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69-482: Dundrum Bay ( Old Irish Loch Rudraige ) is a bay located next to Dundrum, County Down , Northern Ireland . It is divided into the Outer Bay, and the almost entirely landlocked Inner Bay. They are separated by the dune systems of Ballykinler to the north and Murlough to the south. Walter Harris, a surveyor, wrote in 1744 that the 'North and South Tides meeting off this Bay and breaking upon St John's Point occasion

138-470: A sandbar in 1846. The worst loss of life was 74 crew and 11 fishing boats on 13 January 1843. The Dundrum Coastal Path, a part of the larger Lecale Way, is a hiking trail that winds along the fronts of the bay; the trek is often visited by birdwatchers. The Blackstaff River, Ardilea, Moneycarragh and the Carrigs River all empty into the bay. The inner bay comprises extensive tidal mud and sand flats and

207-529: A PIE ablauting paradigm * dóru , * dreus , which is still reflected directly in Vedic Sanskrit nom. dā́ru 'wood', gen. drṓs . Similarly, PIE * ǵónu , * ǵnéus can be reconstructed for 'knee' from Ancient Greek gónu and Old English cnēo . In that case, there is no extant ablauting paradigm in a single language, but Avestan accusative žnūm and Modern Persian zānū are attested, which strongly implies that Proto-Iranian had an ablauting paradigm. That

276-444: A broad labial (for example, lebor /ˈLʲev u r/ "book"; domun /ˈdoṽ u n/ "world"). The phoneme /ə/ occurred in other circumstances. The occurrence of the two phonemes was generally unrelated to the nature of the corresponding Proto-Celtic vowel, which could be any monophthong: long or short. Long vowels also occur in unstressed syllables. However, they rarely reflect Proto-Celtic long vowels, which were shortened prior to

345-429: A consonant ensures its unmutated sound. While the letter ⟨c⟩ may be voiced / ɡ / at the end of some words, but when it is written double ⟨cc⟩ it is always voiceless / k / in regularised texts; however, even final /ɡ/ was often written "cc", as in bec / becc "small, little" (Modern Irish and Scottish beag , Manx beg ). In later Irish manuscripts, lenited f and s are denoted with

414-454: A consonant, all thematic nominals have suffixes ending in a vowel, and none are root nouns. The accent is fixed on the same syllable throughout the inflection. From the perspective of the daughter languages, a distinction is often made between vowel stems (that is, stems ending in a vowel: i- , u- , (y)ā- , (y)o- stems) and consonantic stems (the rest). However, from the PIE perspective, only

483-472: A grammatical function, a change of gender within a sentence signaling the end of a noun phrase (a head noun and its agreeing adjectives) and the start of a new one. An alternative hypothesis to the two-gender view is that Proto-Anatolian inherited a three-gender PIE system, and subsequently Hittite and other Anatolian languages eliminated the feminine by merging it with the masculine. Some endings are difficult to reconstruct and not all authors reconstruct

552-453: A greater eddy or suction inwards than in other places; for many ships have found themselves embayed.' Local historian John W Hanna described in the 1860's how 'not a foot of the shore from St John's Point to Annalong but has from time to time been strewn with the broken masts and timbers of Royal and merchant ships.' The bay was home to the SS ; Great Britain for a year having run aground on

621-454: A sound / h / and a letter h , there is no consistent relationship between the two. Vowel-initial words are sometimes written with an unpronounced h , especially if they are very short (the Old Irish preposition i "in" was sometimes written hi ) or if they need to be emphasised (the name of Ireland, Ériu , was sometimes written Hériu ). On the other hand, words that begin with

690-511: A vowel as a prefix. For example, * kʷelh₁- 'turn' gives * kʷe -kʷl(h₁)-ó-s 'wheel', and * bʰrew- 'brown' gives * bʰé -bʰru-s 'beaver'. This type of derivation is also found in verbs, mainly to form the perfect . As with PIE verbs, a distinction is made between primary formations , which are words formed directly from a root as described above, and secondary formations , which are formed from existing words (whether primary or secondary themselves). A fundamental distinction

