Misplaced Pages

Cochuah

Article snapshot taken from Wikipedia with creative commons attribution-sharealike license. Give it a read and then ask your questions in the chat. We can research this topic together.

A sprachbund ( / ˈ s p r ɑː k b ʊ n d / , from German : Sprachbund [ˈʃpʁaːxbʊnt] , lit. 'language federation'), also known as a linguistic area , area of linguistic convergence , or diffusion area , is a group of languages that share areal features resulting from geographical proximity and language contact . The languages may be genetically unrelated , or only distantly related, but the sprachbund characteristics might give a false appearance of relatedness.

#657342

73-558: Cochuah (also Kock Wah) (in the Mayan language : toponymic; K- : our + Och : food + Wah : bread. "Our food of bread"?) is the name of one of the sixteen Mayan provinces into which the central Yucatán Peninsula was divided at the time of the arrival of the Spanish conquistadors in the sixteenth century. After the destruction of Mayapán (1441–1461), great rivalry between the Mayas started, and led to

146-510: A language family spoken in Mesoamerica , both in the south of Mexico and northern Central America . Mayan languages are spoken by at least six million Maya people , primarily in Guatemala , Mexico , Belize , El Salvador and Honduras . In 1996, Guatemala formally recognized 21 Mayan languages by name, and Mexico recognizes eight within its territory. The Mayan language family is one of

219-448: A stop consonant ), which was followed by a tone split where the distinction between voiced and voiceless consonants disappeared but in compensation the number of tones doubled. These parallels led to confusion over the classification of these languages, until André-Georges Haudricourt showed in 1954 that tone was not an invariant feature, by demonstrating that Vietnamese tones corresponded to certain final consonants in other languages of

292-626: A Western Chʼolan variety diffused from the Usumacinta region from the mid-7th century on, and a Yucatecan variety found in the texts from the Yucatán Peninsula. The reason why only few linguistic varieties are found in the glyphic texts is probably that these served as prestige dialects throughout the Maya region; hieroglyphic texts would have been composed in the language of the elite. Stephen Houston, John Robertson and David Stuart have suggested that

365-509: A classic 1956 paper titled "India as a Linguistic Area", Murray Emeneau laid the groundwork for the general acceptance of the concept of a sprachbund. In the paper, Emeneau observed that the subcontinent's Dravidian and Indo-Aryan languages shared a number of features that were not inherited from a common source, but were areal features , the result of diffusion during sustained contact. These include retroflex consonants , echo words , subject–object–verb word order, discourse markers , and

438-578: A few villages on the outskirts of the Selva Lacandona , in Chiapas . Wastek (also spelled Huastec and Huaxtec) is spoken in the Mexican states of Veracruz and San Luis Potosí by around 110,000 people. It is the most divergent of modern Mayan languages. Chicomuceltec was a language related to Wastek and spoken in Chiapas that became extinct some time before 1982. Proto-Mayan (the common ancestor of

511-742: A genetic relationship ( rodstvo ) and those arising from convergence due to language contact ( srodstvo ). Nikolai Trubetzkoy introduced the Russian term языковой союз ( yazykovoy soyuz 'language union') in a 1923 article. In a paper presented to the first International Congress of Linguists in 1928, he used a German calque of this term, Sprachbund , defining it as a group of languages with similarities in syntax , morphological structure, cultural vocabulary and sound systems, but without systematic sound correspondences, shared basic morphology or shared basic vocabulary. Later workers, starting with Trubetzkoy's colleague Roman Jakobson , have relaxed

584-625: A major field of research in language contact and convergence. Some linguists, such as Matthias Castrén , G. J. Ramstedt , Nicholas Poppe and Pentti Aalto , supported the idea that the Mongolic , Turkic , and Tungusic families of Asia (and some small parts of Europe) have a common ancestry, in a controversial group they call Altaic . Koreanic and Japonic languages, which are also hypothetically related according to some scholars like William George Aston , Shōsaburō Kanazawa, Samuel Martin and Sergei Starostin , are sometimes included as part of

