Croatian nationalism is nationalism that asserts the nationality of Croats and promotes the cultural unity of Croats.
183-635: Modern Croatian nationalism first arose in the 19th century after Budapest exerted increasing pressure for Magyarization of Croats; the movement started to grow especially after the April Laws of 1848 which ignored Croatian autonomy within the Hungarian Kingdom . Croatian nationalism was based on two main ideas: a historical right to statehood based on a continuity with the medieval Croatian state and an identity associated with other Slavs - especially Southern Slavs . A Croatian revival started with
366-528: A national awakening of Hungarian language and culture which increased the political tensions between the Hungarian-speaking lesser houses and the germanophone and francophone magnates, fewer than half of whom were ethnic Magyars. Magyarization as a social policy began in earnest in the 1830s, when Hungarian started replacing Latin and German in educational contexts. Although this phase of Magyarization lacked religious and ethnic elements—language use
549-621: A Hungarian majority. To secure the ruling party's success, the districts in minority regions were delineated to be smaller than those in Hungarian-majority regions. This strategy enabled the election of a greater number of representatives from minority districts to parliament, which further shrunk the value of votes in ethnic Hungarian territories. Consequently, the Liberal Party was able to sustain its parliamentary majority for an extended period with considerable success. The census system of
732-552: A Serb committee in the Sabor. Those ideas were defeated by Grbić, who held the position of deputy speaker of the Croatian Parliament ; as a result, Serbian nationalists denounced Grbić as a traitor to their cause. The 1974 Yugoslav Constitution preserved the 1971 reforms almost entirely, expanded the economic powers of the constituent republics, and granted reformist demands related to banking, commerce, and foreign currency. In
915-522: A breakup of Yugoslavia. Brezhnev visited Yugoslavia from 22 to 25 September 1971 amid continuing tension between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union following the 1968 invasion of Czechoslovakia . Brezhnev offered a friendship agreement, but Tito declined to sign it to avoid appearing to move closer to the Eastern Bloc . Yugoslav officials notified Nixon through Secretary of State William P. Rogers that
1098-449: A clash between Serbs , openly supported by a Serb deputy prime minister Aleksandar Ranković , and Slovene members of the body, particularly Miha Marinko and Sergej Kraigher , cautiously supported by Slovene deputy prime minister Edvard Kardelj . The Slovene delegation advocated for devolving power and authority to the constituent republics. The Serb delegation sought to preserve the central government's monopoly on decision-making and
1281-693: A common Hungarian culture throughout medieval Hungarian history. Even at the time of the Hungarian conquest , the Hungarian tribal alliance was made up of tribes from different ethnic backgrounds. The Kabars , for example, were of Turkic origin, as were later groups, such as the Pechenegs and Cumans , who settled in Hungary between the 9th and 13th centuries. Still-extant Turkic toponyms, such as Kunság (Cumania), reflect this history. The subjugated local population in
1464-707: A compromise between the Yugoslav government and the autonomist Croatian Peasant Party led by Vladko Maček was made with the creation of an autonomous Croatia within Yugoslavia known called the Banovina of Croatia . Croatian nationalism reached a critical point in its development during World War II , when the Croatian extreme nationalist and fascist Ustaše movement took to governing the Independent State of Croatia (NDH) after
1647-546: A distinct regional identity. As a reward for their military achievements, the Hungarian crown granted titles of nobility to some Romanian knezes . Many of these nobles houses, such as the Drágffy (Drăgoștești, Kendeffy (Cândești), Majláth (Mailat) or Jósika families, assimilated into the Hungarian nobility by taking on the Hungarian language and converting to Catholicism. Although the Kingdom of Hungary had become an integral part of
1830-568: A famous symbol sewn by youths on jackets and berets or applied on stickers to car windshields. In 1969, it was incorporated into the football club crest Dinamo Zagreb . While the Yugoslav flag was still flown, it was always paired with the Croatian one . The latter was also used on its own, and in overall use in Croatia, it outnumbered the Yugoslav flag by ten to one. The SKH pointed out the significance of
2013-493: A full-fledged allegiance to the Hungarian nation. Of course since Latin was the official language until 1844 and the country was directly governed from Vienna (which excluded any large-scale governmental assimilation policy from the Hungarian side before the Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867 ), the factor of spontaneous assimilation should be given due weight in any analysis relating to the demographic tendencies of
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#17328582896442196-516: A mass movement in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia through Stjepan Radić 's Croatian Peasant Party . The demand by moderate Croatian nationalists for an autonomous Croatia - the Banovina of Croatia - within Yugoslavia was accepted by the Yugoslav government in the Cvetković–Maček Agreement of August 1939. This agreement angered Serbian nationalists, who opposed it on the grounds that it weakened
2379-420: A maximum of 6,700 applications in 1897, mostly due to pressure from authorities and employers in the government sector. Statistics show that between 1881 and 1905 alone, 42,437 surnames were Magyarized, although this represented less than 0.5% of the total non-Hungarian population of the Kingdom of Hungary. Voluntary Magyarization of German or Slavic-sounding surnames remained a typical phenomenon in Hungary during
2562-575: A million were ethnically non-Hungarians) mainly Romanians and Serbs had migrated to their newly established mother states in large numbers, like the Principality of Serbia or the Kingdom of Romania , who proclaimed their independence in 1878. Amongst them were such noted people as the early aviator Aurel Vlaicu (represented on the 50 Romanian lei banknote ), writer Liviu Rebreanu (first illegally in 1909, then legally in 1911), and Ion Ivanovici . Many also migrated to Western Europe and other parts of
2745-463: A new communist-led Yugoslavia, Croatian nationalism along with other nationalisms were suppressed by state authorities. During the communist era, some Croatian communists were labeled as Croatian nationalists, respectively Ivan Krajačić and Andrija Hebrang . Hebrang was accused by Serbian newspapers that he had influenced Tito to act against Serbian interests, in reality Tito and Hebrang were political rivals, since Hebrang advocated Croatian interests at
2928-502: A part of Bosnia and Herzegovina to Croatia to rectify the situation. In response, Serbian nationalists claimed other parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina for Serbia. Officials from Bosnia and Herzegovina responded by prohibiting the establishment of Matica hrvatska branches within the republic. During a meeting of the SKJ leadership at the Brijuni Islands on 28–30 April 1971, Tito received
3111-595: A particularly quick rate; nearly all middle-class Jews and Germans and many middle-class Slovaks and Ruthenes spoke Hungarian. Overall, between 1880 and 1910, the percentage of the total population that spoke Hungarian as its first language rose from 46.6% to 54.5%. Most Magyarization occurred in central Hungary and among the educated middle classes, largely the result of urbanization and industrialization . It hardly touched rural, peasant, and peripheral populations; among these groups, linguistic frontiers did not shift significantly between 1800 and 1900. Despite
3294-500: A proposal to lower the fees for changing one's name. The proposal was accepted by the Parliament and the fee was lowered from 5 forints to 50 krajcárs . After this the name changes peaked in 1881 and 1882 (with 1261 and 1065 registered name changes), and continued in the following years at an average of 750–850 per year. During the Bánffy administration there was another increase, reaching
3477-467: A series of reforms aimed at improving the economic situation in the country and increasingly politicised efforts by the leadership of the republics to protect the economic interests of their respective republics. As part of this, political conflict occurred in Croatia when reformers within the SKH, generally aligned with the Croatian cultural society Matica hrvatska , came into conflict with conservatives. In
3660-523: A standardize regional literary traditions which existed in a various dialects on a single standard language. Once the Croatian lands were culturally unified, the movement aimed at unifying the rest of the South Slavs under the resurrected Illyrian name. Illyrianists during the Revolutions of 1848 sought to achieve political autonomy of Croatia within a federalized Habsburg monarchy. Ante Starčević founded
3843-610: A telephone call from Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev . According to Tito, Brezhnev offered help to resolve the political crisis in Yugoslavia, and Tito declined. The offer was likened by the SKH and by Tito to Brezhnev's call to the First Secretary of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia Alexander Dubček in 1968 ahead of the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia —as being a threat of imminent Warsaw Pact invasion. Some members of
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#17328582896444026-533: A trip to Zagreb, where Nixon sparked controversy in a toast at the Banski dvori , the seat of the Croatian government. His toast ended with the words "Long live Croatia! Long live Yugoslavia!", which were interpreted variously as a show of support for the independence of Croatia , or alternatively as just a common courtesy . The Yugoslav ambassador to the United States interpreted the episode as strategic positioning for
4209-498: A way favouring Serbian dialects , demographic displacement by Serbs, and encouragement of Dalmatian regionalism . Calls for the establishment of autonomous Serbian provinces in Dalmatia and elsewhere in Croatia, seen as a threat to Croatia's territorial integrity, added to these concerns. Many people in Croatia believed these to be substantive threats intended to weaken the republic, and rejected alternate explanations of them attributing