759-408: Is a general consensus as to which nominal accent-ablaut patterns must be reconstructed for Proto-Indo-European. Given that the foundations for the system were laid by a group of scholars ( Schindler , Eichner , Rix , and Hoffmann ) during the 1964 Erlanger Kolloquium , which discussed the works of Pedersen and Kuiper on nominal accent-ablaut patterns in PIE, the system is sometimes referred to as

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828-426: Is an inherent (lexical) property of each noun; all nouns in a language that have grammatical genders are assigned to one of its classes. There was probably originally only an animate (masculine/feminine) versus an inanimate (neuter) distinction. This view is supported by the existence of certain classes of Latin and Ancient Greek adjectives which inflect only for two sets of endings: one for masculine and feminine,

897-415: Is an inherent property of a noun but is part of the inflection of an adjective, because it must agree with the gender of the noun it modifies. Thus, the general morphological form of such words is R+S+E : The process of forming a lexical stem from a root is known in general as derivational morphology , while the process of inflecting that stem is known as inflectional morphology. As in other languages,

966-426: Is forebear to Modern Irish , Manx and Scottish Gaelic . Old Irish is known for having a particularly complex system of morphology and especially of allomorphy (more or less unpredictable variations in stems and suffixes in differing circumstances), as well as a complex sound system involving grammatically significant consonant mutations to the initial consonant of a word. Apparently, neither characteristic

1035-509: Is important for wintering wildfowl. 54°13′N 5°46′W  /  54.217°N 5.767°W  / 54.217; -5.767 This article related to the geography of County Down , Northern Ireland is a stub . You can help Misplaced Pages by expanding it . Old Irish Old Irish , also called Old Gaelic ( Old Irish : Goídelc , Ogham script : ᚌᚑᚔᚇᚓᚂᚉ; Irish : Sean-Ghaeilge ; Scottish Gaelic : Seann-Ghàidhlig ; Manx : Shenn Yernish or Shenn Ghaelg ),

1104-485: Is known as Primitive Irish . Fragments of Primitive Irish, mainly personal names, are known from inscriptions on stone written in the Ogham alphabet. The inscriptions date from about the 4th to the 6th centuries. Primitive Irish appears to have been very close to Common Celtic , the ancestor of all Celtic languages , and it had a lot of the characteristics of other archaic Indo-European languages. Relatively little survives in

1173-495: Is made between thematic and athematic nominals. The stem of athematic nominals ends in a consonant. They have the original complex system of accent/ablaut alternations described above and are generally held as more archaic. Thematic nominals, which became more and more common during the times of later PIE and its younger daughter languages, have a stem ending in a thematic vowel , * -o- in almost all grammatical cases, sometimes ablauting to * -e- . Since all roots end in

1242-465: Is reconstructed in addition to the ordinary locative singular in * -i . In contrast to the other weak cases, it typically has full or lengthened grade of the stem. An alternative reconstruction is found in Beekes (1995). This reconstruction does not give separate tables for the thematic and athematic endings, assuming that they were originally the same and only differentiated in daughter languages. There

1311-512: Is relevant for inflecting the athematic nominals of different accent and ablaut classes. Three numbers were distinguished: singular, dual and plural. Many (possibly all) athematic neuter nouns had a special collective form instead of the plural, which inflected with singular endings, but with the ending * -h₂ in the direct cases, and an amphikinetic accent/ablaut pattern (see below). Late PIE had three genders , traditionally called masculine , feminine and neuter . Gender or noun class

1380-431: Is subject to u -affection, becoming ⟨éu⟩ or ⟨íu⟩ , while /e₁ː/ is not. A similar distinction may have existed between /o₁ː/ and /o₂ː/ , both written ⟨ó⟩ , and stemming respectively from former diphthongs (*eu, *au, *ou) and from compensatory lengthening. However, in later Old Irish both sounds appear usually as ⟨úa⟩ , sometimes as ⟨ó⟩ , and it

1449-456: Is the oldest form of the Goidelic/Gaelic language for which there are extensive written texts. It was used from c. 600 to c. 900. The main contemporary texts are dated c. 700–850; by 900 the language had already transitioned into early Middle Irish . Some Old Irish texts date from the 10th century, although these are presumably copies of texts written at an earlier time. Old Irish