657-565: A number of similarities including syntax and grammar , vocabulary and its use as well as the relationship between contrasting words and their origins, idioms and word order which all made them stand out from many other language groups around the world which do not share these similarities; in essence creating a continental sprachbund. His point was to argue that the disproportionate degree of knowledge of SAE languages biased linguists towards considering grammatical forms to be highly natural or even universal, when in fact they were only peculiar to

730-399: A sprachbund if the features are shared for some reason other than the genetic history of the languages. Without knowledge of the history of a regional group of similar languages, it may be difficult to determine whether sharing indicates a language family or a sprachbund. In a 1904 paper, Jan Baudouin de Courtenay emphasised the need to distinguish between language similarities arising from

803-464: A strategy of self-representation for the Maya movements and its followers. The Academia de Lenguas Mayas de Guatemala (ALMG) finds twenty-one distinct Mayan languages." This pride in unity has led to an insistence on the distinctions of different Mayan languages, some of which are so closely related that they could easily be referred to as dialects of a single language. But, given that the term "dialect" has been used by some with racialist overtones in

SECTION 10

#1732858733658

876-408: Is also used to refer to ethnic or cultural traits. Most Maya identify first and foremost with a particular ethnic group, e.g. as "Yucatec" or "Kʼicheʼ"; but they also recognize a shared Maya kinship. Language has been fundamental in defining the boundaries of that kinship. Fabri writes: "The term Maya is problematic because Maya peoples do not constitute a homogeneous identity. Maya, rather, has become

949-479: Is based on changes shared between groups of languages. For example, languages of the western group (such as Huastecan, Yucatecan and Chʼolan) all changed the Proto-Mayan phoneme * /r/ into [j] , some languages of the eastern branch retained [r] (Kʼichean), and others changed it into [tʃ] or, word-finally, [t] (Mamean). The shared innovations between Huastecan, Yucatecan and Chʼolan show that they separated from

1022-731: Is home to speakers of languages of the Sino-Tibetan , Hmong–Mien (or Miao–Yao), Tai–Kadai , Austronesian (represented by Chamic ) and Mon–Khmer families. Neighbouring languages across these families, though presumed unrelated, often have similar features, which are believed to have spread by diffusion. A well-known example is the similar tone systems in Sinitic languages (Sino-Tibetan), Hmong–Mien, Tai languages (Kadai) and Vietnamese (Austroasiatic). Most of these languages passed through an earlier stage with three tones on most syllables (but no tonal distinctions on checked syllables ending in

1095-612: Is reflected as [x] in the eastern branches (Quichean–Mamean), [n] in Qʼanjobalan, Chʼolan and Yucatecan, [h] in Huastecan, and only conserved as [ŋ] in Chuj and Jakaltek. Vowel quality is typically classified as having monophthongal vowels. In traditionally diphthongized contexts, Mayan languages will realize the V-V sequence by inserting a hiatus-breaking glottal stop or glide insertion between

1168-642: Is rejected by most historical linguists as unsupported by available evidence. Writing in 1997, Lyle Campbell , an expert in Mayan languages and historical linguistics, argued that the most promising proposal is the " Macro-Mayan " hypothesis, which posits links between Mayan, the Mixe–Zoque languages and the Totonacan languages , but more research is needed to support or disprove this hypothesis. In 2015, Campbell noted that recent evidence presented by David Mora-Marin makes

1241-562: Is spoken by 12,000 as a result of recent migrations. The Uspantek language , which also springs directly from the Quichean–Mamean node, is native only to the Uspantán municipio in the department of El Quiché , and has 3,000 speakers. Within the Quichean sub-branch Kʼicheʼ (Quiché) , the Mayan language with the largest number of speakers, is spoken by around 1,000,000 Kʼicheʼ Maya in