4392-591: Is like a huge machine, at one end of which the Slovak youths are thrown in by the hundreds, and at the other end of which they come out as Magyars. Schools funded by churches and communes had the right to provide education in minority languages. These church-funded schools, however, were mostly founded before 1867, that is, in different socio-political circumstances. In practice, the majority of students in commune-funded schools who were native speakers of minority languages were instructed exclusively in Hungarian. Beginning with
4575-403: Is marked by the desire for the establishment of a Greater Croatian state, by the idealization of peasant and of patriarchal values, as well as by anti-Serb sentiment . In the 19th century, opposition by Croats to Magyarization and desire for independence from Austria-Hungary led to the rise of Croatian nationalism. The Illyrian movement sought to awaken Croatian national consciousness and
4758-517: Is no data about the voting rights of the Jewish people, because they were counted automatically as Hungarians, due to their Hungarian mother tongue. People of Jewish origin were disproportionately represented among the businessmen and intellectuals in the country, thus making the ratio of Hungarian voters much higher. Officially, Hungarian electoral laws never contained any legal discrimination based on nationality or language. The high census suffrage
4941-409: Is today Serbia ( Sanjak of Novi Pazar , Syrmia )—all people in this Greater Croatia whether Catholic , Muslim , or Orthodox were defined as Croats. During the 19th to mid-20th century Croatian nationalists competed with the increasingly Pan-Slavic Illyrian movement and Yugoslavists over the identity of Croats. The founder of Yugoslavism, Croatian Bishop Josip Juraj Strossmayer advocated
5124-580: The 1945 fall of Zagreb to the Yugoslav Partisans on 7 May, observers from the United States reported that her speech was interrupted about 40 times by cheering and applause directed at her rather than the SKH. According to the British ambassador to Yugoslavia Dugald Stewart, Dabčević-Kučar and Tripalo were very skilled at use of public political rallies and their speeches drew crowds typically expected only at football matches. Another set of amendments to
5307-518: The Americas . Many Slovak intellectuals and activists (such as national activist Janko Kráľ who started a peasent's revolt) were imprisoned or even sentenced to death for high treason during the Hungarian Revolution of 1848 . One of the incidents that shocked European public opinion was the Černová (Csernova) massacre in which 15 people were killed and 52 injured in 1907. The massacre caused
5490-556: The Axis puppet state known as the Independent State of Croatia (NDH). In a series of articles in Hrvatski tjednik , Tuđman expressed the view of the majority of the SKH as well as Matica hrvatska : that Croats had made a significant contribution to the Partisan struggle and were not collectively to blame for Ustaše atrocities. Among Croatian Serbs, Serbian nationalism flared in response to
5673-710: The Catholic Church in Croatian culture and political identity. Dabčević-Kučar later said that the move was motivated by her wish to counterbalance the Serbian Orthodox Church as a "source of Serbian chauvinism". While the Catholic Church did not play an important role in the Croatian Spring, it contributed to the strengthening of national identity by introducing the Cult of Mary as a Croatian national symbol around
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5856-532: The Croatian Peasant Party , Stjepan Radić , as well as an increase in patriotic songs, works of art, and other expressions of Croatian culture . Plans were made for increased representation of Croatia-related materials in the school curriculum, measures to address the overrepresentation of Serbs in key positions in Croatia and to amend the Constitution of Croatia to emphasise the nature of the republic as
6039-497: The Croatian language in official business. This step would have disadvantaged the many Serb bureaucrats in Croatia. The declaration drew "A Proposal for Reflection" in response, drafted by 54 Serbian writers calling for TV Belgrade to use Cyrillic script and to provide education for the Serbs of Croatia in the Serbian language. There were also several denunciations of the declaration on
6222-428: The Croatian question was not implemented. The SKH said that national sentiments were a legitimate expression of interests which communists must defend and that Yugoslavia must be organised as a community of national sovereign republics. Hrvatski tjednik published an article by Tuđman praising ZAVNOH. Its cover page carried a photo of the wartime secretary of the Communist Party of Croatia , Andrija Hebrang , whom
6405-511: The Dictionary of Serbo-Croatian Literary and Vernacular Language based on the 1954 Novi Sad Agreement were published, sparking controversy about whether Croatian was a separate language. Both volumes excluded common Croatian expressions or treated them as local dialect while Serbian variants were often presented as the standard. The unrelated 1966 Serbo-Croatian dictionary published by Miloš Moskovljević [ el ; sr ] further inflamed
6588-466: The Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia was a federation according to its constitution (comprising the people's republics of Bosnia and Herzegovina , Croatia , Macedonia , Montenegro , Serbia , and Slovenia ), but de facto operated as a centralised state . The Yugoslav economy was in recession , prompting economic reforms, which were hastily implemented and proved ineffective. By 1962,
6771-562: The House of Habsburg 's Austrian Empire following the liberation of Buda in 1686, Latin remained the administrative language until 1784, and then again between 1790 and 1844. Emperor Joseph II influenced by Enlightenment absolutism , pushed for the replacement of Latin by German as the empire's official language during his reign (1780–1790). Many lesser Hungarian nobles perceived Joseph's language reform as German cultural hegemony , and they insisted on their right to use Hungarian. This sparked
6954-647: The Illyrian movement ( c. 1835 onward), which founded the Matica hrvatska organisation in 1842 and promoted "Illyrian" language . Illyrianism spawned two political movements: the Party of Rights (founded in 1861 and named after the concept of the Croatian state right ( pravaštvo ); led by Ante Starčević ), and Yugoslavism (the term means "South-Slav-ism") under Josip Juraj Strossmayer (1815-1905). Both Starčević and Strossmayer were largely limited in their influence to
7137-682: The Jewish people who spoke Hungarian as first language in the kingdom were automatically considered Hungarians, a sentiment supported by many of them , who had a magnitude higher rate of tertiary education than the Christian populations). By 1910 about 900,000 religious Jews made up approximately 5% of the population of Hungary and about 23% of Budapest's citizenry. They accounted for 20% of all general grammar school students, and 37% of all commercial scientific grammar school students, 31.9% of all engineering students, and 34.1% of all students in human faculties of
7320-510: The Kingdom of Hungary in the 19th century. The other key factor in mass ethnic changes is that between 1880 and 1910 about 3 million people from Austria-Hungary migrated to the United States alone. More than half of them were from Hungary (at least 1.5 million or about 10% of the total population) alone. Besides the 1.5 million that migrated to the US (two thirds of them or about
7503-607: The Kingdom of Hungary , then part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire , adopted the Hungarian national identity and language in the period between the Compromise of 1867 and Austria-Hungary's dissolution in 1918. Magyarization occurred both voluntarily and as a result of social pressure , and was mandated in certain respects by specific government policies. Before World War I , only three European countries declared ethnic minority rights, and enacted minority-protecting laws:
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7686-450: The Party of Rights in Croatia in 1861 that argued that legally, Croatia's right of statehood had never been abrogated by the Habsburg monarchy and thus Croatia was legally entitled to be an independent state. Starčević regarded Croatia to include not only present-day Croatia but also what is now Bosnia and Herzegovina , Slovenia ( Duchy of Carinthia , Carniola , Styria ) and parts of what
7869-420: The Serbs of Croatia in the security services, politics, and in other fields within Croatia. A particular point of contention was the question of whether the Croatian language was distinct from Serbo-Croatian . The Croatian Spring increased the popularity of figures from Croatia's past, such as the 19th century Croat politician and senior Austrian military officer, Josip Jelačić , and the assassinated leader of
8052-450: The Slovak , Romanian , Serbian , and Croatian minorities in Hungary and Transylvania , who felt threatened by both German and Hungarian cultural hegemony. These revivals would blossom into nationalist movements in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries and contribute to Austria-Hungary's collapse in 1918. The term Magyarization is used in regards to the national policies put into use by
8235-469: The Yugoslav dinar by 18.7 per cent, increased the value of the retained foreign currency income on the domestic market. The new SKH leadership was unwilling to undo the changes implemented by their predecessors and subsequently lost support from the Croatian Serbs. Some Serbs called for the constitution of Croatia to be amended to redefine Croatia as a national state of both Croats and Serbs and create
8418-681: The interwar period . After the Treaty of Trianon this mistreatment included prejudicial court proceedings, overtaxation, and biased application of social and economic legislation in those countries. Magyarization usually refers specifically to the policies that were enforced in Austro-Hungarian Transleithania in the 19th century and early 20th century, especially after the Compromise of 1867 especially after Count Menyhért Lónyay 's premiership beginning in 1871. When referring to personal and geographic names, Magyarization refers to