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1518-594: Is unclear whether /o₂ː/ existed as a separate sound any time in the Old Irish period. /ou/ existed only in early archaic Old Irish ( c. 700 or earlier); afterwards it merged into /au/ . Neither sound occurred before another consonant, and both sounds became ⟨ó⟩ in later Old Irish (often ⟨ú⟩ or ⟨u⟩ before another vowel). The late ⟨ó⟩ does not develop into ⟨úa⟩ , suggesting that ⟨áu⟩ > ⟨ó⟩ postdated ⟨ó⟩ > ⟨úa⟩ . Later Old Irish had

1587-660: The Stowe Missal date from about 900 to 1050. In addition to contemporary witnesses, the vast majority of Old Irish texts are attested in manuscripts of a variety of later dates. Manuscripts of the later Middle Irish period, such as the Lebor na hUidre and the Book of Leinster , contain texts which are thought to derive from written exemplars in Old Irish now lost and retain enough of their original form to merit classification as Old Irish. The preservation of certain linguistic forms current in

1656-559: The eclipsis consonants also denoted with a superdot: Old Irish digraphs include the lenition consonants: the eclipsis consonants: the geminatives : and the diphthongs : The following table indicates the broad pronunciation of various consonant letters in various environments: When the consonants b, d, g are eclipsed by the preceding word (always from a word-initial position), their spelling and pronunciation change to: ⟨mb⟩ / m / , ⟨nd⟩ /N/ , ⟨ng⟩ / ŋ / Generally, geminating

1725-554: The Erlangen model . Early PIE nouns had complex patterns of ablation according to which the root, the stem and the ending all showed ablaut variations. Polysyllabic athematic nominals (type R+S+E ) exhibit four characteristic patterns, which include accent and ablaut alternations throughout the paradigm between the root, the stem and the ending. Root nouns (type R+E ) show a similar behavior but with only two patterns. The patterns called "Narten" are, at least formally, analogous to

1794-460: The Germanic languages (in the form of strong verbs ). PIE also had a class of monosyllabic root nouns which lack a suffix, the ending being directly added to the root (as in * dómh₂-s 'house', derived from * demh₂- 'build' ). These nouns can also be interpreted as having a zero suffix or one without a phonetic body ( * dóm-Ø-s ). Verbal stems have corresponding morphological features,

1863-448: The Narten presents in verbs, as they alternate between full ( * e ) and lengthened grades ( * ē ). Notes: The classification of the amphikinetic root nouns is disputed. Since those words have no suffix, they differ from the amphikinetic polysyllables in the strong cases (no o -grade) and in the locative singular (no e -grade suffix). Some scholars prefer to call them amphikinetic and

1932-816: The Würzburg Glosses (mainly) on the Pauline Epistles , the Milan Glosses on a commentary to the Psalms and the St Gall Glosses on Priscian 's Grammar. Further examples are found at Karlsruhe (Germany), Paris (France), Milan, Florence and Turin (Italy). A late 9th-century manuscript from the abbey of Reichenau , now in St. Paul in Carinthia (Austria), contains a spell and four Old Irish poems. The Liber Hymnorum and

2001-417: The eh₂ -stems, ih₂ -stems, uh₂ -stems and bare h₂ -stems, which are found in daughter languages as ā- , ī- , ū- and a- stems, respectively. They originally were the feminine equivalents of the o -stems, i -stems, u -stems and root nouns. Already by late PIE times, however, this system was breaking down. * -eh₂ became generalized as the feminine suffix, and eh₂ -stem nouns evolved more and more in

2070-464: The orthography of Old Irish is not fixed, so the following statements are to be taken as generalisations only. Individual manuscripts may vary greatly from these guidelines. The Old Irish alphabet consists of the following eighteen letters of the Latin alphabet : in addition to the five long vowels , shown by an acute accent (´): the lenited consonants denoted with a superdot (◌̇): and

2139-518: The Continent were much less prone to the same risk because once they ceased to be understood, they were rarely consulted. The earliest Old Irish passages may be the transcripts found in the Cambrai Homily , which is thought to belong to the early 8th century. The Book of Armagh contains texts from the early 9th century. Important Continental collections of glosses from the 8th and 9th century include

