governed by an interim Presidential Commission . At the time of the 1980 elections, the chairman of the commission was a close associate of Obote, Paulo Muwanga . Muwanga had briefly been the de facto President of Uganda from 12–20 May 1980, as one of three presidents who served for short periods of time between Amin's ousting and the setting up of the Presidential Commission. The other two presidents were Yusuf Lule and Godfrey Binaisa . The elections in 1980 were won by Obote's Uganda People's Congress (UPC) party. However,
3840-604: Was made Chief of Army and Air Force Staff. Obote also appointed three judges to his own commission to investigate the gold scandal allegations: Sir Clement Nageon de L'Estang ( Court of Appeal for East Africa ), Cecil Henry Ethelwood Miller ( High Court of Kenya ), and Augustine Saidi ( High Court of Tanzania ). The final report of the Commission of Inquiry was published in August 1971, finding no hard evidence of wrongdoing. Historian Aidan Southall wrote that "it would appear that
3904-401: Was not able to meet with any of them until August. By September, no action had been taken, and in a closed session of Parliament Ochieng introduced a motion that would urge the government to act on the accusations. Obote assured the legislature that progress was being made in the investigation and Ochieng withdrew his motion. In January 1966 Ochieng, frustrated by the wait in the publishing of
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#17328552494653968-455: Was soon thereafter tabled in Parliament and debated by its members. The motion, which was seconded by Gesparo Oda, representing the Democratic Party , read as follows: That this House do urge Government to suspend from duty Col Idi Amin of the Uganda Army forthwith pending conclusion of police investigations into the allegations regarding his bank account which should then be passed on to the appropriate public authority whose final decision on
4032-529: Was sworn in as prime minister in a coalition with the Kabaka Yekka , whose leader Mutesa II was named president. Due to a rift with Mutesa over the 1964 Ugandan lost counties referendum and later getting implicated in a gold smuggling scandal , Obote overthrew him in 1966 and declared himself president, establishing a dictatorial regime with the UPC as the sole official party in 1969. As president, Obote implemented ostensibly socialist policies , under which
4096-410: Was welcomed and celebrated by many Ugandans. Once he was informed of the coup, Obote immediately flew to Nairobi to rally loyalist army elements in Uganda to oppose Amin's takeover. However, Kenyan authorities blocked his attempts to contact his followers, and the remaining pro-Obote soldiers failed to organize a counteroffensive. The pro-Amin forces were consequently able to swiftly eliminate them in
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