8601-590: The " Independent State of Croatia " (1941-1945) during World War II . Under post-war communist rule in Yugoslavia , dominated by the part-Croat Tito (in power 1944-1980), Croatian nationalism became largely dormant, except for the Croatian Spring of 1967 to 1971, until the breakup of Yugoslavia in 1991-1992 and the Croatian War of Independence of 1991 to 1995. In its more extreme form, Croatian nationalism
8784-400: The 1879 Primary Education Act and the 1883 Secondary Education Act, the Hungarian state made more efforts to reduce the use of non-Magyar languages, in strong violation of the 1868 Nationalities Law. In about 61% of these schools the language used was exclusively Magyar, in about 20% it was mixed, and in the remainder some non-Magyar language was used. The ratio of minority-language schools
8967-469: The 18th-century Trenck's Pandurs were re-established in Požega in 1969. There were also unsuccessful calls to restore a monument to the 19th-century Ban of Croatia Josip Jelačić , which had been removed from Zagreb's central square by the SKH in 1947. Traditional Croatian patriotic songs—some of them banned—experienced a resurgence in popularity. The most popular and controversial singer of such songs at
9150-640: The 1960s he began to embrace nationalism. He soon earned the favour of the Croat diaspora, helping him to raise millions of dollars toward the goal of establishing an independent Croatia. Tuđman gathered MASPOK intellectuals and sympathisers from among diaspora Croats and founded the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) in 1989. In 1990, Tuđman's HDZ won the first democratic elections in the Socialist Republic of Croatia . In 1991, war erupted in Croatia and
9333-399: The 1971 census. The campaign led by Matica hrvatska to emphasise the distinction between Croatian and Serbian was reflected in the prevailing speech of Croatian Serbs, which changed from predominantly Ijekavian, or an Ekavian-Ijekavian blend, to predominantly Ekavian. The Serbian philosopher Mihailo Đurić argued that Croatia's constitution should be amended to describe the republic as
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#17328582896449516-706: The Carpathian Basin, mainly in the lowlands, also took on the Hungarian language and customs during the high medieval period. Similarly, some historians claim that ancestors of the Szeklers ( Transylvanian Hungarians) were Avars or Turkic Bulgars who began using the Hungarian language in the Middle Ages. Others argue the Szeklers descended from a Hungarian-speaking " Late Avar " population or from ethnic Hungarians who, after receiving unique settlement privileges, developed
9699-608: The Communist Party or arrested. Such measures stopped the rise of nationalism in Yugoslavia, but Croatian nationalism continued to grow among Croat diaspora in South America, Australia, North America and Europe. Croatian political emigration was well-financed and often closely co-ordinated. Those groups were anti-communist since they originate from political emigrants who left Yugoslavia back in 1945. Croatian nationalism revived in both radical, independentist, and extremist forms in
9882-569: The Constitution of the Socialist Republic of Croatia, one of which introduced Lijepa naša domovino as the republic's anthem. After the downfall of the reformist SKH leadership, anti-communist émigrés wrote about the Croatian Spring as a movement presaging democratisation and praised Dabčević-Kučar and Tripalo as people of "unusual political virtues". Some émigrés believed that the political situation in Yugoslavia, especially among Croats,
10065-519: The Croatian intelligentsia . Advocacy in favour of Yugoslavism as a means to achieve the unification of Croatian lands in opposition to their division under Austria-Hungary began with Strossmayer advocating this as being achievable within a federalized Yugoslav monarchy. After the foundation of Yugoslavia in 1918, a highly centralized state was established under the St. Vitus Day Constitution of 1921 in accordance with Serbian nationalist desires to ensure
10248-451: The Croatian Serbs, and there were calls to grant autonomy for Dalmatia as well. The SKH Central Committee declared that no region of Croatia could make any legitimate claim to autonomy of any kind and labelled calls for regional Dalmatian autonomy as treason to the Croatian nation. Such responses aligned with the SKH's objective of national homogenisation. To that end, the SKH blocked the option of declaring one's ethnic identity as regional in
10431-448: The Croatian national resurgence. By 1969, the cultural society Prosvjeta came to the forefront of Croatian Serb nationalist discourse. A plan put forward by SKH reformists to revise elementary and middle school literature and history curricula so 75 per cent of the coverage would be on Croatian topics drew complaints from Prosvjeta , which argued that the plan was a threat to Serb cultural rights. Prosvjeta also objected to
10614-545: The Croatian nationalist émigré magazine Hrvatska država , printed by Branimir Jelić in West Berlin , published a story attributed to its Moscow correspondent claiming that the Warsaw Pact would help Croatia achieve its independence, granting it a status comparable to that enjoyed by Finland at the time . The article also stated that the SKH was collaborating with Ustaše émigrés. The Yugoslav Military Mission in Berlin reported
10797-691: The Danube and Tisza rivers), and Tiszántúl , however the change of names in Upper Hungary (today mostly Slovakia) or Transylvania (now in Romania) remained a marginal phenomenon. Hungarian authorities put constant pressure upon all non-Hungarians to Magyarize their names and the ease with which this could be done gave rise to the nickname of Crown Magyars (the price of registration being one korona). A private non-governmental civil organization "Central Society for Name Magyarization" (Központi Névmagyarositó Társaság)
10980-492: The German population from 40.8% to 26.41%. The first Hungarian government after the Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867 , the 1867–1871 liberal government led by Count Gyula Andrássy and sustained by Ferenc Deák and his followers, passed the 1868 Nationality Act, that declared "all citizens of Hungary form, politically, one nation, the indivisible unitary Hungarian political nation ( politikai nemzet ), of which every citizen of
11163-563: The JNA but opted for a political campaign instead. On 1 December, Tito convened a joint meeting of the SKJ and the SKH leaders at the Karađorđevo hunting ground in Vojvodina. SKH conservatives first criticised the SKH leadership, asking for stern action against nationalism. SKJ presidium members from other republics and provinces then gave speeches supporting the conservative stance, and the SKH leadership
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#173285828964411346-647: The Kingdom of Hungary to lose prestige in the eyes of the world when English historian R. W. Seton-Watson , Norwegian writer Bjørnstjerne Bjørnson and Russian writer Leo Tolstoy championed this cause. The case being a proof for the violence of Magyarization is disputed, partly because the sergeant who ordered the shooting and all the shooters were ethnic Slovaks and partly because of the controversial figure of Andrej Hlinka . The writers who condemned forced Magyarization in printed publications were likely to be put in jail either on charges of treason or for incitement of ethnic hatred . The Hungarian secondary school
11529-444: The Kingdom of Hungary. In 1900, nearly a third of the deputies were elected by fewer than 100 votes, and close to two-thirds were elected by fewer than 1000 votes. Due to economic reasons Transylvania had an even worse representation: the more Romanian a county was, the fewer voters it had. Out of the Transylvanian deputies sent to Budapest, 35 represented the 4 mostly Hungarian counties and the major towns (which together formed 20% of
11712-471: The Name and Status of the Croatian Literary Language from the SKJ within days. The declaration was not universally supported in Croatia. The deputy speaker of the Sabor , Miloš Žanko [ hr ] , denounced Franjo Tuđman , the head of the Institute for the History of Workers’ Movement of Croatia [ hr ] , and Većeslav Holjevac , the head of the Croatian Heritage Foundation , for hiring known Croatian nationalists. The declaration marked
11895-461: The Pannonian Plain during Ottoman rule, i.e. before those Habsburg administrative measures), Croats and Romanians. Various ethnic groups lived side by side (this ethnic heterogeneity is preserved until today in certain parts of Vojvodina , Bačka and Banat ). After 1867, Hungarian became the lingua franca on this territory in the interaction between ethnic communities, and individuals who were born in mixed marriages between two non-Magyars often grew
12078-758: The Romanian language, while in the Kingdom of Romania there were only 2,505 (the Romanian Kingdom gained its independence from the Ottoman Empire only two years before, in 1878). The process of Magyarization culminated in 1907 with the lex Apponyi (named after education minister Albert Apponyi ) which expected all primary school children to read, write and count in Hungarian for the first four years of their education. From 1909 religion also had to be taught in Hungarian. "In 1902 there were in Hungary 18,729 elementary schools with 32,020 teachers, attended by 2,573,377 pupils, figures which compare favourably with those of 1877, when there were 15,486 schools with 20,717 teachers, attended by 1,559,636 pupils. In about 61% of these schools
12261-505: The SKH Central Committee suggested that Tito invented it to strengthen his position, but the First Deputy Premier of the Soviet Union Dmitry Polyansky confirmed the conversation took place. Aiming to improve the United States' position in the Mediterranean area following the Black September crisis in Jordan , the United States President Richard Nixon toured several countries in the region. Nixon's state visit to Yugoslavia lasted from 30 September until 2 October 1970 and included
12444-614: The SKH Central Committee, ranging from establishing a Croatian military to complete independence. Ultimately the Croatian Spring involved a wide variety of elements including anti-centralists, moderate and extreme nationalists, pro- Ustaše , anti-communists , reformists, democrats and democratic socialists , liberals, and libertarians . The SKS leadership did not criticise the SKH; on the contrary, Nikezić and Perović defended Croatia's reformist leadership to Tito in 1971. Serbian and Croatian newspapers traded accusations of mutual hostility, nationalism, and unitarism, leading Tito to admit that