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2208-484: The Old Irish period may provide reason to assume that an Old Irish original directly or indirectly underlies the transmitted text or texts. The consonant inventory of Old Irish is shown in the chart below. The complexity of Old Irish phonology is from a four-way split of phonemes inherited from Primitive Irish, with both a fortis–lenis and a "broad–slender" ( velarised vs. palatalised ) distinction arising from historical changes. The sounds /f v θ ð x ɣ h ṽ n l r/ are

2277-465: The Old Irish period, but the short vowels changed much less. The following short vowels existed: The short diphthong ŏu likely existed very early in the Old Irish period, but merged with /u/ later on and in many instances was replaced with /o/ due to paradigmatic levelling. It is attested once in the phrase i r ou th by the prima manus of the Würzburg Glosses . /æ ~ œ/ arose from

2346-429: The above system had been already significantly eroded, with one of the root ablaut grades tending to be extended throughout the paradigm. The erosion is much more extensive in all the daughter languages, with only the oldest stages of most languages showing any root ablaut and typically only in a small number of irregular nouns: The most extensive remains are in Vedic Sanskrit and Old Avestan (the oldest recorded stages of

2415-436: The animate later splitting into the masculine and the feminine. Nominals fell into multiple different declensions . Most of them had word stems ending in a consonant (called athematic stems) and exhibited a complex pattern of accent shifts and/or vowel changes ( ablaut ) among the different cases. Two declensions ended in a vowel ( * -o/-e ) and are called thematic ; they were more regular and became more common during

2484-498: The broad lenis equivalents of broad fortis /p b t d k ɡ s m N L R/ ; likewise for the slender (palatalised) equivalents. (However, most /f fʲ/ sounds actually derive historically from /w/ , since /p/ was relatively rare in Old Irish, being a recent import from other languages such as Latin.) Some details of Old Irish phonetics are not known. /sʲ/ may have been pronounced [ɕ] or [ʃ] , as in Modern Irish. /hʲ/ may have been

2553-554: The complicated Proto-Indo-European (PIE) system of morphology. Nouns and adjectives are declined in three genders (masculine, feminine, neuter); three numbers (singular, dual, plural); and five cases (nominative, vocative, accusative, dative and genitive). Most PIE noun stem classes are maintained ( o -, yo -, ā -, yā -, i -, u -, r -, n -, s -, and consonant stems). Most of the complexities of PIE verbal conjugation are also maintained, and there are new complexities introduced by various sound changes (see below ). Old Irish

2622-472: The corresponding polysyllables holokinetic (or holodynamic , from holos = whole). Some also list mesostatic (meso = middle) and teleutostatic types, with the accent fixed on the suffix and the ending, respectively, but their existence in PIE is disputed. The classes can then be grouped into three static (acrostatic, mesostatic, teleutostatic) and three or four mobile (proterokinetic, hysterokinetic, amphikinetic, holokinetic) paradigms. By late PIE,

2691-420: The data, often reconstructing multiple forms when daughter languages show divergent outcomes. Ringe (2006) is somewhat more speculative, willing to assume analogical changes in some cases to explain divergent outcomes from a single source form. Fortson (2004) is between Sihler and Ringe. The thematic vowel * -o- ablauts to * -e- only in word-final position in the vocative singular, and before * h₂ in

2760-468: The deletion (syncope) of inner syllables. Rather, they originate in one of the following ways: Stress is generally on the first syllable of a word. However, in verbs it occurs on the second syllable when the first syllable is a clitic (the verbal prefix as- in as·beir /asˈberʲ/ "he says"). In such cases, the unstressed prefix is indicated in grammatical works with a following centre dot ( ⟨·⟩ ). As with most medieval languages ,

2829-958: The direction of thematic o -stems, with fixed ablaut and accent, increasingly idiosyncratic endings and frequent borrowing of endings from the o -stems. Nonetheless, clear traces of the earlier system are seen especially in Sanskrit , where ī -stems and ū -stems still exist as distinct classes comprising largely feminine nouns. Over time, these stem classes merged with i -stems and u -stems, with frequent crossover of endings. Grammatical gender correlates only partially with sex, and almost exclusively when it relates to humans and domesticated animals. Even then, those correlations may not be consistent: nouns referring to adult males are usually masculine ( father , brother , priest ), nouns referring to adult females ( mother , sister , priestess ) are usually feminine, but diminutives may be neuter regardless of referent, as in both Greek and German. Gender may have also had

