28-755: (Redirected from Christian Socialist Party ) Christian Social Party may refer to: Christian Social Party (Austria) Christian Social Party (Belgium) Christian Social Party (Belgium, defunct) Christian Social Party (Chile) Christian Social Party (Ecuador) Christian Social Party (Germany) Christian Social Union of Bavaria Christian Socialist Party (Hungary) Christian Social Party (Liechtenstein) Christian Social Party (Netherlands) Christian Social Party of Obwalden Christian Social Party (Switzerland) Christian Social Party (Venezuela) See also [ edit ] Social Christian Party (disambiguation) Topics referred to by
56-515: Is a term that refers to a social class composed of semi- autonomous peasants and small-scale merchants . They are named as such because their politico-economic ideological stance in times of stability is reflective of the proper haute bourgeoisie (high bourgeoisie or upper class). In regular times, the petite bourgeoisie seek to identify themselves with the haute bourgeoisie , whose bourgeois morality, conduct and lifestyle they aspire and strive to imitate. The term, which goes as far back as
84-578: Is different from Wikidata All article disambiguation pages All disambiguation pages Christian Social Party (Austria) The Christian Social Party (German: Christlichsoziale Partei , CS or CSP , sometimes mistakenly referred to as Christian Socialist Party ) was a major conservative political party in the Cisleithanian crown lands of Austria-Hungary and under the First Austrian Republic , from 1891 to 1934. The party
112-449: Is rooted in an overemphasis on the worldly , rather than the inwardness of the self . However, Kierkegaard's indictment relies less on a class analysis of the petite bourgeoisie than on the perception of a worldview which was common in his middle-class milieu . In fact, though there have been many depictions of the petite bourgeoisie in literature as well as in cartoons, based on an image of their overly conventional practicality ,
140-406: Is spiritless[.] ... Devoid of imagination, as the petty bourgeois always is, he lives within a certain orbit of trivial experiences as to how things come about, what is possible, what usually happens, no matter whether he is a tapster or a prime minister. This is the way the petty bourgeois has lost himself and God". According to him, the petite bourgeoisie exemplifies a spiritual emptiness that
168-817: The Patriotic Front ( Vaterländische Front ) on 20 May 1933, merging the CS with the Landbund, Heimwehr and other conservative groups. The party was finally dissolved with the entry into force of the "May Constitution" of 1934, the foundation of the Federal State of Austria . Defunct Prominent members of the CS included: [REDACTED] Media related to Christian Social Party (Austria) at Wikimedia Commons Petit bourgeoisie Petite bourgeoisie ( French pronunciation: [pətit(ə) buʁʒwazi] , literally 'small bourgeoisie '; also anglicised as petty bourgeoisie )
196-567: The Revolutionary period in France, if not earlier, is politico-economic and addresses historical materialism . It originally denoted a sub-stratum of the middle classes in the 18th and early-19th centuries of western Europe. In the mid-19th century, the German economist Karl Marx and other Marxist theorists used the term petite bourgeoisie to academically identify the socio-economic stratum of
224-624: The Austrian political climate polarized over the next years. Chancellor Mayr had to resign as chancellor in 1922, after the Greater German People's Party left the coalition in disagreement over a treaty signed with the Czechoslovak republic concerning the Sudeten German territories. He was succeeded by Ignaz Seipel , CS chairmen since 1921. Seipel, a devout Catholic and fierce opponent of
252-668: The Christian Social politician Michael Mayr . Both parties agreed on scheduling new elections and the national assembly dissolved after it had passed the Constitution of Austria on 1 October 1920. Upon the following 1920 election , the CS gained 41.8% of the votes cast surpassing the Social Democrats and as the strongest party entered into a right-wing coalition with the newly established nationalist Greater German People's Party (GDVP). The National Council parliament, successor of
280-557: The Social Democrats, was able to re-arrange the coalition with the GDVP and was elected chancellor on 31 May 1922. From 1929 onwards, the party tried to form an alliance with the Heimwehr movement. Because of the instability of this coalition the party leadership decided to reform a coalition with the agrarian Landbund . In the process of establishing the so-called Austro-fascist dictatorship, Christian Social Chancellor Engelbert Dollfuß founded
308-583: The assembly enacted the Habsburg Law concerning the expulsion and the takeover of the assets of the House Habsburg-Lorraine. On 10 September 1919, Chancellor Karl Renner had to sign the Treaty of Saint-Germain , which prohibited any affiliation with Germany. It was ratified by the assembly on 21 October. However, in the following year the coalition broke up and Renner resigned on 11 July 1920, succeeded by
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#1732856092315336-528: The bourgeoisie that consists of small shopkeepers and self-employed artisans . The petite bourgeoisie is economically distinct from the proletariat and the Lumpenproletariat social-class strata who rely entirely on the sale of their labour-power for survival. It is also distinct from the capitalist class haute bourgeoisie ('high' bourgeoisie), defined by owning the means of production and thus deriving most of their wealth from buying
364-513: The father, whose morality binds the family together in their somewhat precarious economic position) and the sexual repression that underlies it. This was disputed by historian Richard Pipes who wrote, in the case of the Nazi Party , that while at first limited to this group, by the end of the 1920s workers joined the party en masse and were the largest occupational group in the party by 1934. Søren Kierkegaard wrote that "the petty bourgeois
392-534: The haute bourgeoisie. Wilhelm Reich also highlighted the principal support of the rise of fascism in Germany given by the petite bourgeoisie and middle class in The Mass Psychology of Fascism . He claimed that the middle classes were a hotbed for political reaction due to their reliance on the patriarchal family (according to Reich, small businesses are often self-exploiting enterprises of families headed by