1314-825: Is spoken by 77,700 in Guatemala's Huehuetenango department, with small populations elsewhere. The region of Qʼanjobalan speakers in Guatemala, due to genocidal policies during the Civil War and its close proximity to the Mexican border , was the source of a number of refugees. Thus there are now small Qʼanjobʼal, Jakaltek, and Akatek populations in various locations in Mexico, the United States (such as Tuscarawas County, Ohio and Los Angeles, California ), and, through postwar resettlement, other parts of Guatemala. Jakaltek (also known as Poptiʼ )

1387-576: Is spoken by about 400,000 people in an area stretching from Guatemala City westward to the northern shore of Lake Atitlán . Tzʼutujil has about 90,000 speakers in the vicinity of Lake Atitlán. Other members of the Kʼichean branch are Sakapultek , spoken by about 15,000 people mostly in El Quiché department, and Sipakapense , which is spoken by 8,000 people in Sipacapa , San Marcos . The largest language in

1460-546: Is spoken by almost 100,000 in several municipalities of Huehuetenango . Another member of this branch is Akatek , with over 50,000 speakers in San Miguel Acatán and San Rafael La Independencia . Chuj is spoken by 40,000 people in Huehuetenango, and by 9,500 people, primarily refugees, over the border in Mexico, in the municipality of La Trinitaria , Chiapas , and the villages of Tziscau and Cuauhtémoc. Tojolabʼal

1533-875: Is spoken by around 49,000 people in several small pockets in Guatemala . Yucatec Maya (known simply as "Maya" to its speakers) is the most commonly spoken Mayan language in Mexico . It is currently spoken by approximately 800,000 people, the vast majority of whom are to be found on the Yucatán Peninsula . It remains common in Yucatán and in the adjacent states of Quintana Roo and Campeche . The other three Yucatecan languages are Mopan , spoken by around 10,000 speakers primarily in Belize ; Itzaʼ , an extinct or moribund language from Guatemala's Petén Basin; and Lacandón or Lakantum, also severely endangered with about 1,000 speakers in

SECTION 20

#1732858733658

1606-552: Is spoken in eastern Chiapas by 36,000 people. The Quichean–Mamean languages and dialects, with two sub-branches and three subfamilies, are spoken in the Guatemalan highlands . Qʼeqchiʼ (sometimes spelled Kekchi), which constitutes its own sub-branch within Quichean–Mamean, is spoken by about 800,000 people in the southern Petén , Izabal and Alta Verapaz departments of Guatemala, and also in Belize by 9,000 speakers. In El Salvador it

1679-526: Is spoken today. The earliest proposal which identified the Chiapas-Guatemalan highlands as the likely "cradle" of Mayan languages was published by the German antiquarian and scholar Karl Sapper in 1912. Terrence Kaufman and John Justeson have reconstructed more than 3000 lexical items for the proto-Mayan language. According to the prevailing classification scheme by Lyle Campbell and Terrence Kaufman,

1752-406: Is the position of Chʼolan and Qʼanjobalan–Chujean. Some scholars think these form a separate Western branch (as in the diagram below). Other linguists do not support the positing of an especially close relationship between Chʼolan and Qʼanjobalan–Chujean; consequently they classify these as two distinct branches emanating directly from the proto-language. An alternative proposed classification groups

1825-565: The Guatemalan highlands, around the towns of Chichicastenango and Quetzaltenango and in the Cuchumatán mountains , as well as by urban emigrants in Guatemala City . The famous Maya mythological document, Popol Vuh , is written in an antiquated Kʼicheʼ often called Classical Kʼicheʼ (or Quiché) . The Kʼicheʼ culture was at its pinnacle at the time of the Spanish conquest. Qʼumarkaj , near

1898-696: The Lencan and Xinca people , possibly during the Classic period (250–900). During the Classic period the major branches began diversifying into separate languages. The split between Proto-Yucatecan (in the north, that is, the Yucatán Peninsula) and Proto-Chʼolan (in the south, that is, the Chiapas highlands and Petén Basin ) had already occurred by the Classic period, when most extant Maya inscriptions were written. Both variants are attested in hieroglyphic inscriptions at