12627-476: The SKH announced an Action Programme, criticising nationalism which was referred to in the programme as "national movement", and denouncing unnamed individuals associated with Matica hrvatska for conspiring against the SKH and the SKJ. The SKH leaders determined that the Action Programme would be formally adopted or rejected by its next plenary session in November. The SKH arranged another meeting with Tito on 14 September, insisting he had been misinformed about
12810-431: The SKH leadership announced their agreement with Tito. On 6 December, Bakarić criticised the SKH leadership for not taking any practical steps to comply with Tito's speech of two days earlier, especially for not taking action against Matica hrvatska . Bakarić accused Tripalo of attempting to split the SKH by exaggerating the popular support for the reformists. Two days later, the SKJ leadership met again and concluded that
12993-1057: The SKH leadership as well as Bakarić, accusing them of nationalism and anti-socialist attitudes in an article for Borba . He also wrote a series of articles denouncing Vjesnik , Radio Television Zagreb , and literary magazine Hrvatski književni list [ hr ] and Bruno Bušić as a writer contributing to the magazine. Others accused by Žanko of stirring up nationalist views were writers Šegedin, Gotovac, and Tomislav Ladan ; literary critics Vlatko Pavletić , Igor Mandić and Branimir Donat [ hr ] ; Vjesnik u srijedu weekly editor Krešimir Džeba and Vjesnik political columnist Neda Krmpotić ; editor of Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Zagreb -published weekly Glas Koncila Živko Kustić , historian Trpimir Macan , art historian Grgo Gamulin , as well as economists Đodan, Hrvoje Šošić [ hr ] , Marko and Vladimir Veselica . On 19 December, Tito criticised Žanko's actions. In January 1970, Dabčević-Kučar accused Žanko of unitarism and of trying to topple
13176-478: The SKH leadership. Žanko was removed from all political functions and the SKH moved closer to Matica hrvatska 's positions. Some sources, including Perović, mark Žanko's dismissal as the beginning of the Croatian Spring. Throughout, the SKH's central economic demand was that Croatia be permitted to retain more of its foreign currency earnings. To this end, the SKH maintained good relations with counterparts from Slovenia and Macedonia, and also attempted to secure
13359-462: The SKH was not implementing the decisions adopted in Karađorđevo. Student strike leaders were arrested on 11 December, and Dabčević-Kučar and Pirker were forced to resign by Tito the next day. At that point, Tripalo, Marko Koprtla and Janko Bobetko immediately also resigned. In the following days, more resignations were tendered, including the head of the government, Haramija. Milka Planinc became
13542-400: The SKH's attempts to reinterpret the wartime Partisan struggle as a liberation of Croatian nationality within the Yugoslav framework. By 1971, Prosvjeta demanded that the Serbian language and Cyrillic script be officially used in Croatia alongside the Croatian language and Latin script , as well as legislative safeguards guaranteeing the national equality of Serbs. Prosvjeta rejected
13725-676: The SKH's policies, the conservative faction—most vocally Bilić and Dragosavac—demanded the enforcement of the August Action Programme. The issue was not resolved by the plenum but, in the aftermath of the session, Bakarić decided to support Bilić and Dragosavac and to ask Tito to intervene. On 12–15 November, Tito visited Bugojno in Bosnia and Herzegovina, where he was hosted by the republic's leadership ( Branko Mikulić , Hamdija Pozderac , and Dragutin Kosovac ). On 13 November, they were joined by
13908-435: The SKH, that Serbian Ekavian spelling ought to be supplemented with Croatian Ijekavian spelling in all official notices and schedules. While multiple newspapers and magazines supported Matica hrvatska , the organisation also introduced its own organ, Hrvatski tjednik [ hr ] (Croatian Weekly), which enthusiastically promoted Croatian nationalism. Edited by Vlado Gotovac , it quickly surpassed
14091-547: The SKJ had considered a Soviet spy and a traitor since the 1948 Tito–Stalin split . The article also coincided with a request, ignored by the SKH, to posthumously rehabilitate Hebrang. The initiative was launched as a form of "moral rehabilitation" by anti-communist émigrés including former high-ranking KPJ official Ante Ciliga . At the time of the Croatian Spring, civic relations between Croats and Serbs in Croatia were increasingly framed by diverging narratives of World War I and especially World War II. While Croats focused on
14274-474: The SKJ had lost control of the media. In a meeting with the SKH leaders in July 1971, Tito expressed concern with the political situation and offered Tripalo the post of Prime Minister of Yugoslavia to move him away from the SKH, but Tripalo declined. Later that month, the conservative faction managed to gain sufficient support to expel Đodan and Marko Veselica from the SKH as "nationalist ringleaders". On 2 August,
14457-601: The Yugoslav State Security Administration, and also because their activity weakened the SKH's position. Even though the leadership of Bosnia and Herzegovina was cautious in its response to the SKH's January 1970 shift towards Matica hrvatska 's positions, relations became much tenser, primarily reflected through texts published by Matica hrvatska journals and Oslobođenje , the newspaper of record in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The leadership of Bosnia and Herzegovina initially distinguished between
14640-583: The Yugoslav constitution was adopted further restricting federal powers in June 1971. The only powers retained by the federal government were foreign affairs , foreign trade, defence, common currency , and common tariffs . Inter-republic committees were set up to make decisions by the federal government before ratification . The SKH wanted further decentralisation in 1971 to include banking and foreign trade, and changes that would allow Croatia to retain more foreign currency earnings. Other demands were coming from outside
14823-447: The Yugoslav constitution was amended once again, further reducing federal authority in favour of the constituent republics. The peak of the reformist coalition occurred at the 9th congress of the SKJ in March 1969, during which decentralisation of all aspects of the country was proposed. A World Bank loan for the construction of motorways caused a major rift in the reformist coalition after
15006-489: The Yugoslav prime minister, Džemal Bijedić , who criticised the SKH's demands for changing the distribution of foreign currency earnings. Dragosavac met with Tito on 14 and 15 November to discuss the Croatian Spring. On 15 November, Tito was joined by the heads of the JNA to view recordings of political rallies in Croatia where nationalists and SKH members spoke and where anti-Tito shouts could be heard. The extended SKH Central Committee secretly met from 17 to 23 November, but
15189-416: The affair. Immediately, the SKH announced that foreign and domestic enemies of the SKH stood behind the allegations. The same day, Vladimir Rolović , the Yugoslav ambassador to Sweden , was mortally wounded in an unrelated attack by Ustaše émigrés , further escalating tensions. According to Dabčević-Kučar, the SKH leadership treated the enthusiasm of the émigrés with suspicion, believing it to be linked with
15372-456: The aftermath of the 1971 purge, the authorities began to pejoratively refer to the events that had transpired as the Maspok , a portmanteau of [masovni pokret] Error: {{Lang}}: invalid parameter: |link= ( help ) meaning " mass movement ", as a reference to the politicisation of the masses to ensure the involvement of actors beyond the SKH in Croatia's politics. The term Croatian Spring
15555-683: The aftermath of the affair, the Slovenian authorities withdrew their support for the reformist coalition. Regardless, the SKH and the SKM pressured the SKJ to adopt the principle of unanimity in decision-making, obtaining veto power for the republican branches of the SKJ in April 1970. Student demonstrations erupted in Belgrade in June 1968 against authoritarian aspects of the Yugoslav regime, market reforms, and their impact on Yugoslav society. The students were inspired by
15738-453: The army, police and secret police. However, main subject was the perceived subordinate status of standard Croatian , at that time regarded as a Western variety of Serbo-Croatian. In 1967 Croatian Writers' Association called for designation of Croatian as a distinct language both for educational and publishing purposes. Because of such demands Tito gave an order to purge reformers in 1971 and 1972. Some 1,600 Croatian communists were ejected from
15921-497: The beginning of the four-year long period of increased Croatian nationalism commonly referred to as the Croatian Spring. Matica hrvatska withdrew from the Novi Sad Agreement on 22 November 1970 because Matica srpska insisted that Croatian was only a dialect of Serbian. Matica hrvatska went on to publish a new Croatian dictionary and orthography manual by Stjepan Babić , Božidar Finka , and Milan Moguš , which
16104-502: The changes to economic phenomena or results of modernisation. Early in 1969, a number of grievances were listed in an article by the Croatian Writers' Association president, Petar Šegedin , in Kolo , a magazine published by Matica hrvatska . In the article, Šegedin accused the Yugoslav government of attempting cultural assimilation of Croatia. In 1967, the first two volumes of
16287-452: The country's economic difficulties worsened, prompting debate on the foundations of the economic system. In March 1962, President Josip Broz Tito convened the extended central committee of the country's ruling party, the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (SKJ), to discuss the role of the SKJ and the relationship between the central government and the constituent republics. The meeting exposed
16470-656: The country, whatever his personal nationality ( nemzetiség ), is a member equal in rights." The Education Act, passed the same year, shared this view as the Magyars simply being primus inter pares ("first among equals"). At this time ethnic minorities de jure had a great deal of cultural and linguistic autonomy, including in education, religion, and local government. However, after education minister Baron József Eötvös died in 1871, and in Andrássy became imperial foreign minister , Deák withdrew from active politics and Menyhért Lónyay
