Carlos Faraudo , full name Carlos Faraudo y de Micheo —sometimes wrongly spelled as "de Miches", (19 April 1901 in Madrid – 9 May 1936 in Madrid), was a Spanish Army officer.
142-667: His assassination was one of the high-profile murders that brought about the reprisal killing of firebrand rightist politician José Calvo Sotelo as part of the orchestrated destabilization of the Spanish Republic right before the Spanish Civil War . Carlos Faraudo was born in an affluent family of the Spanish capital. In August 1923, after successfully finishing his studies at the Academy of Military Engineering of Guadalajara , he became
284-588: A Fascist : "Many call this State a Fascist State, because if that is the Fascist State, I, who participate in the idea of that State, I who believe in it, declare myself a Fascist". A deputy exclaims: "What a novelty!". Calvo Sotelo then made a call for the intervention of the Army ("the military man would also be crazy who at the head of his destiny would not be ready to rise up in favor of Spain and against anarchy, if it were to occur", said Calvo Sotelo), which provoked
426-575: A Galician regionalist party, Casares participated in the Pact of San Sebastián in 1930, a platform composed of the principal parties of the republican opposition which aimed to bring down the monarchy of Alfonso XIII . He served as a representative of the Galician Republican Federation, a republican group formed by his ORGA along with other Galician republican forces such as the Radical Party,
568-477: A biography of Calvo Sotelo. For his part, Ian Gibson , author of another monograph on the subject, affirms that they first went to the home of José María Gil-Robles and when they did not find him they went to Calvo Sotelo's house. Gibson relies on the testimony of Santiago Garcés to which he gives more value than the testimony of the four guards who were arrested and interrogated by the Francoist judges who said that
710-476: A car that seems to be waiting for them. In it are Assault Lieutenants Alfonso Barbeta, of the 2nd Pontejos Company, and Máximo Moreno, of the Cavalry Group, both close friends of Lieutenant Castillo, along with three other people. They exchange greetings when the van arrives at Alcalá Street and turns left towards Manuel Becerra, the most direct route to the cemetery. "Was this car, occupied by officers, to cover
852-576: A deputy of the Nation and the Government, as I know, they will not commit any outrage against my immunity". Then he asked his wife to prepare a briefcase with some clothes, a fountain pen and some pages. She begs him not to leave, but she complies. Calvo Sotelo is not even allowed to dress in his bedroom in private. After kissing his four children —only the eldest daughter has woken up— he says goodbye to his wife whom he promises to telephone as soon as he arrives at
994-702: A lieutenant and was sent to Melilla . In November 1925 he was posted in Madrid. By October 1929 he was promoted to the rank of captain. In 1931 Faraudo became a member of the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE). Between 1932 and 1933 Faraudo was sent to Bolivia as an instructor for the Bolivian Army , returning to Spain following the outbreak of the Chaco War . At Dehesa de la Villa he became close to socialist leader Francisco Largo Caballero . Faraudo then
1136-535: A list allegedly prepared by the pro-fascist-leaning Unión Militar Española (UME), another secret military organization opposed to UMRA. Although he was immediately brought to a clinic, he died of his wounds the following morning. His burial was attended by numerous mourners and made the headlines of the press in the troubled Spanish Republic . The Assassination of Jos%C3%A9 Calvo Sotelo The assassination of José Calvo Sotelo took place in Madrid , Spain , in
1278-679: A little later. Gibson also states that the first person he spoke to was Commander Ricardo Burillo , the head of the Pontejos Group, who was on duty that night at the General Directorate of Security. Gibson relies on the statement made by Burillo in 1940 before the Francoist judges of the General Cause and on the confession he made to his fellow prisoner Rafael Sánchez Guerra two days before being shot, having been condemned to death for, among other alleged crimes, being directly responsible for
1420-481: A place to hide, if he had one ("I do not consider myself empowered to make a decision of this importance. I have listened to you as in confession or as a lawyer listens to a defendant. Even if you were not the material author of the murder, you are the one who commanded the expedition and your responsibility is the same. I suppose that you will have somewhere to hide, while we see what the consequences of this assassination may be..."). Condés told him that he could hide in
1562-720: A result, Casares Quiroga was imprisoned. With the proclamation of the Second Spanish Republic in April 1931, he was named Minister of the Navy in the provisional government, becoming later the Minister of Governance (Interior). He was elected a deputy for ORGA in the Constituent Cortes and remained Minister of Governance during the socialist-republican biennium (1931–1933) in the government of Manuel Azaña , Casares’ personal friend. He
SECTION 10
#17328526116141704-482: A search and threatened to break down the door. They decide to wake up Calvo Sotelo who looks out on a balcony to ask the guards who are in the doorway if it is the police who are banging on the door. They answer yes. He also checks that a van belonging to the Assault Guards is parked there. Calvo Sotelo opens the door in bewilderment and some ten or twelve men, some in uniform and others in civilian clothes, burst into
1846-532: A service". As for the route taken by the van, there are discrepancies. According to Hugh Thomas or Gabriel Jackson , the group, "without a very clear idea of where to go" (in Thomas' words), went first to the house of a Falangist militant, but the address on the card was false. He then went to the residence of the leader of the Spanish Renovation party, Antonio Goicoechea , who was not at home. Then he went to
1988-408: A spectacular revenge" and "without taking into account any political party or program, and without reflecting on the great repercussions of their act, they decided to assassinate an important right wing leader". Account of the crime by Julián Zugazagoitia, according to what Calvo Sotelo's assassin told him In the street, still silent and dark at night, a van of Assault Guards was waiting. They got