1971-449: The Maya sites of the time, and both are commonly referred to as " Classic Maya language ". Although a single prestige language was by far the most frequently recorded on extant hieroglyphic texts, evidence for at least three different varieties of Mayan have been discovered within the hieroglyphic corpus—an Eastern Chʼolan variety found in texts written in the southern Maya area and the highlands,

2044-511: The Mesoamerican language area , an area of linguistic convergence developed throughout millennia of interaction between the peoples of Mesoamerica. All Mayan languages display the basic diagnostic traits of this linguistic area. For example, all use relational nouns instead of prepositions to indicate spatial relationships. They also possess grammatical and typological features that set them apart from other languages of Mesoamerica, such as

2117-579: The South Slavic languages of the southern Balkans (Bulgarian, Macedonian and to a lesser degree Serbo-Croatian ), Greek , Balkan Turkish , and Romani . All but one of these are Indo-European languages but from very divergent branches, and Turkish is a Turkic language . Yet they have exhibited several signs of grammatical convergence, such as avoidance of the infinitive , future tense formation, and others. The same features are not found in other languages that are otherwise closely related, such as

2190-527: The quotative . Emeneau specified the tools to establish that language and culture had fused for centuries on the Indian soil to produce an integrated mosaic of structural convergence of four distinct language families: Indo-Aryan , Dravidian , Munda and Tibeto-Burman . This concept provided scholarly substance for explaining the underlying Indian-ness of apparently divergent cultural and linguistic patterns. With his further contributions, this area has now become

2263-557: The 20th century and nationalist and ethnic-pride-based ideologies spread, the Mayan-speaking peoples began to develop a shared ethnic identity as Maya, the heirs of the Maya civilization . The word "Maya" was likely derived from the postclassical Yucatán city of Mayapan ; its more restricted meaning in pre-colonial and colonial times points to an origin in a particular region of the Yucatán Peninsula. The broader meaning of "Maya" now current, while defined by linguistic relationships,

Cochuah - Misplaced Pages Continue

2336-521: The Belizean speaker population figures around 30,000. The Chʼolan languages were formerly widespread throughout the Maya area, but today the language with most speakers is Chʼol , spoken by 130,000 in Chiapas. Its closest relative, the Chontal Maya language , is spoken by 55,000 in the state of Tabasco . Another related language, now endangered, is Chʼortiʼ , which is spoken by 30,000 in Guatemala. It

2409-781: The Central Lowlands. They may have served as prestige languages, coexisting with other dialects in some areas. This assumption provides a plausible explanation for the geographical distance between the Chʼortiʼ zone and the areas where Chʼol and Chontal are spoken. The closest relatives of the Chʼolan languages are the languages of the Tzeltalan branch, Tzotzil and Tzeltal , both spoken in Chiapas by large and stable or growing populations (265,000 for Tzotzil and 215,000 for Tzeltal ). Tzeltal has tens of thousands of monolingual speakers. Qʼanjobʼal

2482-626: The Chʼolan group and moved south into the Chiapas Highlands , they came into contact with speakers of Mixe–Zoque languages . According to an alternative theory by Robertson and Houston , Huastecan stayed in the Guatemalan highlands with speakers of Chʼolan–Tzeltalan, separating from that branch at a much later date than proposed by Kaufman. In the Archaic period (before 2000 BCE), a number of loanwords from Mixe–Zoquean languages seem to have entered

2555-569: The Chʼoltiʼan languages are retentions rather than innovations, and that the diversification of Chʼolan in fact post-dates the classic period. The language of the classical lowland inscriptions then would have been proto-Chʼolan. During the Spanish colonization of Central America, all indigenous languages were eclipsed by Spanish , which became the new prestige language. The use of Mayan languages came to an end in many important domains of society, including administration, religion and literature. Yet