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2898-433: The following consonant (in certain clusters) or a directly following vowel in hiatus . It is generally thought that /e₁ː/ was higher than /e₂ː/ . Perhaps /e₁ː/ was [eː] while /e₂ː/ was [ɛː] . They are clearly distinguished in later Old Irish, in which /e₁ː/ becomes ⟨ía⟩ (but ⟨é⟩ before a palatal consonant). /e₂ː/ becomes ⟨é⟩ in all circumstances. Furthermore, /e₂ː/

2967-470: The following inventory of long vowels: Early Old Irish /ai/ and /oi/ merged in later Old Irish. It is unclear what the resulting sound was, as scribes continued to use both ⟨aí⟩ and ⟨oí⟩ to indicate the merged sound. The choice of /oi/ in the table above is somewhat arbitrary. The distribution of short vowels in unstressed syllables is a little complicated. All short vowels may appear in absolutely final position (at

3036-663: The former were trills while the latter were flaps . /m(ʲ)/ and /ṽ(ʲ)/ were derived from an original fortis–lenis pair. Old Irish had distinctive vowel length in both monophthongs and diphthongs . Short diphthongs were monomoraic , taking up the same amount of time as short vowels, while long diphthongs were bimoraic, the same as long vowels. (This is much like the situation in Old English but different from Ancient Greek whose shorter and longer diphthongs were bimoraic and trimoraic, respectively: /ai/ vs. /aːi/ .) The inventory of Old Irish long vowels changed significantly over

3105-507: The history of PIE and its older daughter languages. PIE very frequently derived nominals from verbs. Just as English giver and gift are ultimately related to the verb give , * déh₃tors 'giver' and * déh₃nom 'gift' are derived from * deh₃- 'to give', but the practice was much more common in PIE. For example, * pṓds 'foot' was derived from * ped- 'to tread', and * dómh₂s 'house' from * demh₂- 'to build'. The basic structure of Proto-Indo-European nouns and adjectives

3174-422: The letter h ⟨fh⟩ , ⟨sh⟩ , instead of using a superdot ⟨ḟ⟩ , ⟨ṡ⟩ . When initial s stemmed from Primitive Irish *sw- , its lenited version is ⟨f⟩ [ ɸ ] . The slender ( palatalised ) variants of the 13 consonants are denoted with / ʲ / marking the letter. They occur in the following environments: Although Old Irish has both

3243-540: The letter m usually becomes the nasal fricative / ṽ / , but in some cases it becomes a nasal stop, denoted as / m / . In cases in which it becomes a stop, m is often written double to avoid ambiguity. Ambiguity arises in the pronunciation of the stop consonants ( c, g, t, d, p, b ) when they follow l, n, or r : Proto-Indo-European nouns The Proto-Indo-European language (PIE) had eight or nine cases , three numbers (singular, dual and plural) and probably originally two genders (animate and neuter), with

3312-416: The neuter nominative and accusative plural. The vocative singular is also the only case for which the thematic nouns show accent retraction , a leftward shift of the accent, denoted by * -ĕ . The dative, instrumental and ablative plural endings probably contained a * bʰ but are of uncertain structure otherwise. They might also have been of post-PIE date. For athematic nouns, an endingless locative

3381-525: The nominative has the ablaut vowels * é–o–Ø while the genitive has the ablaut vowels * Ø–Ø–é — i.e. all three components have different ablaut vowels, and the stress position has also moved. A large number of different patterns of ablaut variation existed; speakers had to both learn the ablaut patterns and memorize which pattern went with which word. There was a certain regularity of which patterns occurred with which suffixes and formations, but with many exceptions. Already by late PIE times, this system

3450-454: The oldest Indic and Iranian languages, c.  1700–1300 BC ); the younger stages of the same languages already show extensive regularization. In many cases, a former ablauting paradigm was generalized in the daughter languages but in different ways in each language. For example, Ancient Greek dóru 'spear' < PIE nominative * dóru 'wood, tree' and Old English trēo 'tree' < PIE genitive * dreu-s reflect different stems of