2130-424: A street or a square was dedicated to him. A state-owned INI company founded in 1942 was named after him. The socialist Julián Zugazagoitia , in the immediate post-war period, wrote the following: The conservative and military forces, organized for a long time to revolt, had been wounded. Calvo Sotelo was the civilian leader of the movement. He had imposed himself on all the men of the monarchy, over whom he had
2272-612: A tooth for a tooth". The funeral was also attended by Captain Federico Escofet, who was in Madrid because he had been elected delegate for the election of the President of the Republic , which was to be held the following day, May 10. Next to him a young man told him that it was necessary to avenge the death of Captain Faraudo by taking reprisals against some high leader of the right wing. It
2414-588: A trip to a farm in Valencia. He then tried to locate Vice President Luis Jiménez de Asúa , but was unsuccessful. According to his memoirs, Suárez de Tangil also called the Director General of Security Alonso Mallol, who hinted that Calvo Sotelo might have been murdered: "I jumped up and had the most violent telephone conversation anyone can imagine. I told him, they had perpetrated an official assassination, Mallol answered me that he would not tolerate that and that he
2556-532: Is clear that the murder was "perpetrated by the right wing" and that "it was part of a chain of attacks and reprisals". The news of his death caused an enormous commotion among his colleagues at the Pontejos Barracks where he was stationed. Two of the most exalted were Captain Eduardo Cuevas de la Peña, chief of the 6th Company, and Lieutenant Alfonso Barbeta, of the 2nd Company, the same as Castillo's. One of
2698-536: Is concerned, will not be recorded in the Journal of Sessions ". Galarza replied: "I submit, of course, to the decision of the Presidency, because it is my duty, out of the respect I owe it. Now, those words, which will not appear in the Journal of Sessions , the country will know them, and it will tell us if the violence is legitimate or not". The historians who defend the thesis of the existence of an agitation campaign by
2840-615: Is in charge of organizing the departure of the assault guard vans from the Pontejos barracks to arrest the people assigned to each one of them (the Socialist militiaman Manuel Tagüeña participates in the elaboration of the lists of the Falangists to be arrested, who, according to his own account, chose those with the highest quota and those who were listed as workers, since he suspected that they might be professional gunmen). Around half past one,
2982-453: Is in the rear apartment. Captain Condés is seated next to the driver and next to him José del Rey (although he will deny it before the Francoist judges). Van number 17 starts off in the direction of Alcala Street. When it arrives at Ayala Street, Luis Cuenca shoots Calvo Sotelo twice in the back of the head, killing him on the spot. The body collapses on the floor of the van and is wedged between
SECTION 20
#17328526116143124-573: Is legitimate, and in such a case can go as far as personal attack. Galarza's speech was applauded by his party colleagues, but the president of the Cortes, Diego Martínez Barrio , visibly indignant, immediately intervened to reply: "Violence, Mr. Galarza, is not legitimate at any time or in any place; but if in any part that illegitimacy goes up a notch, it is here. From here, from the Parliament, violence cannot be advised. The words of Your Honor, as far as that
3266-490: Is still no news, so Enriqueta Grondona decides not to wait any longer and telephones the General Director of Security, Alonso Mallol. He unkindly replied that he knew nothing about Calvo Sotelo's whereabouts and had not given any order to arrest him or search his house. According to Ian Gibson, the first to telephone Alonso Mallol were the two security guards who were guarding the gate and that Calvo Sotelo's wife phoned him
3408-571: Is the one who will be in charge of the summary of the Calvo Sotelo assassination. Alfonso Bullón de Mendoza comments that Iglesias Portal will be the judge who will preside over the trial against José Antonio Primo de Rivera . Santiago Casares Quiroga Santiago Casares y Quiroga (8 May 1884, in A Coruña , Galicia – 17 February 1950, in Paris ) was Prime Minister of Spain from 13 May to 19 July 1936. Casares Quiroga resigned just 48 hours after
3550-494: The City Council of Madrid that in the morgue there is an unidentified corpse that a detachment of Assault Guards has taken there at dawn, according to what the two gravediggers who were on duty have informed him. Mayor Pedro Rico, who has received the news that Calvo Sotelo is unaccounted for, orders that the councilors Aurelio Regúlez and Isidro Broceta (or Buceta) go immediately to the cemetery. It would be around eleven o'clock in
3692-624: The Constitution , he must be immediately released". For his part, the deputy Geminiano Carrascal telephoned the president of his parliamentary group José María Gil-Robles who was in Biarritz to give him the news of the kidnapping of Calvo Sotelo, and the leader of the CEDA replied: "I am leaving for Madrid right now". Around nine o'clock in the morning the director of the East cemetery decides to communicate to
3834-651: The Cortes (Spanish Parliament), like those of the CEDA leader José María Gil-Robles , were always the object of "contemptuous aversion" and "extreme aggressiveness" on the part of the majority of the Popular Front deputies. The speech he made on April 15, in which he listed in detail the hundreds of violent acts that had taken place in Spain since the elections (according to Calvo Sotelo there had been 74 dead and 345 wounded, and 106 religious buildings had been set on fire, one of them
3976-532: The October Revolution of 1934 (and who like del Castillo and Faraudo had trained the socialist militias)—. "That an officer of the Civil Guard should take command of one of these vans, represents a patent irregularity, and even more so if that captain is dressed in civilian clothes", affirms Luis Romero . The same affirms Alfonso Bullón de Mendoza: "That the vehicles would be used by civilians and guardsmen