16653-446: The creation of Yugoslavia . Radić opposed Yugoslav unification, as he feared the loss of Croats' national rights in a highly centralized stated dominated by the numerically larger Serbs . The assassination of Radić in 1928 provoked and angered Croatian nationalists with the centralized Yugoslav state, and from 1928 to 1939, Croatian nationalism was defined as pursuing either some form of autonomy or independence from Belgrade . In 1939,
16836-504: The crowd attending the funeral confirmed continued broad support for Dabčević-Kučar and Tripalo, irrespective of their recent purge. To reduce the popular support for the Croatian nationalists, Tito granted many of the demands of the ousted SKH leaders. For example, export companies were allowed to retain 20 per cent of foreign exchange earnings instead of 7–12 percent while tourism companies increased their retention of foreign currency earnings from 12 per cent to 45 per cent. Devaluation of
17019-519: The decisions of the eighth congress of the SKJ (December 1964), abuse of the State Security Administration directly or through allies, and illegally wire-tapping the SKJ leadership, including Tito himself. Tito saw Ranković's removal as an opportunity to implement greater decentralisation. In devolving power to constituent units of the federation, Tito assumed the role of sole arbiter in inter-republican disputes. In 1967 and 1968,
17202-664: The dismemberment of Kingdom of Hungary. Although the 1868 Hungarian Nationalities Law guaranteed legal equality to all citizens, including in language use, in this period practically only Hungarian was used in administrative, judicial, and higher educational contexts. By 1900, Transleithanian state administration, businesses, and high society spoke Hungarian almost exclusively, and by 1910, 96% of civil servants, 91% of all public employees, 97% of judges and public prosecutors, 91% of secondary school teachers and 89% of medical doctors had learned Hungarian as their first language. Urban and industrial centers' Magyarization proceeded at
17385-458: The distribution of tax revenue to less-developed republics. As it was less developed than PR Slovenia and PR Croatia, PR Serbia would have benefited from such an arrangement. In 1963, a new constitution was adopted, granting additional powers to the republics, and the 8th Congress of the SKJ expanded the powers of the SKJ branches the following year. Further economic reforms were adopted in 1964 and 1965, transferring considerable powers from
17568-408: The dual monarchy, the spread of Hungarian as the second language remained limited. In 1880, 5.7% of the non-Hungarian population, or 109,190 people, claimed to have a knowledge of the Hungarian language; the proportion rose to 11% (183,508) in 1900, and to 15.2% (266,863) in 1910. These figures reveal the reality of a bygone era, one in which millions of people could conduct their lives without speaking
17751-418: The economic reforms had not resulted in discernible improvement within Croatia. Belgrade -based federal banks still dominated the Yugoslav loan market and foreign trade. Croatia-based banks were pushed out from Dalmatia , a popular tourist region, and hotels there were gradually taken over by large companies based in Belgrade. Croatian media reported that favourable purchase agreements for Serbian companies were
17934-406: The electorate. The participation of other ethnic groups was as follows: Slovaks (10.7% in population, 10.4% in the electorate), Romanians (16.1% in population, 9.9% in the electorate), Rusyns (2.5% in population, 1.7% in the electorate), Croats (1.1% in population, 1.0% in the electorate), Serbs (2.2% in population, 1.4% in the electorate), and others (2.2% in population, 1.4% in the electorate). There
18117-494: The emancipation in Hungary at a time when anti-semitic laws were still applied in Russia and Romania. Large minorities were concentrated in various regions of the kingdom, where they formed significant majorities. In Transylvania proper (1867 borders), the 1910 census finds 55.08% Romanian-speakers, 34.2% Hungarian-speakers, and 8.71% German-speakers. In the north of the Kingdom , Slovaks and Ruthenians formed an ethnic majority also, in
18300-528: The end of the war. Boban's project crashed in 1994 with the creation of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina . Magyarization Magyarization ( UK : / ˌ m æ dʒ ər aɪ ˈ z eɪ ʃ ən / US : / ˌ m ɑː dʒ ər ɪ -/ , also Hungarianization ; Hungarian : magyarosítás [ˈmɒɟɒroʃiːtaːʃ] ), after "Magyar"—the Hungarian autonym —was an assimilation or acculturation process by which non-Hungarian nationals living in
18483-455: The exclusive language in public life, writing in 1842 that "in one country it is impossible to speak in a hundred different languages. There must be one language, and in Hungary, this must be Hungarian." However, moderate nationalists, who supported a compromise with Austria, were less enthusiastic. Zsigmond Kemény , for example, agitated for a Magyar-led multinational state and disapproved of Kossuth's assimilatory ambitions. István Széchenyi
18666-423: The expulsion of Bilić, Dragosavac, Baltić, Ema Derossi-Bjelajac and Čedo Grbić from the SKH as unitarists. On 25 November, Tripalo met with the students, urging them to stop the strike, and Dabčević-Kučar made the same request four days later. Tito contacted the United States to inform them of his plan to remove the reformist leadership of Croatia, and the United States did not object. Tito considered deploying
18849-565: The federal government decided to shelve plans to develop a highway section in Slovenia and build one highway section in Croatia and one in Macedonia instead. For the first time, a constituent republic (Slovenia) protested a decision of the federal government, but Slovene demands were rejected. The situation became heated, prompting the Slovene authorities to publicly state that they had no plan to secede. In
19032-422: The federal level and was one of the major Yugoslav Partisan leaders. Hebrang also advocated change of Croatian borders, since, according to him, Croatian boundaries were clipped by Milovan Đilas ' commission. He also argued against unfair exchange rates imposed on Croatia after 1945 and condemning show trials against people labeled as collaborationists. Hebrang wasn't a serious threat to Serbian interests, since he
19215-524: The federal level, Serbs represented about 39 percent of the Yugoslav population, while Croats accounted for about 19 percent. Serbs were over-represented and Croats under-represented in the civil service by a factor of two, accounting for 67 percent and nine percent of civil servants, respectively. Similarly, Serbs made up between 60–70 percent of the officer corps of the Yugoslav People's Army (JNA). In Croatia alone, Serbs represented about 15 percent of
19398-532: The federal model advocated by the ZAVNOH and the SKH, arguing that nationalism was no longer needed in Yugoslavia. Furthermore, Prosvjeta denounced the work of Matica hrvatska and asserted that the Serbs of Croatia would preserve their national identity by relying on Serbia's help regardless of the borders of the republics. Finally, Prosvjeta 's Rade Bulat demanded the establishment of an autonomous province for
19581-453: The federation to the republics and individual companies. Some of the reform measures exacerbated conflict between the banks, insurers, and foreign trade organisations owned by the Yugoslav government versus those owned by the constituent republics, a conflict that became increasingly political and nationalist. Competing alliances were established. Ranković gained the support of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Montenegro, in addition to Serbia. Slovenia
19764-452: The first was Hungary (1849 and 1868), the second was Austria (1867), and the third was Belgium (1898). In contrast, the legal systems of other pre-WW1 era European countries did not allow the use of European minority languages in primary schools, in cultural institutions , in offices of public administration and at the legal courts. Magyarization was ideologically based on the classical liberal concepts of individualism ( civil liberties of
19947-666: The following year, the Bosnian War broke out. The Croatian ruling elite helped the Bosnian HDZ to rise to power. The first leaders of the Bosnian HDZ opposed Tuđman's idea of division of Bosnia and Herzegovina between Croatia and Serbia; in response, Mate Boban was installed as leader of the HDZ. He founded the Croatian Republic of Herzeg-Bosnia with the goal to merge it with Croatia at
20130-462: The founder of the Croatian Peasant Party (HSS) and a champion of the Croatian cause in pre-war Yugoslavia , was put up in Zagreb, followed by a monument to him in the town of Metković . The city of Šibenik cancelled a plan to erect a monument to the victims of fascism , instead erecting a statue of the medieval Croatian king Peter Krešimir IV . A marching band and a living history troop named after
20313-497: The government of the Kingdom of Hungary , which was part of the Habsburg Empire. The beginning of this process dates to the late 18th century and was intensified after the Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867 , which increased the power of the Hungarian government within the newly formed Austria-Hungary . some of them had little desire to be declared a national minority like in other cultures. However, Jews in Hungary appreciated
20496-414: The head of the SKH. Five hundred students protested in Zagreb against the resignations and were suppressed by riot police. Subsequently, tens of thousands were expelled from the SKH, including 741 high-ranking officials such as Dabčević-Kučar, Tripalo, and Pirker. Another 280 SKH members were compelled to resign their posts and 131 were demoted. SKH conservatives demanded a major show trial with Tuđman as
20679-402: The increasing prominence of Croatian nationalism led Tito and the SKJ to intervene. Similar to reformers in other Yugoslav republics, the SKH leadership was compelled to resign. Nevertheless, their reforms were left intact and most demands of the ousted leadership were later adopted, ushering in a form of federalism that contributed to the subsequent breakup of Yugoslavia . In the early 1960s,