3519-618: The other for neuter. Further evidence comes from the Anatolian languages such as Hittite which exhibit only the animate and the neuter genders. The feminine ending is thought to have developed from a collective/abstract suffix * -h₂ that also gave rise to the neuter collective. The existence of combined collective and abstract grammatical forms can be seen in English words such as youth = "the young people (collective)" or "young age (abstract)". Remnants of this period exist in (for instance)

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3588-478: The position of the accent likewise occurred in both derivation and inflection, and is often considered part of the ablaut system (which is described in more detail below ). For example, the nominative form * léymons 'lake' (composed of the root * ley- in the ablaut form * léy- , the suffix in the form * -mon- and the ending in the form * -s ) had the genitive * limnés (root form * li- , suffix * -mn- and ending * -és ). In this word,

3657-405: The possible suffixes that can be added to a given root, and the meaning that results, are not entirely predictable, while the process of inflection is largely predictable in both form and meaning. Originally, extensive ablaut (vowel variation, between * e , * o , * ē , * ō and Ø , i.e. no vowel) occurred in PIE, in both derivation and inflection and in the root, suffix, and ending. Variation in

3726-403: The root present and the root aorist . Not all nominals fit the basic R+S+E pattern. Some were formed with additional prefixes. An example is * ni -sd-ó-s 'nest', derived from the verbal root * sed- 'sit' by adding a local prefix and thus meaning "where [the bird] sits down" or the like. A special kind of prefixation, called reduplication , uses the first part of the root plus

3795-584: The same sets of endings. For example, the original form of the genitive plural is a particular thorny issue, because different daughter languages appear to reflect different proto-forms. It is variously reconstructed as * -ōm , * -om , * -oHom , and so on. Meanwhile, the dual endings of cases other than the merged nominative/vocative/accusative are often considered impossible to reconstruct because these endings are attested sparsely and diverge radically in different languages. The following shows three modern mainstream reconstructions. Sihler (1995) remains closest to

3864-542: The same sound as /h/ or /xʲ/ . The precise articulation of the fortis sonorants /N/, /Nʲ/, /L/, /Lʲ/, /R/, /Rʲ/ is unknown, but they were probably longer, tenser and generally more strongly articulated than their lenis counterparts /n/, /nʲ/, /l/, /lʲ/, /r/, /rʲ/ , as in the Modern Irish and Scottish dialects that still possess a four-way distinction in the coronal nasals and laterals . /Nʲ/ and /Lʲ/ may have been pronounced [ɲ] and [ʎ] respectively. The difference between /R(ʲ)/ and /r(ʲ)/ may have been that

3933-408: The sound /h/ are usually written without it: a ór /a hoːr/ "her gold". If the sound and the spelling co-occur , it is by coincidence, as ní hed /Nʲiː heð/ "it is not". The voiceless stops of Old Irish are c, p, t . They contrast with the voiced stops g, b, d . Additionally, the letter m can behave similarly to a stop following vowels. These seven consonants often mutate when not in

4002-513: The stressed prefix air- (from Proto-Celtic *ɸare ). Archaic Old Irish (before about 750) had the following inventory of long vowels: Both /e₁ː/ and /e₂ː/ were normally written ⟨é⟩ but must have been pronounced differently because they have different origins and distinct outcomes in later Old Irish. /e₁ː/ stems from Proto-Celtic *ē (< PIE *ei), or from ē in words borrowed from Latin. /e₂ː/ generally stems from compensatory lengthening of short *e because of loss of

4071-445: The system of PIE nominal inflection with eight or nine cases: nominative , accusative , vocative , genitive , dative , instrumental , ablative , locative , and possibly a directive or allative . The so-called strong or direct cases are the nominative and the vocative for all numbers, and the accusative case for singular and dual (and possibly plural as well), and the rest are the weak or oblique cases. This classification