4118-553: The UMRA , was convinced that the attack had not been the work of the Phalanx, but of the UME, and so, with the approval of his comrades, he sent a document to a member from that clandestine anti-Republican military organization in which he said that "if another similar attack were to take place, we would reply with the same coin, but not in the person of an Army officer, but in that of a politician. For it
4260-483: The centrist socialist leader Indalecio Prieto , and Santiago Garcés, who had also provided protection services. All of them were shocked by the assassination of Lieutenant Castillo, but especially Luis Cuenca, a personal friend of his. Around midnight, officers, non-commissioned officers and fellow guardsmen of Castillo gathered at the Pontejos barracks of the Assault Guard, some of them in civilian clothes, such as
4402-492: The inviolability of my home ? I am a Deputy and the Constitution protects me!" He then demanded to be allowed to telephone the General Director of Security, but they did not allow him to do so. He only calms down somewhat when Condés identifies himself as an officer of the Civil Guard. Calvo Sotelo calms his very anxious wife: "Don't worry. If it is true that it is an order from the Government, I will be back in an hour. I am
Carlos Faraudo - Misplaced Pages Continue
4544-423: The prietist sector; Francisco Ordóñez and Federico Coello García, both staunch caballerists —in fact Coello was the fiancé of a daughter of Largo Caballero —) in addition to the guard José del Rey Hernández who dressed in civilian clothes (Del Rey was well known for his socialist ideas and had been sentenced to six years and a day for his participation in the October Revolution of 1934 ; after being amnestied he
4686-446: The "liberal democratic State", which "cannot solve the Spanish problem", he proposed the implementation of a " corporative and authoritarian State". The Republican Left deputy Mariano Ansó described Calvo Sotelo as "the most characterized enemy of the regime". The then editor of the monarchist newspaper ABC , Luis de Galinsoga, recalled twenty-four years after his assassination in an article "his unwavering determination to go to
4828-456: The "operation" in case of any unforeseen event? Or was it the vehicle that had gone to look for Gil-Robles at his house, and when it did not find him, went to check that the kidnapping and death of Calvo Sotelo had been carried out?", Luis Romero asks. Shortly afterwards the van arrives at the gates of the East cemetery. It is about four o'clock in the morning. Seeing that it was an official vehicle,
4970-517: The 132nd Prime Minister and Minister of War. As the prime minister, he organized the referendum on the Galician Statute of Autonomy (the third statute of autonomy under the Republic, after Catalonia and the Basque Country ), which was approved on 28 June 1936. He was serving as prime minister when the military conspiracy and then uprising of 17 July 1936 took place, which then developed into
5112-519: The Assault Guard —among them Captain Antonio Moreno, chief of the 2nd Company— left Pontejos to meet with the Minister of the Interior Juan Moles to whom they demanded in an ill-disciplined manner the immediate punishment of the culprits, whom they considered to have been Phalanx gunmen. They managed to obtain a list with the names and addresses of Phalanx members suspected "of being active in
5254-480: The Congress. The note says: "Having been informed by the deputy Mr. Fernando Suárez de Tangil that the also deputy Mr. José Calvo Sotelo has been arrested early this morning, I am writing to Your Excellency so that you may kindly inform me of what happened and at the same time state that if the arrest has been ordered by a competent authority and had not been in case of in fraganti crime, in accordance with article 56 of
5396-468: The DGS, "unless these gentlemen take me away to give me four shots," he tells her. According to Gabriel Jackson, Calvo Sotelo "was a brave and strong man who suspected treason, and who was psychologically prepared to accept martyrdom." According to Ian Gibson, "he was an undoubtedly brave man, who did not easily lose his head... At that time, he must have realized that the search was unlawful, and suspected that he
5538-799: The Federalists and the Radical Socialists. In December 1930, he was sent clandestinely to Jaca as a delegate of the National Revolutionary Committee (CRN), to prevent Captain Fermín Galán Rodríguez from raising the Jaca garrison in advance of the date agreed by the CRN. Casares Quiroga did not arrive in time to stop Galán, and the Jaca uprising took place on 12 December 1930 without success. As
5680-444: The Francoist historiography would transcribe] that might occur, which will not occur, I will hold Your Honor responsible"; to which Calvo Sotelo replied: "I have, Mr. Casares Quiroga, broad shoulders. Your Honor is an easy man and quick to make challenging gestures and threatening words. [...] I consider myself notified of Your Honor's threat. [...] It is preferable to die with glory than to live with vilification"; he then compared him to
5822-487: The Francoist judges of the General Cause ( Spanish : General Cause) what he had already declared to the Republican examining magistrate. His testimony ended as follows: "The witness, in spite of the abnormality of what happened, did not suspect the importance of the event, nor that it was the corpse of Mr. Calvo Sotelo; he was surprised by the appearance of the corpse and the strange way of bringing it, supposing that it had been
Carlos Faraudo - Misplaced Pages Continue
5964-464: The Francoist judges of the General Cause, Judge Gómez Carbajo, who according to Ian Gibson tried to "implicate the Republican authorities in the crime," harshly criticized the alleged inaction of the police: "I make detailed mention of the testimony of the Security guards, because he gives the key for any police body of medium professional and ethical solvency to follow a path that indeclinably had to lead to
6106-499: The Interior and the entire Government are responsible for what happened; nothing can happen to you". Ian Gibson wonders: "Did Barbeta really say these words, or did Castro Piñeiro, whose life was in danger for having participated in the Calvo Sotelo affair, overburden himself by testifying before Franco's judges?" Alfonso Bullón de Mendoza does give credibility to the testimony of Aniceto Castro, "the only right wing guard who participated in