2628-496: The Huastecan branch as springing from the Chʼolan–Tzeltalan node, rather than as an outlying branch springing directly from the proto-Mayan node. Studies estimate that Mayan languages are spoken by more than six million people. Most of them live in Guatemala where depending on estimates 40%–60% of the population speaks a Mayan language. In Mexico the Mayan speaking population was estimated at 2.5 million people in 2010, whereas

2701-455: The Mamean sub-branch is Mam , spoken by 478,000 people in the departments of San Marcos and Huehuetenango. Awakatek is the language of 20,000 inhabitants of central Aguacatán , another municipality of Huehuetenango. Ixil (possibly three different languages) is spoken by 70,000 in the " Ixil Triangle " region of the department of El Quiché . Tektitek (or Teko) is spoken by over 6,000 people in

2774-468: The Maya area was more resistant to outside influence than others, and perhaps for this reason, many Maya communities still retain a high proportion of monolingual speakers. The Maya area is now dominated by the Spanish language. While a number of Mayan languages are moribund or are considered endangered , others remain quite viable, with speakers across all age groups and native language use in all domains of society. As Maya archaeology advanced during

2847-520: The Mayan family to other language families or isolates , but none is generally supported by linguists. Examples include linking Mayan with the Uru–Chipaya languages , Mapuche , the Lencan languages, Purépecha , and Huave . Mayan has also been included in various Hokan , Penutian , and Siouan hypotheses. The linguist Joseph Greenberg included Mayan in his highly controversial Amerind hypothesis , which

2920-446: The Mayan languages as reconstructed using the comparative method ) has a predominant CVC syllable structure, only allowing consonant clusters across syllable boundaries. Most Proto-Mayan roots were monosyllabic except for a few disyllabic nominal roots. Due to subsequent vowel loss, many Mayan languages now show complex consonant clusters at both ends of syllables. Following the reconstruction of Lyle Campbell and Terrence Kaufman ,

2993-684: The Mon–Khmer family, and proposed that tone in the other languages had a similar origin. Similarly, the unrelated Khmer (Mon–Khmer), Cham (Austronesian) and Lao (Kadai) languages have almost identical vowel systems. Many languages in the region are of the isolating (or analytic) type, with mostly monosyllabic morphemes and little use of inflection or affixes , though a number of Mon–Khmer languages have derivational morphology . Shared syntactic features include classifiers , object–verb order and topic–comment structure, though in each case there are exceptions in branches of one or more families. In

Cochuah - Misplaced Pages Continue

3066-406: The Proto-Mayan language had the following sounds. It has been suggested that proto-Mayan was a tonal language , based on the fact that four different contemporary Mayan languages have tone (Yucatec, Uspantek, San Bartolo Tzotzil and Mochoʼ), but since these languages each can be shown to have innovated tone in different ways, Campbell considers this unlikely. The classification of Mayan languages

3139-591: The SAE language group . Whorf likely considered Romance and West Germanic to form the core of the SAE, i.e. the literary languages of Europe which have seen substantial cultural influence from Latin during the medieval period . The North Germanic and Balto-Slavic languages tend to be more peripheral members. Alexander Gode , who was instrumental in the development of Interlingua , characterized it as "Standard Average European". The Romance, Germanic , and Slavic control languages of Interlingua are reflective of

3212-551: The SAE features. Language families that have been proposed to actually be sprachbunds The work began to assume the character of a comparison between Hopi and western European languages. It also became evident that even the grammar of Hopi bore a relation to Hopi culture, and the grammar of European tongues to our own "Western" or "European" culture. And it appeared that the interrelation brought in those large subsummations of experience by language, such as our own terms "time," "space," "substance," and "matter." Since, with respect to

3285-603: The best-documented and most studied in the Americas . Modern Mayan languages descend from the Proto-Mayan language , thought to have been spoken at least 5,000 years ago; it has been partially reconstructed using the comparative method . The proto-Mayan language diversified into at least six different branches: the Huastecan , Quichean , Yucatecan , Qanjobalan , Mamean and Chʼolan–Tzeltalan branches. Mayan languages form part of