420-544: The implementation of universal suffrage (for men) under minister-president Max Wladimir von Beck , the CS gained plurality in the 1907 Reichsrat elections, becoming the largest parliamentary group in the Lower House; however already in the 1911 elections, it lost this position to the Social Democratic Workers' Party (SDAP). Though Minister-president Karl von Stürgkh had ignored the discretionary competence of
448-459: The labour-power of the proletariat and Lumpenproletariat to work the means of production . Although members of the petite bourgeoisie can buy the labour of others, they typically work alongside their employees, unlike the haute bourgeoisie . Examples can include shopkeepers, artisans and other smaller-scale entrepreneurs . The petite bourgeoisie is little-defined in Marx's own work, with only
476-773: The national assembly, re-elected Mayr chancellor in November 1920. The CS also nominated the non-partisan Michael Hainisch , actually a Greater German sympathizer, for Austrian president , who was elected by the Federal Assembly on 9 December. All Chancellors of the First Austrian Republic from 1920 onwards were members of the Christian Social Party, and so was President Wilhelm Miklas , who succeeded Hainisch in 1928. The Social Democrats remained in opposition and concentrated on their Red Vienna stronghold, while
504-653: The parliament during the 1914 July Crisis , the Christian Social Party backed the Austrian government during World War I . Nevertheless, when upon the dissolution of the Monarchy in October 1918 the German-speaking Reichsrat representatives met in a "provisional national assembly", the 65 CS deputies voted for the creation of the Republic of German-Austria and its accession to Weimar Germany , though shortly after members of
532-524: The party began to oppose German annexation. After the 1918 assembly had elected the Social Democrat Karl Renner state chancellor, the Christian Social Party formed a grand coalition with the SDAP under Karl Seitz . In the 1919 Austrian Constitutional Assembly election , the CS gained 35.9% of the votes cast, making it again the second strongest party after the Social Democrats. With its support
560-729: The petite bourgeoisie has existed for most of civilized history. He also states that even those who are not part of the class have to some degree desired to become small property owners, due to the conferred autonomy and social standing. He continues that the desire to keep and restore lost land has been the leitmotif of most radically egalitarian mass movements. He argues that the petite bourgeoisie have an indispensable economic role in terms of invention and innovation , citing as an example software startups that develop ideas which are then usually bought by larger firms. He also points out that small shopkeepers provide several "unpaid" social services such as: ... informal social work, public safety,
588-458: The petite bourgeoisie. First, he points out the contempt of this class by Marxists due to the ambiguity of their political position. He further points out that this position of contempt or distaste encompasses both the socialist bloc and large capitalist democracies, due to the difficulty of monitoring, taxing and policing of this class. This difficulty results from the complexity, variety and mobility of activities taken on by this class. He points out
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#1732856092315616-467: The populist Vienna politician Karl Lueger (1844–1910). Referring to ideas developed by the Christian Social movement under Karl von Vogelsang (1818–1890) and the Christian Social Club of Workers , it was oriented towards the petit bourgeoisie and clerical-Catholic ; there were many priests in the party, including the later Austrian chancellor Ignaz Seipel , which attracted many votes from
644-469: The realities of the petite bourgeoisie throughout the 19th century were more complex. All the same, writers have been concerned with petite bourgeois morality and behavior and have portrayed them as undesirable characters. Henrik Ibsen 's An Enemy of the People was a play written in direct response to the reception of another one of his plays for making "indecent" references to syphilis and in general his work
672-485: The same term [REDACTED] This disambiguation page lists articles associated with the title Christian Social Party . If an internal link led you here, you may wish to change the link to point directly to the intended article. Retrieved from " https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Christian_Social_Party&oldid=1226956372 " Categories : Disambiguation pages Political party disambiguation pages Hidden categories: Short description
700-461: The tradition-bound rural population. As a social conservative counterweight to the "godless" Social Democrats , the party gained mass support through Lueger's anti-liberal and antisemite slogans. Its support of the Austro-Hungarian cohesion and the ruling House of Habsburg also gave it considerable popularity among the noble class , making it an early example of a big tent party. Upon
728-482: The words 'smaller capitalists' used in The Communist Manifesto . Historically, Karl Marx predicted that the petite bourgeoisie was to lose in the course of economic development. Following this, R. J. B. Bosworth suggested that it was to become the political mainstay of fascism , which represented in political form a terroristic response to their inevitable loss of power (economic, political, and social) to
756-542: Was affiliated with Austrian nationalism that sought to keep Catholic Austria out of the State of Germany founded in 1871, which it viewed as Protestant and Prussian-dominated; it identified Austrians on the basis of their predominantly Catholic religious identity as opposed to the predominantly Protestant religious identity of the Prussians. The party emerged in the run-up to the 1891 Imperial Council ( Reichsrat ) elections under
784-625: Was considered scandalous in its disregard for the morality of the period. Later, Bertolt Brecht 's concern with Nazism and his Marxist politics got him interested in exploring the petite bourgeois mind and this interest led him to represent the petite bourgeoisie repeatedly throughout his work (one was even titled The Seven Deadly Sins of the Petite Bourgeoisie ). In his book Two Cheers for Anarchism: Six Easy Pieces on Autonomy, Dignity, and Meaningful Work and Play , James C. Scott dedicates an entire chapter to describing some features of
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