6248-471: The Madrid Assault Guard. However, Ian Gibson does not mention that this meeting took place and further states that Major Ricardo Burillo was not at the Pontejos Barracks because he was on duty that night at the General Directorate of Security. According to Gibson, giving credibility to Burillo's testimony before the judges of the General Cause, he went to Pontejos around 7:00 a.m. when he learned that
6390-661: The Ministry of the Interior, whose headquarters were located in Puerta del Sol . It has just dawned. They are received by the Undersecretary Bibiano Fernández Osorio y Tafall, who tells them that in the Ministry there is no record that Calvo Sotelo has been arrested, but at a certain point he adds that traces of blood have been found in a van of the Assault Guards and that they are going to begin to investigate it. According to what Andrés Amado told three years later to
6532-412: The Pontejos barracks, after having found out that several vans had left the barracks during the early hours of the morning. He also ordered that the doorman of Calvo Sotelo's estate and all the witnesses in the house who were not relatives be taken to the court. Shortly after, the driver Orencio Bayo Cambronero is taken to the court, but he denies having provided any service during the night and alleges that
6674-516: The Russian Kerenski and the Hungarian Karoly ). On July 1, what was to be the last plenary session of the Cortes before the civil war was held and which proved to be the most conflictive. There was frequent shouting, interruptions and incidents. The most serious moment took place when, after Calvo Sotelo's intervention, which was interrupted, as was customary, on numerous occasions,
6816-726: The Socialist Juan Simeón Vidarte told many years later, the Captain of the Civil Guard Fernando Condés , the head of the group that had assassinated Calvo Sotelo, showed up at the PSOE headquarters, in Carranza Street, at half past eight in the morning of that Monday the 13th (almost at the same time that Cuenca allegedly told Zugazagoitia what had happened). He asked to speak with Prieto, with Lamoneda or with him. As
6958-601: The Socialist Margarita Nelken shouted at him: "We are going to bring here all those who have been rendered useless in Asturias". And when Calvo Sotelo said that "the [violent] rampage lasts weeks and months", she shouted back: "And long will it last!" In the sessions of the following weeks the attacks continued. In the May 6 session Margarita Nelken interrupted him again saying: "the executioners have no right to speak". In
7100-408: The Socialist deputy Ángel Galarza , a member of the Socialist caballerist party, made a threat to the monarchist leader which was not at all veiled. After vehemently protesting that in the Cortes one could make apologies for fascism, as, in his opinion, Calvo Sotelo had just done —he had said, for example, that "political parties are chlorotic confraternities of congressmen" and that the solution to
7242-664: The Socialists whose militias he trained, especially after the May 8 assassination of Captain Carlos Faraudo by Falangist gunmen. His name appeared on a list, supposedly drawn up by the UME , of Socialist soldiers to be assassinated, Faraudo being the number one target. The second on the list was Lieutenant Castillo. One of the soldiers who also appeared on the list, Artillery Captain Urbano Orad de la Torre, who had been Faraudo's companion in
SECTION 50
#17328526116147384-518: The Spanish Civil War. Incapable of confronting the rebellion, Casares resigned on 19 July and was replaced by Diego Martínez Barrio , whose government was never confirmed, and then definitely by José Giral . Historians have generally agreed that Casares refused to deliver arms to the revolutionary workers’ organizations as the right-wing uprising unfolded. The memoirs of his daughter María Casares denied this. He did not hold any other office during
7526-576: The apartment, going through all the rooms and pretending to be carrying out a search. One of them rips off the telephone cord from the office and throws a monarchist flag on the table to the floor. A guard stands next to the other telephone that was in the corridor. Once the "search" was over, Condés told Calvo Sotelo that they had orders to arrest him and take him to the General Directorate of Security. According to what his daughter Enriqueta told many years later, Calvo Sotelo said in surprise: "Arrested? But why? What about my parliamentary immunity ? And
7668-436: The arrest of Calvo Sotelo in the wee hours of the morning was carried out by a detachment of Assault Guards who had arrived there in an official van, whose number they do not remember, and that they were under the orders of a captain of the Civil Guard who showed them their documentation. Gómez Carbajo ordered the provisional arrest of the two guardsmen and immediately opened the preliminary investigation. In his testimony before
7810-423: The arrest". "Although it cannot be ruled out that Castro invented this detail after the war, we do not think it impossible that Barbeta made such a statement, since the more supported the guardsmen involved considered themselves, the less willing they would be to relate the facts." At nine o'clock in the evening, Judge Gómez Carbajo suspends the lineup with the intention of resuming it the following day. In spite of
7952-529: The assassination and his refusal to defend him as a lawyer if he were arrested ("As a member of the Party you will find someone to defend you in court. Certainly not me. I am repulsed by this crime... That murder is going to be used against the Government and the Popular Front. It has been a barbarity of incalculable consequences", Vidarte told him). When asked by Condés whether he should turn himself in, Vidarte replied that it would be better for him to wait and to look for
8094-550: The assassination of Calvo Sotelo. Shortly afterwards, his brothers Luis and Joaquín and prominent members of the Spanish Renovation party arrived at Calvo Sotelo's home. An initial approach to the DGS was made by Arturo Salgado and the deputy Andrés Amado , but they were not received by Alonso Mallol. His secretary merely told them that orders had been given to look for the deputy Calvo Sotelo. Then Calvo Sotelo's brothers, accompanied by Salgado and Amado and by Pedro Sainz Rodríguez , Spanish Renovation deputy for Santander, went to