3358-507: The case for a relationship between Mayan and Mixe-Zoquean languages "much more plausible". The Mayan family consists of thirty languages. Typically, these languages are grouped into 5–6 major subgroups (Yucatecan, Huastecan, Chʼolan–Tzeltalan, Qʼanjobʼalan, Mamean, and Kʼichean). The Mayan language family is extremely well documented, and its internal genealogical classification scheme is widely accepted and established, except for some minor unresolved differences. One point still at issue

3431-441: The case of transitive verbs ), and for plurality of person. Possessed nouns are marked for person of possessor. In Mayan languages, nouns are not marked for case, and gender is not explicitly marked. Proto-Mayan is thought to have had a basic verb–object–subject word order with possibilities of switching to VSO in certain circumstances, such as complex sentences, sentences where object and subject were of equal animacy and when

3504-499: The first division occurred around 2200 BCE, when Huastecan split away from Mayan proper after its speakers moved northwest along the Gulf Coast of Mexico . Proto-Yucatecan and Proto-Chʼolan speakers subsequently split off from the main group and moved north into the Yucatán Peninsula . Speakers of the western branch moved south into the areas now inhabited by Mamean and Quichean people. When speakers of proto-Tzeltalan later separated from

3577-413: The form of affixes attached to the numeral; in others such as Tzeltal, they are free forms. Jakaltek has both numeral classifiers and noun classifiers, and the noun classifiers can also be used as pronouns. The meaning denoted by a noun may be altered significantly by changing the accompanying classifier. In Chontal, for example, when the classifier -tek is used with names of plants it is understood that

3650-488: The formation of 16 independent jurisdictions called kuchkabal (in Mayan: province or region). In each kuchkabal there was a halach uinik (in Mayan: "real man"; "man in control") who was the chief with the biggest military, judicial and political authority, and who lived in the main city, considered to be the capital of the jurisdiction. The cacicazgo bordered with Cupul in the north, with Sotuta , Tutul Xiu and Chakán Putún in

3723-644: The language groups most often included in the SAE Sprachbund . The Standard Average European Sprachbund is most likely the result of ongoing language contact in the time of the Migration Period and later, continuing during the Middle Ages and the Renaissance . Inheritance of the SAE features from Proto-Indo-European can be ruled out because Proto-Indo-European, as currently reconstructed, lacked most of

SECTION 50

#1732858733658

3796-496: The main city, much closer to the province of Uaymil. Other than that city, to the east and the south extended great forests with little population up to the Bay of Ascension, which some writers consider formed part of the jurisdiction of Cochuah. It appears that the halach uinik of the region was Nakahum Cochuah who, in 1579, resided in Tihosuco, a fact which reinforces the thesis that that town

3869-595: The municipality of Tectitán, and 1,000 refugees in Mexico. According to the Ethnologue the number of speakers of Tektitek is growing. The Poqom languages are closely related to Core Quichean, with which they constitute a Poqom-Kʼichean sub-branch on the Quichean–Mamean node. Poqomchiʼ is spoken by 90,000 people in Purulhá , Baja Verapaz , and in the following municipalities of Alta Verapaz : Santa Cruz Verapaz , San Cristóbal Verapaz , Tactic , Tamahú and Tucurú . Poqomam

3942-619: The northeastern part of the Tibetan plateau spanning the Chinese provinces of Qinghai and Gansu , is an area of interaction between varieties of northwest Mandarin Chinese , Amdo Tibetan and Mongolic and Turkic languages . Standard Average European ( SAE ) is a concept introduced in 1939 by Benjamin Whorf to group the modern Indo-European languages of Europe which shared common features. Whorf argued that these languages were characterized by

4015-457: The numeral cannot appear without an accompanying classifier. Some Mayan languages, such as Kaqchikel, do not use numeral classifiers. Class is usually assigned according to whether the object is animate or inanimate or according to an object's general shape. Thus when counting "flat" objects, a different form of numeral classifier is used than when counting round things, oblong items or people. In some Mayan languages such as Chontal, classifiers take