20862-604: The invasion of Yugoslavia by the Axis Powers and the creation of the NDH at the behest of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany as an Italo-German client state . The Ustaše committed mass genocide against Serbs, Jews and Roma, and persecuted political opponents, including the communist Yugoslav Partisans and Chetniks who fought against them. After the defeat of the Axis Powers in 1945 and the rise of communist Josip Broz Tito as leader of
21045-422: The key role in the political maintenance of the compromise in Hungary, because they were able to vote the pro-compromise Liberal Party into the position of the majority/ruling parties of the Hungarian parliament. The pro-compromise liberal parties were the most popular among ethnic minority voters, however i.e. the Slovak, Serb and Romanian minority parties remained unpopular among their own ethnic minority voters. On
21228-531: The language used was exclusively Magyar". Approximately 600 Romanian villages were depleted of proper schooling due to the laws. As of 1917, 2,975 primary schools in Romania were closed as a result. The effect of Magyarization on the education system in Hungary was very significant, as can be seen from the official statistics submitted by the Hungarian government to the Paris Peace Conference (formally, all
21411-496: The late 1960s, a variety of grievances were aired through Matica hrvatska , which were adopted in the early 1970s by a reformist faction of the SKH led by Savka Dabčević-Kučar and Miko Tripalo . The complaints initially concerned economic nationalism. The reformists wished to reduce transfers of hard currency to the federal government by companies based in Croatia. They later included political demands for increased autonomy and opposition to real or perceived overrepresentation of
21594-529: The late 1980s in response to the perceived threat of the Serbian nationalist agenda of Slobodan Milošević who sought a strongly centralized Yugoslavia. Croatia declared independence from Yugoslavia in 1991 leading to the Croatian War from 1991 to 1995. The Croatian ruling elite helped the Bosnian HDZ to rise to power. The first leaders of the Bosnian HDZ opposed Tuđman's idea of division of Bosnia and Herzegovina between Croatia and Serbia; in response, Mate Boban
21777-518: The leaders of the Romanian, Serb and Slovak minorities aspired to full territorial autonomy instead of linguistic and cultural minority rights. Hungarian politicians, influenced by their experience during the Hungarian Revolution of 1848 , when many minorities supported the Habsburgs in opposition to Hungarian independence, and afraid of pan-slavic Russian Tzarist interventionism , viewed such autonomy as
21960-517: The main defendant, but Tito blocked this proposal. Instead, Tuđman was convicted of trying to overthrow the "democratic self-managing socialism". Overall, 200–300 people were convicted of political crimes , but thousands more were imprisoned without formal charges for two to three months. Matica hrvatska and Prosvjeta were banned, including the former's fourteen publications. Purges targeting media professionals, writers, filmmakers, and university staff continued until late 1972. Even though
22143-588: The meeting with Brezhnev did not go well. An official visit of Tito to the United States was arranged to reassure Tito of the United States' political, economic, and military support for Yugoslavia. Nixon and Tito met on 30 October in Washington, D.C. At the 5 November plenary session of the SKH, Dabčević-Kučar said that the national movement was evidence of the unity of the nation and the SKH, which she said should not be sacrificed to achieve revolutionary purity. After she rejected several of Bakarić's proposals to modify
22326-428: The national state of Croats and Serbs. This remark sparked another series of public debates in March 1971 in the context of the constitutional reform of Yugoslavia. The SKJ responded by bringing charges against Đurić and imprisoning him. Matica hrvatska proposed an amendment to the constitution, further emphasising the national character of Croatia. The SKH dismissed the proposal and drafted its own wording, arguing it
22509-415: The national state of Croats. There were also demands for increased powers for the constituent republics at the expense of Yugoslavia's federal government. These issues increased tensions between Croats and the Serbs of Croatia, as well as between the reformist and conservative factions of the SKH. While other republics, the SKJ, and Tito himself were not initially involved in the internal Croatian struggle,
22692-642: The number of subscribers of all other newspapers including Vjesnik , the newspaper of record in Croatia. Initially, the SKH was internally divided over support for Matica hrvatska , and its leadership remained mostly silent on the matter. The party was led by a reformist faction consisting of SKH Secretary of the Central Committee Savka Dabčević-Kučar and Miko Tripalo , supported by Pero Pirker , Dragutin Haramija , Ivan Šibl , and others. Dabčević-Kučar, Tripalo and Pirker assumed
22875-522: The numerous wars fought by the Habsburg and Ottoman empires in the 16th and 17th centuries. These empty lands were repopulated, by administrative measures adopted by the Vienna Court especially during the 18th century, by Hungarians and Slovaks from the northern part of the Kingdom that avoided the devastation (see also Royal Hungary ), Swabians, Serbs (Serbs were the majority group in most southern parts of
23058-433: The official language, guaranteeing that residents of Croatia would complete their compulsory military service in Croatia, and formally establishing Zagreb as Croatia's capital and Lijepa naša domovino as the anthem of Croatia. The protesters singled out Bakarić for sabotaging Tripalo's currency reform. The Croatian Student Federation expanded the strike over Croatia. Within days, 30,000 students were on strike demanding
23241-414: The often-touted 'Magyarization efforts', the 1910 census revealed that approximately 87% of the minorities in the Kingdom of Hungary (8,895,925 citizens) could not speak Hungarian at all." While those nationalities who opposed Magyarization faced political and cultural challenges, these were less severe than the civic and fiscal mistreatment of minorities in some of Hungary’s neighboring countries during
23424-525: The other hand, coalitions formed by Hungarian nationalist parties - which enjoyed overwhelming support from ethnic Hungarian voters - consistently found themselves in the opposition. There was a brief exception during the period of 1906 to 1910, when the coalition of Hungarian-supported nationalist parties was able to form a government. The districts that predominantly supported the government were chiefly situated in regions inhabited by ethnic minorities, whereas opposition strongholds were found in areas with
23607-621: The person/citizens of the country rather than of nationalities/ethnic groups as communities) and civic nationalism , which encouraged ethnic minorities' cultural and linguistic assimilation, similar to the post- revolutionary "standardization" of the French language in France. By emphasizing minority rights and civil and political rights of the citizen/person based on individualism , Hungarian politicians sought to prevent establishment of politically autonomous territories for ethnic minorities. However
23790-745: The policy "One country – one language – one nation" during the Kossuth-led Revolution of 1848 . Some minority nationalists, such as the Slovak nationalist author and activist Janko Kráľ , were imprisoned or even sentenced to death in this period. As the 1848 Revolution progressed, the Austrians gained the upper hand with the help of the Russian Imperial Army. This led the Hungarian revolutionary government to attempt negotiations with Hungary's ethnic minorities, who comprised up to 40% of its armed forces. (The Hungarian revolutionary army
23973-468: The population of Croatia held nationalist views. By early 1966, it was clear that the reforms had not produced the desired results. The SKJ blamed the Serbian leadership for resistance to the reforms. In early 1966, Kardelj persuaded Tito to remove Ranković from the SKJ Central Committee and dismiss him as vice president of Yugoslavia. Ranković was accused of plotting to seize power, disregarding
24156-424: The population), whereas only 30 deputies represented the other 72% of the population, which was predominantly Romanian. In 1913, even the electorate that elected only one-third of the deputies had a non-proportional ethnic composition. The Magyars who made up 54.5% of the population of the Kingdom of Hungary represented a 60.2% majority of the electorate. Ethnic Germans made up 10.4% of the population and 13.0% of
24339-474: The population, but accounted for nearly one-quarter of the SKH's members and more than one-half of the police force. In December 1970, the SKH candidate lost the election of student pro-rector of the Zagreb University to an independent, Ivan Zvonimir Čičak [ hr ] . Non-communist candidates took over the remaining student organisations headquartered in Zagreb in April 1971. Dražen Budiša
24522-419: The positions of the SKH and those held by Matica hrvatska , but this distinction eroded over time. In September, Matica hrvatska expanded its work to Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Serbian autonomous province of Vojvodina , claiming Croats were underrepresented in government institutions there due to policies implemented during Ranković's tenure. By November 1971, Croatian nationalists advocated annexing
24705-482: The post-1867 Kingdom of Hungary was unfavourable to many of the non-Hungarian nationality, especially for Romanian minority because franchise was based on the income tax of the person. According to the 1874 election law, which remained unchanged until 1918, only the upper 5.9% to 6.5% of the whole population had voting rights. That effectively excluded almost the whole of the peasantry and the working class from Hungarian political life. The percentage of those on low incomes
24888-463: The progress of other European nations . For a long time, the number of non-Hungarians that lived in the Kingdom of Hungary was much larger than the number of ethnic Hungarians. According to the 1787 data, the population of the Kingdom of Hungary numbered 2,322,000 Hungarians (29%) and 5,681,000 non-Hungarians (71%). In 1809, the population numbered 3,000,000 Hungarians (30%) and 7,000,000 non-Hungarians (70%). An increasingly intense Magyarization policy
25071-463: The purges took place only in the period after the 1 December 1971 Karađorđevo meeting, this date is usually thought of as the end of the Croatian Spring in commemorations of the events. Authorities seized and destroyed 40,000 copies of the Moguš, Finka & Babić orthography manual as chauvinist. The remaining 600 copies were bound without any foreword or index and marked "for internal use only". This version