8236-456: The assassination of the monarchist leader, would lead to the coup d'état of July 1936 , whose partial failure triggered the Spanish Civil War . The victors in the war proclaimed Calvo Sotelo as the "protomartyr" of their " Liberation Crusade ". Monuments were erected in his honour ( the most important one, located in Madrid's Plaza de Castilla , was personally inaugurated by Generalissimo Franco in 1960) and in practically all Spanish cities,
8378-485: The bands of gunmen" in order to arrest them immediately. In his memoirs Manuel Tagüeña, a member of the socialist militias who also went to the Pontejos barracks, stated that other names were added to the list, provided by Francisco Ordóñez —a socialist militiaman friend of his who had gone with him— who, taking advantage of the removal of a Phalanx headquarters, had taken possession of the files. The historian Stanley G. Payne asserts, without providing any evidence, that
8520-455: The beginning of the military insurrection that led to the Spanish Civil War . Casares Quiroga was one of seven siblings born at A Coruña, the son of Santiago Casares Paz and Rogelia Quiroga Moredo. He inherited the republican ideology from his father, a freemason who was elected mayor of A Coruña in 1917. Also like his father, Casares Quiroga was an atheist. Leader and founder of the Autonomous Galician Republican Organization (ORGA),
8662-464: The black lists". A few hours after the harsh dialectical confrontation he had with the President of the Government Santiago Casares Quiroga on June 16, Calvo Sotelo visited the editor of the monarchist newspaper ABC Luis de Galinsoga to whom he said: "You will already understand that after what Casares said this afternoon in Congress, my life is pending the slightest street incident, authentic or provoked by themselves, and I would like you, who are at
SECTION 60
#17328526116148804-437: The body, in a swerve of the vehicle, leaned against the guard on the right. As everything was foreseen, the driver took the direction of the cemetery and there, in the morgue, they left the body of the victim, where a few hours later it had to be discovered by his friends, disturbed with the loss that deprived them, at the same time, of an esteemed person and of a leader. As impressive as the story my interlocutor had told me was, I
8946-484: The church of San Luis Obispo "two hundred steps from the Ministry of the Interior "), was interrupted several times by the left wing deputies. Some accused him of being behind the Falangist attacks: "You are the employers of the gunmen", "How much did you have to pay the assassins?" Others reminded him of the repression suffered by the revolutionaries of Asturias . The Communist Dolores Ibárruri " La Pasionaria" told him: "Go and say those things in Asturias", while
9088-404: The clarification of the crime and the presentation before the Court of its confessed perpetrators, together with the elements of conviction, within a very limited period of hours. But the Security Directorate of Madrid remained in a punishable quietism...". The first step of the investigation is to order the First Criminal Brigade to bring to court the assault guards who were on duty that night in
9230-407: The conspirators on to the car and forced Calvo Sotelo to get in. The van started up. Calvo Sotelo did not utter a word of complaint or protest. Was he praying? On the bench in his back, two men carried their guns. One of them nudged his companion, the latter raised his gun, placed it at Calvo Sotelo's head and fired twice. Death must have been instantaneous. The dead man's head bent over his chest and
9372-532: The doorway of the building where Calvo Sotelo's house was located there were two policemen on night guard. Their names were Antonio Oñate Escribano and Andrés Pérez Moler. Both of them allowed the group led by Condés to pass as soon as he showed them his Civil Guard officer's card —another element that convinced them was that they had arrived in an official car—. In the house at that time were Calvo Sotelo himself, his wife (Enriqueta Grondona), his four children (Conchita, seventeen years old; Enriqueta, fifteen, who
9514-427: The driver of van number 17, Orencio Bayo Cambronero, is called to perform a service. About ten Assault Guards designated by Lieutenants Alfredo León Lupión and Alfonso Barbeta (only the names of four of them are known: Bienvenido Pérez, Ricardo Cruz Cousillos, Aniceto Castro Piñeira and Esteban Seco), plus four civilian members of the socialist militias (Luis Cuenca and Santiago Garcés, of "La Motorizada" , spearhead of
9656-404: The early morning of Monday 13 July 1936, during the Second Spanish Republic , when a group of Assault Guards and members of the socialist militias led by a captain of the Civil Guard in civilian clothes showed up at the home of the monarchist leader José Calvo Sotelo with the pretext of taking him to the General Directorate of Security ( Spanish : Dirección General de Seguridad, DGS) and, on
9798-413: The economic aspect, and as for what I could say in the political aspect, I keep quiet for the reason I have previously indicated to Mr. Casares Quiroga...", who had just declared "against fascism the Government is belligerent"). "Your Honor is a pimp!" Alonso González had replied to Calvo Sotelo when the latter called him a "pygmy". The president of the Cortes finally managed to restore order —Alonso González
9940-412: The event itself (he was the most prominent leader of the opposition) but also because the perpetrators of the assassination were members of the security forces who had Socialist militants as assistants (one of them was Indalecio Prieto 's bodyguard) and as chief the Civil Guard Captain Condés , also linked to the PSOE . However, what probably caused an even greater impact was the lack of response from
10082-471: The events or, more correctly, his presence while they were being consummated, made it considerably more difficult to clarify the crime quickly". As soon as he was informed that the body of Calvo Sotelo had been found, Judge Gómez Carbajo went to the cemetery to examine it. He checks that he has two bullet holes in the back of his head. He then went to the Pontejos barracks to inspect the van. He sees that it has been washed, but nevertheless observes that between