4088-443: The objects being enumerated are whole trees. If in this expression a different classifier, -tsʼit (for counting long, slender objects) is substituted for -tek , this conveys the meaning that only sticks or branches of the tree are being counted: un- one- tek "plant" wop jahuacte tree un- tek wop one- "plant" {jahuacte tree} Sprachbund A grouping of languages that share features can only be defined as

4161-670: The other Mayan languages before the changes found in other branches had taken place. The palatalized plosives [tʲʼ] and [tʲ] are not found in most of the modern families. Instead they are reflected differently in different branches, allowing a reconstruction of these phonemes as palatalized plosives. In the eastern branch (Chujean-Qʼanjobalan and Chʼolan) they are reflected as [t] and [tʼ] . In Mamean they are reflected as [ts] and [tsʼ] and in Quichean as [tʃ] and [tʃʼ] . Yucatec stands out from other western languages in that its palatalized plosives are sometimes changed into [tʃ] and sometimes [t] . The Proto-Mayan velar nasal * [ŋ]

4234-487: The other Romance languages in relation to Romanian, and the other Slavic languages such as Polish in relation to Bulgaro-Macedonian. Languages of the Mainland Southeast Asia linguistic area have such great surface similarity that early linguists tended to group them all into a single family, although the modern consensus places them into numerous unrelated families. The area stretches from Thailand to China and

4307-572: The past, as scholars made a spurious distinction between Amerindian "dialects" and European "languages", the preferred usage in Mesoamerica in recent years has been to designate the linguistic varieties spoken by different ethnic group as separate languages. In Guatemala, matters such as developing standardized orthographies for the Mayan languages are governed by the Academia de Lenguas Mayas de Guatemala (ALMG; Guatemalan Academy of Mayan Languages), which

4380-480: The post-classical period and long after, in the 19th century as epicenter of the class war during which rebellious natives took refuge in this region of the Yucatán peninsula. This region is located in the present municipality of José María Morelos in the state of Quintana Roo. This Mexican history article is a stub . You can help Misplaced Pages by expanding it . Mayan language The Mayan languages form

4453-526: The present-day city of Santa Cruz del Quiché , was its economic and ceremonial center. Achi is spoken by 85,000 people in Cubulco and Rabinal , two municipios of Baja Verapaz . In some classifications, e.g. the one by Campbell , Achi is counted as a form of Kʼicheʼ. However, owing to a historical division between the two ethnic groups, the Achi Maya do not regard themselves as Kʼicheʼ. The Kaqchikel language

SECTION 60

#1732858733658

4526-500: The proto-Mayan language. This has led to hypotheses that the early Maya were dominated by speakers of Mixe–Zoquean languages, possibly the Olmec . In the case of the Xincan and Lencan languages , on the other hand, Mayan languages are more often the source than the receiver of loanwords. Mayan language specialists such as Campbell believe this suggests a period of intense contact between Maya and

4599-458: The purported Altaic family. This latter hypothesis was supported by people including Roy Andrew Miller , John C. Street and Karl Heinrich Menges . Gerard Clauson , Gerhard Doerfer , Juha Janhunen , Stefan Georg and others dispute or reject this. A common alternative explanation for similarities among the "Altaic" languages, such as vowel harmony and agglutination , is that they are due to areal diffusion. The Qinghai–Gansu sprachbund , in

4672-629: The requirement of similarities in all four of the areas stipulated by Trubetzkoy. A rigorous set of principles for what evidence is valid for establishing a linguistic area has been presented by Campbell, Kaufman, and Smith-Stark. The idea of areal convergence is commonly attributed to Jernej Kopitar 's description in 1830 of Albanian , Bulgarian and Romanian as giving the impression of " nur eine Sprachform ... mit dreierlei Sprachmaterie ", which has been rendered by Victor Friedman as "one grammar with the [ sic ] three lexicons". The Balkan Sprachbund comprises Albanian, Romanian,