25254-487: The replacement of a non-Hungarian name with a Hungarian one. Magyarization was perceived by ethnic groups such as Romanians , Slovaks , Ruthenians ( Rusyns ), Croats , and Serbs as cultural aggression or active discrimination, especially in areas where national minorities formed the majority of the local population. Although Latin was the official language of state administration, legislation, and schooling from 1000 to 1784, smaller ethnic groups assimilated into
25437-500: The republics. The conflict was framed as a contest between Serbia's interests against those of Slovenia and Croatia. In Croatia, positions adopted by Ranković's allies in the League of Communists of Serbia (SKS) and the League of Communists of Montenegro (SKCG) were interpreted as hegemonistic , which in turn increased the appeal of Croatian nationalism . By the mid-1960s, the United States consul in Zagreb , Helene Batjer , estimated that about half of SKH members and 80 percent of
25620-461: The result of political pressure and bribery, and the situation was framed as an ethnic rather than economic conflict. Furthermore, the situation was worsened by a perception among Croatian nationalists of cultural and demographic threats to Croatia from the following policies: use of school textbooks to suppress Croatian national sentiment, a campaign to standardise the Serbo-Croatian language in
25803-635: The role of the Royal Serbian Army in the creation of the Serb-dominated Kingdom of Yugoslavia, and killings of collaborationist Ustaše troops and their sympathisers in the 1945 Yugoslav pursuit of Nazi collaborators , Serbs negatively evaluated the Croatian participation in Austria-Hungary's Serbian campaign during World War I, and especially the genocide of Serbs committed by the Ustaše in
25986-471: The same time, the percentage of Romanian population decreased from 59.0% to 53.8% and the percentage of German population decreased from 11.9% to 10.7%. Changes were more significant in cities with predominantly German and Romanian population. For example, the percentage of Hungarian population increased in Braşov from 13.4% in 1850 to 43.43% in 1910, meanwhile the Romanian population decreased from 40% to 28.71% and
26169-644: The same time. This contribution was reinforced by the canonisation of the 14th-century Croatian Franciscan friar and missionary Nicholas Tavelic in 1970. The SKH maintained that its current policy was rooted in the Partisan legacy, arguing that the Yugoslav federation was not set up as envisaged by the World War II-era State Anti-fascist Council for the National Liberation of Croatia (ZAVNOH); in particular, ZAVNOH's solution to
26352-516: The situation by omitting the term "Croat" from the vocabulary. The Declaration on the Name and Status of the Croatian Literary Language was issued by 130 Croatian linguists, including 80 communists, on 17 March 1967. The declaration criticised the 1967 dictionary and called for official recognition of Croatian as a separate language and for a requirement for the government of Croatia to use
26535-510: The situation. After the meeting, Tito said he was convinced that the stories about chauvinism reigning in Croatia were absurd. He also implied that he favoured the SKH's proposal to reform Yugoslavia's foreign currency policy. After the meeting, Tripalo suggested that the Action Programme would no longer be considered. The Croatian Spring spurred increased interest in Croatian historical figures. A commemorative plaque to Stjepan Radić ,
26718-414: The southern regions the majority were South Slavic Croats, Serbs and Slovenes and in the western regions the majority were Germans. The process of Magyarization did not succeed in imposing the Hungarian language as the most used language in all territories in the Kingdom of Hungary. In fact the profoundly multinational character of historic Transylvania was reflected in the fact that during the fifty years of
26901-449: The state's official language. The policies of Magyarization aimed to have a Hungarian language surname as a requirement for access to basic government services such as local administration, education, and justice. Between 1850 and 1910 the ethnic Hungarian population increased by 106.7%, while the increase of other ethnic groups was far slower: Serbians and Croatians 38.2%, Romanians 31.4% and Slovaks 10.7%. The Magyarization of Budapest
27084-400: The story to the military intelligence service along with the names of alleged Ustaše émigré operatives in Croatia. The report was initially believed, leading the Yugoslav authorities to become concerned that the Soviet Union might be instigating and aiding the SKH and the Ustaše émigrés. A federal investigation concluded on 7 April that the story was false, and the authorities decided to bury
27267-453: The student demonstrations in a timely fashion. The replacements were Marko Nikezić , as the president , and Latinka Perović as the secretary of the SKS, respectively. Nikezić and Perović supported market-based reforms and a policy of non-interference in other republics' affairs except where officials from those republics denounced Serbian nationalism outside of Serbia. By the end of the 1960s,
27450-499: The support of the League of Communists of Kosovo . Due to its rejection of the SKH's economic agenda, the SKS was dismissed as "unionist" by the SKH despite Nikezić's support for other reforms. The SKH also opposed the under-representation of Croats in the police, security forces, and the military, as well as in political and economic institutions in Croatia as well as across Yugoslavia. The predominance of Serbs in these positions led to widespread calls for their replacement by Croats. At
27633-681: The time was Vice Vukov . Lijepa naša domovino returned to formal use as a patriotic song when a plaque was placed in the Zagreb Cathedral commemorating the noblemen involved in the 17th-century Magnate conspiracy . The opera Nikola Šubić Zrinski , retelling the 16th-century Siege of Szigetvár , was regularly sold out whenever it played at the Croatian National Theatre in Zagreb. Paintings by Oton Iveković (1869–1939) depicting events from Croatian history became very popular. Croatia's historical chequy coat of arms became
27816-625: The top positions in the SKH in 1969 with Bakarić's support. The reformists were opposed by a conservative or anti-reformist faction including Žanko and Stipe Šuvar , Dušan Dragosavac , Jure Bilić , and Milutin Baltić [ hr ] . In search of support, the conservative faction allied with the Praxis School. Dabčević-Kučar and Tripalo, on the other hand, found support in SKH ranks closer to or associated with Matica hrvatska such as Đodan and Marko Veselica . In late 1969, Žanko also criticised
27999-402: The two opposing factions could not agree. On 22 November, about 3,000 Zagreb University students voted to begin a strike the next morning. Initially, they protested federal regulations on hard currency , banking and commerce. At Paradžik's urging, a series of proposed constitutional amendments was added to the demands: defining Croatia as a sovereign and national state of Croats, making Croatian
28182-471: The unification of Croat lands into a Yugoslav monarchical federal state alongside other Yugoslavs . However, in spite of both Starčević's and Strossmayer's competing visions of identity, neither of their views had much influence beyond Croatia's intelligentsia. Croatian nationalism became a mass movement under the leadership of Stjepan Radić , leader of the Croatian People's Peasant Party after 1918 upon
28365-696: The unity of Serbdom in Yugoslavia; they asserted the importance of Serbian unity to Yugoslavia with the slogan "Strong Serbdom, Strong Yugoslavia". The agreement also angered Bosniaks (then known as "Yugoslav Muslims"), including the Yugoslav Muslim Organization (JMO), that denounced the agreement's partition of Bosnia and Herzegovina . A violent sectarian Croatian nationalism also developed prior to World War II within Ante Pavelić 's Ustaše movement (founded in 1929), which collaborated with Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy in its government of
28548-543: The unity of the Serbs; this caused resentment amongst Croats and other peoples in Yugoslavia. Dalmatian Croat and the principal World War I -era Yugoslavist leader Ante Trumbić denounced the St. Vitus Day Constitution for establishing a Serb hegemony in Yugoslavia - contrary to the interests of Croats and other peoples in Yugoslavia. Croatian nationalists opposed the centralized state, with moderate nationalists demanding an autonomous Croatia within Yugoslavia. Croatian nationalism became
28731-470: The universities. Jews were accounted for 48.5% of all physicians, and 49.4% of all lawyers/jurists in Hungary. Source: Paclisanu 1985 The Austro-Hungarian compromise and its supporting Liberal Party remained bitterly unpopular among the ethnic Hungarian voters, and the continuous successes of the pro-compromise Liberal Party in the Hungarian parliamentary elections caused long lasting frustration among ethnic Hungarian voters. The ethnic minorities had
28914-586: The whole course of the 20th century. According to Hungarian statistics and considering the huge number of assimilated persons between 1700 and 1944 (c. 3 million) only 340,000–350,000 names were Magyarised between 1815 and 1944; this happened mainly inside the Hungarian-speaking area. One Jewish name out of 17 was Magyarised, in comparison with other nationalities: one out of 139 (German Catholic), 427 (German Lutheran), 170 (Slovak Catholic), 330 (Slovak Lutheran). Croatian Spring The Croatian Spring ( Croatian : Hrvatsko proljeće ), or Maspok ,
29097-548: The worldwide protests of 1968 , and criticism of the reforms leveled by the Marxist humanist Praxis School . They opposed decentralisation and criticised nationalism in Yugoslavia through the Praxis journal. In November 1968, Petar Stambolić and other SKS leaders whose political views were a blend of communist dogmatism and Serbian nationalism , were removed on Tito's initiative. Tito specifically blamed Stambolić for not stopping
29280-630: The years 1884–1901, when the SNS boycotted the election. Elections were public, voters had to say aloud who they were voting for to the electoral commission. This allowed Hungarian authorities to enact pressure on voters including the intervention of the armed forces and the persecution of Slovak candidates and their voters. The Hungarianization of names occurred mostly in bigger towns and cities, mostly in Budapest, in Hungarian majority regions like Southern Transdanubia , Danube–Tisza Interfluve (the territory between