10224-403: The examining magistrate... Barbeta was the one who, more than anyone else, hindered the judicial proceedings aimed at solving the crime". In his statement in the General Cause, the guard Aniceto Castro Piñeiro, one of the three guards that Lieutenant Barbeta removed from the lineup, stated that he told them: "Do not worry; nothing will be clarified; the Director General of Security, the Minister of
10366-403: The family and friends of the deceased to watch over the body during the night of July 13–14, which further inflamed the mood of the right wing. The lifeless body of Calvo Sotelo would not be exposed to the public until 11 a.m. on Tuesday, July 14, after the autopsy had been performed. According to the socialist Julián Zugazagoitia , just after the end of the war, Luis Cuenca, the perpetrator of
10508-403: The first two were not in Madrid, they called him at home and Vidarte quickly went to the headquarters. When he arrived, Condés was pale, discomposed, "with red eyes". When asked what was wrong, Condés told him: "Something terrible. Last night we killed Calvo Sotelo". "The shock I felt was one of the most terrible received in my life," Vidarte wrote. Condés said that it had not been his intention for
10650-468: The floorboards there are traces of blood. He orders it to be taken to the basement of the Guard Court for a detailed forensic analysis and also seizes the service book of the 2nd Company, to which Lieutenant Castillo belonged (he later verifies that the services corresponding to the night of the 12th to the 13th are not listed). He returns to the court where he is informed that no news has been received from
10792-535: The following phrase from Calvo Sotelo's speech: "The cause is not of the Government, the cause is superior. It is of the State. It is that the democratic and parliamentary regime and the Constitution of 1931 have produced an economic disorder and a social disorder". A similar position is held by the historians Julio Aróstegui and Paul Preston . For his part, the Italian historian Gabriele Ranzato, who does not subscribe to
10934-477: The government of the Popular Front, which was led by Santiago Casares Quiroga , and of the President of the Republic , Manuel Azaña . On the other hand, the assassination of Calvo Sotelo and its circumstances led many military men, who were still hesitant or indifferent, to join the conspiracy against the government that had been brewing since April under the leadership of General Mola which, only four days after
11076-413: The guard José del Rey, who had acted as escort for the Socialist deputy Margarita Nelken . Civilians belonging to the socialist militias also attended, especially from "La Motorizada" (Cuenca and Garcés among them), as well as a civil guard captain in civilian clothes. This was Fernando Condés , a close friend of Castillo's (both were instructors of the socialist militias and belonged to the UMRA ). In
11218-437: The guards in very exalted tones that the murder of Lieutenant Castillo must not go unpunished. However, in his statement before the examining magistrate he will say that he gathered them together to calm them down and tell them "to be resigned to what had happened". Barbeta also instructed a corporal he trusted, Emilio Colón Parda, to select eight or ten guards to participate in a very reserved service. A group of officers of
11360-497: The hour he decides to go to Calvo Sotelo's home to carry out a visual inspection and interrogate the family. He speaks with the widow whose testimony coincides with what was declared by the governess and the people on duty. When he returns to the Duty Court around midnight, Supreme Court Judge Eduardo Iglesias Portal, who has been appointed by the Government as special judge in the case, is waiting for him. From that moment on this judge
11502-635: The house of the Socialist deputy Margarita Nelken . "There they will not dare to look for me. The guard accompanying her, as a watchman [he was referring to José del Rey], was also in the van." At 9 o'clock in the morning of that Monday the 13th, the Court of First Instance and Instruction No. 3 of Madrid, which was on duty, took charge of the case of the disappearance of Calvo Sotelo when the Directorate General of Security (DGS) informed them at that time that Deputy Calvo Sotelo had been taken from his house in
11644-408: The house of the leader of the CEDA , José María Gil-Robles , who was summering in Biarritz . Finally it was decided to go to Calvo Sotelo's home, at number 89 Velázquez Street, corner of Maldonado. However, Luis Romero , author of a monograph on the assassination, affirms that the group commanded by Condés went directly to Calvo Sotelo's house. The same affirms Alfonso Bullón de Mendoza, author of
11786-408: The independence of justice who, like Mr. Calvo Sotelo, has participated in the seven years of dictatorship , that his party and, in general, all the socialist groups are enemies of personal violence. But against whoever pretends to be the head of the Spanish fascist movement and to conquer power by violence, to take those who militate in the left wing parties to concentration camps and prisons, violence
11928-492: The intervention of the Army to put an end to the "anarchy" brought about by the Popular Front Government and was informed of the plans of the uprising led by General Mola —he even offered himself to the latter as another combatant under the orders of the Army. Many of the civilian elements who encouraged and supported the coup conspiracy, especially the monarchists, were convinced that Calvo Sotelo would be one of
12070-531: The intimate conviction that he had participated in it, without being able to guess to what degree. That suspicion cut me off." When he told him that Calvo Sotelo had been assassinated Zugazagoitia said: "That attack is war". As soon as the unknown person left, Zugazagoitia phoned Indalecio Prieto who was in Bilbao to inform him of the assassination of the monarchist leader and to ask him to take "the first train to Madrid, where you may be needed". According to what
12212-574: The judge only gets evasive answers (Ian Gibson suggests that instead of Lieutenant Moreno it could have been Captain Moreno, and that the judge was mistaken when three years later he related the facts to the judges of the General Cause). Both deny having been on duty the night before. According to Ian Gibson, "the greatest culprit in the initial cover-up of the crime was Lieutenant Alfonso Barbeta, whose pusillanimity would become evident when he appeared before