4140-613: The thematic ( o- )stems are truly vocalic. Stems ending in * i or * u such as * men-t i - are consonantic (i.e. athematic) because the * i is just the vocalic form of the glide * y , the full grade of the suffix being * -te y - . Post-PIE ā was actually * eh₂ in PIE. Among the most common athematic stems are root stems, i -stems, u -stems, eh₂ -stems, n -stems, nt -stems, r -stems and s -stems. Within each of these, numerous subclasses with their own inflectional peculiarities developed by late PIE times. PIE nouns and adjectives (as well as pronouns) are subject to

4209-518: The u-infection of stressed /a/ by a /u/ that preceded a palatalized consonant. This vowel faced much inconsistency in spelling, often detectable by a word containing it being variably spelled with ⟨au, ai, e, i, u⟩ across attestations. Tulach "hill, mound" is the most commonly cited example of this vowel, with the spelling of its inflections including tulach itself, telaig , telocho , tilchaib , taulich and tailaig . This special vowel also ran rampant in many words starting with

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4278-431: The very end of a word) after both broad and slender consonants. The front vowels /e/ and /i/ are often spelled ⟨ae⟩ and ⟨ai⟩ after broad consonants, which might indicate a retracted pronunciation here, perhaps something like [ɘ] and [ɨ] . All ten possibilities are shown in the following examples: The distribution of short vowels in unstressed syllables, other than when absolutely final,

4347-552: The way of strictly contemporary sources. They are represented mainly by shorter or longer glosses on the margins or between the lines of religious Latin manuscripts , most of them preserved in monasteries in Germany, Italy, Switzerland, France and Austria, having been taken there by early Irish missionaries . Whereas in Ireland, many of the older manuscripts appear to have been worn out through extended and heavy use, their counterparts on

4416-567: The word-initial position. In non-initial positions, the single-letter voiceless stops c, p, and t become the voiced stops / ɡ / , / b / , and / d / respectively unless they are written double. Ambiguity in these letters' pronunciations arises when a single consonant follows an l, n, or r . The lenited stops ch, ph, and th become / x / , / f / , and / θ / respectively. The voiced stops b, d, and g become fricative / v / , / ð / , and / ɣ / , respectively—identical sounds to their word-initial lenitions. In non-initial positions,

4485-416: Was extensively simplified, and daughter languages show a steady trend towards more and more regularization and simplification. Far more simplification occurred in the late PIE nominal system than in the verbal system, where the original PIE ablaut variations were maintained essentially intact well into the recorded history of conservative daughter languages such as Sanskrit and Ancient Greek , as well as in

4554-519: Was present in the preceding Primitive Irish period, though initial mutations likely existed in a non-grammaticalised form in the prehistoric era. Contemporary Old Irish scholarship is still greatly influenced by the works of a small number of scholars active in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, such as Rudolf Thurneysen (1857–1940) and Osborn Bergin (1873–1950). Notable characteristics of Old Irish compared with other old Indo-European languages , are: Old Irish also preserves most aspects of

4623-482: Was quite restricted. It is usually thought that there were only two allowed phonemes: /ə/ (written ⟨a, ai, e, i⟩ depending on the quality of surrounding consonants) and /u/ (written ⟨u⟩ or ⟨o⟩ ). The phoneme /u/ tended to occur when the following syllable contained an *ū in Proto-Celtic (for example, dligud /ˈdʲlʲiɣ u ð/ "law" (dat.) < PC * dligedū ), or after

4692-560: Was the only known member of the Goidelic branch of the Celtic languages , which is, in turn, a subfamily of the wider Indo-European language family that also includes the Slavonic , Italic / Romance , Indo-Aryan and Germanic subfamilies, along with several others. Old Irish is the ancestor of all modern Goidelic languages: Modern Irish , Scottish Gaelic and Manx . A still older form of Irish

4761-659: Was the same as that of PIE verbs . A lexical word (as would appear in a dictionary) was formed by adding a suffix ( S ) onto a root ( R ) to form a stem . The word was then inflected by adding an ending ( E ) to the stem. The root indicates a basic concept, often a verb (e.g. * deh₃- 'give'), while the stem carries a more specific nominal meaning based on the combination of root and suffix (e.g. * déh₃-tor- 'giver', * déh₃-o- 'gift'). Some stems cannot clearly be broken up into root and suffix altogether, as in * h₂r̥tḱo- 'bear'. The ending carries grammatical information, including case, number, and gender. Gender

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