29463-545: Was a compromise. Ultimately passed, the SKH's amendment mentioned the Croatian Serbs specifically but defined Croatia as a "national state" of the Croats, avoiding use of the exact same phrase for the Croatian Serbs. The meaning of this difference in formulations was not explained in the text of the constitution. By mid-September 1971, ethnic tensions had worsened to the point that in northern Dalmatia, some Serb and Croat villagers took up arms in fear of each other. In February 1971,
29646-509: Was a political conflict that took place from 1967 to 1971 in the Socialist Republic of Croatia , at the time part of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia . As one of six republics comprising Yugoslavia at the time, Croatia was ruled by the League of Communists of Croatia (SKH), nominally independent from the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (SKJ), led by President Josip Broz Tito . The 1960s in Yugoslavia were marked by
29829-593: Was a volunteer army) On 28 July 1849, the revolutionary parliament enacted minority rights legislation, one of the first in Europe. This was insufficient to turn the tide, and the Hungarian revolutionary volunteer army under Artúr Görgey surrendered in August 1849 after the Habsburgs gained the support of Nicholas I 's Russia. The Hungarian national awakening had the lasting effect of triggering similar national revivals among
30012-462: Was also who more conciliatory toward ethnic minorities and criticized Kossuth for "pitting one nationality against another". While Széchenyi promoted Magyarization on the basis of the alleged "moral and intellectual supremacy" of Hungarian culture, he argued that Hungary had to first become worthy of emulation if Magyarization was to succeed. Kossuth's radical program gained more popular support than Széchenyi's. The nationalists thus initially supported
30195-451: Was appointed prime minister of Hungary . He became steadily more allied with the Magyar gentry, and the notion of a Hungarian political nation increasingly became one of a Magyar nation. "[A]ny political or social movement which challenged the hegemonic position of the leading role of Hungarians was liable to be repressed or charged with 'treason'..., 'libel' or 'incitement of ethnic hatred'. This
30378-488: Was coined retroactively, after the 1971 purges, by those holding a more favourable view of the events. The latter term was not permitted to be publicly used in Yugoslavia until 1989. The end of the Croatian Spring ushered in a period known as the Croatian Silence ( Hrvatska šutnja ), which lasted until the late 1980s, during which the public kept its distance from the unpopular imposed authorities. Discussion about
30561-500: Was condemned by Serbia. The Croatian nationalists reacted by promoting linguistic purism and by revising school textbooks to increase coverage of Croatian history and culture . Matica hrvatska became the rallying point of the nationalist revival, and its economic secretary Šime Đodan was particularly popular. In 1970, Matica hrvatska 's membership grew from about 2,000 to 40,000, increasing its political influence. It also enabled complaints to Yugoslav Railways , backed by
30744-516: Was conducive to an uprising. Consequently, nineteen members of the Croatian Revolutionary Brotherhood terrorist organisation launched an armed incursion into Yugoslavia in mid-1972, hoping to incite a rebellion that would lead to the re-establishment of the NDH. After a month of deadly skirmishes with the authorities, the incursion ended in failure. Pirker died in August 1972, and his funeral drew 100,000 supporters. The size of
30927-523: Was demoted several times and in 1948 he was put under house arrest, and later killed. Croatian nationalism did not disappear but remained dormant until the late 1960s to early 1970s with the outbreak of the Croatian Spring movement calling for a decentralized Yugoslavia and greater autonomy for Croatia and the other republics from federal government control. These demands were effectively implemented by Tito's regime. Croatian communists started to indicate on Serbian dominance in commanding party posts, posts in
31110-556: Was elected the head of the Zagreb Student Federation, and Ante Paradžik became the head of the Croatian Student Federation . Within days of the student-body elections, Tito requested that Dabčević-Kučar order the arrests of Šegedin, Marko Veselica, Budiša, Čičak and Đodan, but she declined. This decision made Dabčević-Kučar very popular in Croatia. At a rally of 200,000 people to mark the 26th anniversary of
31293-469: Was founded in 1881 in Budapest . The aim of this private society was to provide advice and guidelines for those who wanted to Magyarize their surnames. Simon Telkes became the chairman of the society, and professed that "one can achieve being accepted as a true son of the nation by adopting a national name". The society began an advertising campaign in the newspapers and sent out circular letters. They also made
31476-493: Was higher among other nationalities than among the Magyars, with the exception of Germans and Jews who were generally richer than Hungarians, thus proportionally they had a much higher ratio of voters than the Hungarians. From a Hungarian point of view, the structure of the settlement system was based on differences in earning potential and wages. The Hungarians and Germans were much more urbanised than Slovaks, Romanians and Serbs in
31659-516: Was implemented after 1867. Although in Slovak , Romanian and Serbian historiography, administrative and often repressive Magyarization is usually singled out as the main factor accountable for the dramatic change in the ethnic composition of the Kingdom of Hungary in the 19th century, spontaneous assimilation was also an important factor. In this regard, it must be pointed out that large territories of central and southern Kingdom of Hungary lost their previous, predominantly Magyar population during
31842-425: Was installed as leader of the HDZ. He founded the Croatian Republic of Herzeg-Bosnia with the goal to merge it with Croatia at the end of the war. Boban's project crashed in 1994 with the creation of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina . Beginning in the 1980s, the Croatian nationalist movement was led by former communist general and historian Franjo Tuđman . Tuđman was, at first, a prominent communist, but in
32025-478: Was not uncommon in other European countries in the 1860s but later the countries of Western Europe gradually lowered and at last abolished their census suffrage. That never happened in the Kingdom of Hungary, although electoral reform was one of the main topics of political debates in the last decades before World War I. Slovak national interests were represented by the Slovak National Party (SNS) which
32208-517: Was rapid and it implied not only the assimilation of the old inhabitants, but also the Magyarization of immigrants. In the capital of Hungary in 1850, 56% of the residents were Germans and only 33% Hungarians, but in 1910 almost 90% declared themselves Magyars. This evolution had beneficial influence on Hungarian culture and literature. According to census data, the Hungarian population of Transylvania increased from 24.9% in 1869 to 31.6% in 1910. In
32391-499: Was reprinted by London -based Croatian émigré magazine Nova Hrvatska [ hr ] ( New Croatia ) in 1972 and 1984. The book was published again in Croatia in 1990. Under the new SKH leadership, Ivo Perišin replaced Haramija as the President of its Executive Council in late December 1971. In February 1972, the Croatian Parliament passed a series of 36 amendments to
32574-561: Was steadily decreasing: in the period between 1880 and 1913, when the ratio of Hungarian-only schools almost doubled, the ratio of minority language-schools almost halved. Nonetheless, Transylvanian Romanians had more Romanian-language schools under the Austro-Hungarian Empire rule than there were in the Romanian Kingdom itself. Thus, for example, in 1880, in Austro-Hungarian Empire there were 2,756 schools teaching exclusively in
32757-612: Was supported by Croatia, based on the belief of Vladimir Bakarić —the Secretary of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Croatia (SKH)—that decentralisation would benefit others in Yugoslavia. Bakarić persuaded Krste Crvenkovski , the head of the League of Communists of Macedonia (SKM), to support the Slovene–Croatian reformist bloc, which managed to enact substantial legislation curbing federal powers in favour of
32940-420: Was the main force in the fight for the emancipation of Slovaks and their main representative in establishing contacts with Romanians, Serbians and Czechs. The Hungarian government, however, did not recognize any of them as official representatives for the non-Hungarian nationalities. Pressure from the Hungarian government and irregularities at elections caused these parties to declare electoral passivity, such as in
33123-461: Was the only issue, as it would be, just a few decades later, during tsarist Russification –it nonetheless caused tensions within the Hungarian ruling class. The liberal revolutionary Lajos Kossuth advocated rapid Magyarization, pleading in the early 1840s in the newspaper Pesti Hírlap , "Let us hurry, let us hurry to Magyarize the Croats, the Romanians, and the Saxons , for otherwise we shall perish." Kossuth stressed that Hungarian had to be
33306-466: Was to be the fate of various Slovak , South Slav [e.g. Serb ], Romanian and Ruthene cultural societies and nationalist parties from 1876 onward". All of this only intensified after 1875, with the rise of Kálmán Tisza , who as minister of the Interior had ordered the closing of Matica slovenská on 6 April 1875. Until 1890, Tisza, when he served as prime minister, brought the Slovaks many other measures which prevented them from keeping pace with
33489-404: Was told to control the situation in Croatia. Tito particularly criticised Matica hrvatska , accusing it of being a political party and attempting to establish a fascist state similar to the NDH. The next day, after the Karađorđevo meeting, Tito's speech was broadcast to all of Yugoslavia, warning of the threat of counter-revolution . After the broadcast, the student strike was called off and
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