12354-407: The judges of the General Cause they asked that the guards in that van be arrested immediately, but Ossorio replied: "It is not possible, because the forces that were in the van have left to serve in the embassies...". Ian Gibson gives little credibility to this testimony because Amado was determined to prove the complicity of the DGS in the crime of his friend and co-religionist, which on the other hand
12496-543: The last before the Spanish Civil War , of the wave of political violence that broke out in Spain after the triumph of the Popular Front in the February 1936 elections that caused 384 deaths between February and July (111 deaths were caused by leftists, 122 by rightists —half by Falangists: 61— and 84 by the forces of law and order). The news of the assassination of Calvo Sotelo caused an enormous commotion not only because of
12638-512: The last consequence of his combativeness against the Republic; which he had abhorred from its very origin and with which he never compromised, not even at the moments when the Republic seemed to dress up in sheep's clothing". Indeed, from the very day of the proclamation of the Second Spanish Republic , Calvo Sotelo actively participated in the coup conspiracy of 1936 that would lead to the coup d'état of July 1936 . He frequently invoked
12780-455: The list of Assault Guards who must appear in court, alleging that they are on duty). In addition to the driver Orencio Bayo, two guards are recognized by the witnesses (the two security guards, the governess, the bellboy and the doorman) and were arrested —none of them had anything to do with the crime; one of them will allege years later that he was mistaken for another one—. From the interrogation of Lieutenants Máximo Moreno and Alfonso Barbeta
12922-588: The middle of the night by unknown persons and that the First Criminal Brigade had initiated an investigation to clarify the facts and find the whereabouts of the victim. The head judge was Ursicino Gómez Carbajo, who had already participated in the arrest of the Political Board of the Spanish Phalanx . He was also in charge of opening the investigation into the murder of Lieutenant Castillo . The judge
13064-534: The midst of the indignation, many clamored for revenge for this and other murders committed by right wing gunmen, as had been the case of Captain Faraudo . The most exalted said: "We cannot allow this! We cannot tolerate it any longer! The Government is letting them [the Falangists] murder us and it will do nothing!" As soon as Lieutenant Barbeta returned from the Surgical Team he had Castillo's company formed to tell
13206-455: The monarchist deputies Andrés Amado and Pedro Sainz Rodríguez. Shortly afterwards, a multitude of journalists appeared at the cemetery, among them Santos Alcocer, reporter of the Catholic newspaper Ya . Also, prominent members of the right wing also went to the cemetery. The royalist deputies asked the government that the mortuary chapel be installed in the building of the Cortes or, if this
13348-399: The morgue and the area around the cemetery be cordoned off by the Civil Guard (and not by the Assault Guard to avoid tensions and incidents). Alonso Mallol communicates the news to the government, which at that moment is in session. Without knowing that the body had been found, Calvo Sotelo's brothers arrive at the cemetery, accompanied by Paco Grondona, brother-in-law of the disappeared, and
13490-475: The morning. The director of the cemetery also informed the General Directorate of Security and Alonso Mallol ordered Commissioner Aparicio to go quickly to the necropolis. The councilmen verify that it is Calvo Sotelo and so they inform Mayor Rico, who in turn calls Alonso Mallol to tell him "with an altered voice" that "the missing person" has been found (he does not pronounce Calvo Sotelo's name). Commissioner Aparicio also confirms this and Alonso Mallol orders that
13632-494: The mortuary chamber will be installed in the morgue of the East cemetery, the same place where the body was found —it is located about two hundred meters from the mausoleum of the Calvo family—. He also tells the journalists that according to what the President of the Government has informed him in person, the death of Calvo Sotelo was caused by a firearm and not by a knife, as it had been claimed. The Government also decided not to allow
13774-413: The newspaper until dawn, to warn me immediately of any event of this kind so that I am not caught unawares by reprisals, although I believe that everything will be useless, because I consider myself sentenced to death." On some occasions he slept away from his home. He even became distrustful of the policemen who had been assigned to escort him. His friends and co-religionists also feared that he would be
13916-560: The object of an attack and that for judicial purposes it would be taken directly to the depository of the aforementioned cemetery. According to Luis Romero, when the van returns to Pontejos Condés, Cuenca, Del Rey and others meet in Major Burillo's office with him, Captain Moreno, head of Lieutenant Castillo's Company, Pontejos lieutenants Alfonso Barbeta and Alfredo León Lupión, and Cavalry Group lieutenant Máximo Moreno. Towards dawn they are joined by Lieutenant Colonel Sanchez Plaza, head of
14058-433: The officers of the Assault Guard decided on their own to also add to the list whose detention had been authorized by the Minister of the Interior the names of the main leaders of the right wing such as Antonio Goicoechea , José María Gil-Robles and José Calvo Sotelo , although the latter two enjoyed parliamentary immunity because they were deputies. Castillo's comrades, according to Gabriel Jackson , wanted "to carry out
14200-409: The police as to who the perpetrators of the murder might be. He then proposes to organize a lineup with the Assault Guards of Lieutenant Castillo's company and also calls to testify Lieutenants Máximo Moreno and Alfonso Barbeta (the latter, to avoid being recognized by the witnesses, removes three of those who were in van number 17 —Aniceto Castro Piñeira, Bienvenido Pérez and Ricardo Cruz Cousillos— from
14342-500: The problems "will be found in a corporate State"—, he said that against Calvo Sotelo "I find everything justified, even personal attacks" (these words were not recorded in the Journal of Sessions by order of the President of the Chamber, but they were picked up by some newspapers). A journalist present in the Chamber transcribed Galarza's intervention as follows: ...the speaker is surprised that he comes to speak to Parliament in favor of