4745-704: The rich post-Conquest literature in Mayan languages written in the Latin script , provides a basis for the modern understanding of pre-Columbian history unparalleled in the Americas. Mayan languages are the descendants of a proto-language called Proto-Mayan or, in Kʼicheʼ Maya, Nabʼee Mayaʼ Tzij ("the old Maya Language"). The Proto-Mayan language is believed to have been spoken in the Cuchumatanes highlands of central Guatemala in an area corresponding roughly to where Qʼanjobalan

4818-447: The specific variety of Chʼolan found in the majority of Southern Lowland glyphic texts was a language they dub "Classic Chʼoltiʼan", the ancestor language of the modern Chʼortiʼ and Chʼoltiʼ languages . They propose that it originated in western and south-central Petén Basin, and that it was used in the inscriptions and perhaps also spoken by elites and priests. However, Mora-Marín has argued that traits shared by Classic Lowland Maya and

4891-406: The subject was definite. Today Yucatecan, Tzotzil and Tojolabʼal have a basic fixed VOS word order. Mamean, Qʼanjobʼal, Jakaltek and one dialect of Chuj have a fixed VSO one. Only Chʼortiʼ has a basic SVO word order. Other Mayan languages allow both VSO and VOS word orders. In many Mayan languages, counting requires the use of numeral classifiers , which specify the class of items being counted;

4964-596: The use of ergativity in the grammatical treatment of verbs and their subjects and objects, specific inflectional categories on verbs, and a special word class of "positionals" which is typical of all Mayan languages. During the pre-Columbian era of Mesoamerican history , some Mayan languages were written in the logo-syllabic Maya script . Its use was particularly widespread during the Classic period of Maya civilization (c. 250–900). The surviving corpus of over 5,000 known individual Maya inscriptions on buildings, monuments, pottery and bark-paper codices , combined with

5037-412: The vowels. Some Kʼichean-branch languages have exhibited developed diphthongs from historical long vowels, by breaking /e:/ and /o:/. The morphology of Mayan languages is simpler than that of other Mesoamerican languages, yet its morphology is still considered agglutinating and polysynthetic . Verbs are marked for aspect or tense , the person of the subject , the person of the object (in

5110-472: The west, and with Ekab and Uaymil in the east, according to the map made by Ralph L. Roys. Some authors, like Héctor Pérez Martínez in his notes for the seventh edition (1938) of The Report of the Affairs of Yucatan by Diego de Landa says that the capital of Cochuah was Tixhotzuc, citing Juan Francisco Molina Solís. However, according to Yucatan at the Time , Chunhuhub (today in the municipality of Felipe Carrillo Puerto, Quintana Roo ) seems to have been

5183-616: Was founded by Maya organisations in 1986. Following the 1996 peace accords , it has been gaining a growing recognition as the regulatory authority on Mayan languages both among Mayan scholars and the Maya peoples. The Mayan language family has no demonstrated genetic relationship to other language families. Similarities with some languages of Mesoamerica are understood to be due to diffusion of linguistic traits from neighboring languages into Mayan and not to common ancestry. Mesoamerica has been proven to be an area of substantial linguistic diffusion. A wide range of proposals have tried to link

5256-558: Was previously also spoken in the extreme west of Honduras and El Salvador , but the Salvadorian variant is now extinct and the Honduran one is considered moribund. Chʼoltiʼ , a sister language of Chʼortiʼ, is also extinct. Chʼolan languages are believed to be the most conservative in vocabulary and phonology, and are closely related to the language of the Classic-era inscriptions found in

5329-409: Was the true capital. The leader and his council had solid relations with the provinces of Cupul and Sotuta, and the three were united against the Spanish conquistadors. Apart from Tihosuco and Chunhuhub, other important villages of the province were Tiholop, Tinum, Ichmul, and Chikindzonot. Recently, there has been archaeological work exploring Yo'okop, a site which appears to have had importance during

#657342