14484-485: The protests of the left wing deputies and the angry reaction of the President of the Government Santiago Casares Quiroga who made him responsible for future coup attempts, a responsibility which Calvo Sotelo accepted (Casares Quiroga said: "It is lawful for me to say that after what Your Honor has done today before Parliament, of any case [in Spanish, he said "caso" (case) not "cosa" (thing), as
14626-436: The right wing to "justify" the coup which part of the Army was preparing with its support consider that the interventions in the Cortes by Calvo Sotelo, like those of Gil-Robles, were part of that campaign. According to these historians, the intention of the two leaders of the non-republican right wing was to make the situation of violence in the streets profitable by elaborating an "incendiary" and "catastrophist" discourse, which
14768-512: The roads, but in the Manzanares sewers or similar places, where he has been a corpse for some hours". He then called the Minister of the Interior, Juan Moles, who assured him that the government had nothing to do with the matter. They agree to redouble their efforts to find Calvo Sotelo. Martínez Barrio then writes a note for Casares Quiroga that is taken to the Presidency by the Oficial Mayor of
14910-663: The same promise during the campaign for the following elections, those of February 1936 : "We must try at all costs to make these elections the last ones". "I do not believe that when a people, like Spain now, is diluted in the detritus of ignominy and suffers the ulceration of the worst ferments, the appeal to inorganic suffrage , so full in its entrails of errors and imperfections, can be an effective formula to heal, purify and vivify it. [...] Peoples that every two or three years discuss their existence, their tradition, their fundamental institutions, cannot prosper. They live predestined to destitution", said Calvo Sotelo. As an alternative to
15052-496: The session of May 19, the Socialist deputy Bruno Alonso González challenged Calvo Sotelo to go out into the street to settle accounts after the latter had said to him "Your Honor is a little thing, a pygmy", in response to an interruption by Alonso González in which he had said to him: "We already know what Your Honor is; but he does not have the courage to declare it publicly" (Calvo Sotelo had just said: "I am interested in putting on record this evident conformity of mine with fascism in
15194-441: The shots, showed up at his house at eight in the morning, about four hours after the assassination. Zugazagoitia was the director of the official newspaper of the PSOE , El Socialista , and a deputy belonging to the prietist sector. That it was Luis Cuenca is what some historians have deduced (although others have doubted it) because Zugazagoitia in his book did not identify him: "The person at whose request I had been woken up
15336-401: The superiority of his preparation and talent. [...] He embodied in his person the confidence not only of the monarchists, but also of more than half of the CEDA deputies... José Calvo Sotelo was a leader of the anti-Republican Right wing, especially after the defeat of the "possibilist policy of Gil-Robles " in the elections of February 1936 , which "paradoxically meant the endorsement of
15478-460: The theses of Calvo Sotelo, who had pointed out the sterility" of the policy. His anti-democratic ideology was manifested on numerous occasions. In the campaign for the general elections of November 1933 he made it clear that he intended to overthrow the Parliament due to its "irremissible and sterile decrepitude", and promised that the one that would emerge from the elections "will be the last one with universal suffrage for many years". He repeated
15620-425: The thesis of the existence of a right wing agitation campaign that "justified" the coup, has pointed to Calvo Sotelo as one of those "responsible for the violence that was tearing the country apart", due to his continuous calls for the intervention of the army, a "solution of force" "desired, favored, plotted and supported by him since the birth of the Republic, of which he had always declared himself an open enemy". "He
15762-502: The top leaders of the regime which would be established after the overthrow of the Republic. This was the belief of Pedro Sainz Rodríguez , one of the monarchists most committed to the anti-Republican conspiracy. In his memoirs he wrote: "I always thought that the politician who was to carry out the work that would convert the uprising into a legally outlined renovation of the Spanish State was going to be Calvo Sotelo". The same thought
15904-406: The trip to end with the assassination of the monarchist leader, but that they only intended to kidnap him to hold him hostage —and with him the other two leaders of the right: José María Gil-Robles and Antonio Goicoechea —, but added: "Was Calvo Sotelo's life worth more than those of Faraudo and Castillo or any of the comrades the Falangists are assassinating?" Vidarte showed him his disgust for
16046-503: The truck number 17 that he was in charge of had appeared that morning in a different place than the one where he had left it. He continues to deny it even when he is recognized by the two guards who were guarding the doorway of Calvo Sotelo's house, by the doorman, by the governess and by the bellboy. He had said the same when, before being taken to court, he had been interrogated at the DGS by Commissioner Aparicio. According to Ian Gibson, "his stubborn refusal to confess his participation in
16188-409: The two gravediggers on duty, Esteban Fernández Sánchez and Daniel Tejero Cabello, opened the gate for them. Captain Condés tells them that they are bringing an undocumented corpse. They drive the van to the morgue and leave the lifeless body of Calvo Sotelo on the floor next to one of the marble tables. Shortly afterwards the van leaves the cemetery. In 1943 Esteban Fernandez Sanchez reiterated before
16330-442: The two seats. Captain Condés does not make any comment nor does he order the truck to stop when he hears the shots, he limits himself to tell the driver to go to the East cemetery . According to one of the guards who was in the truck, when the shots rang out "Condés and José del Rey exchanged glances and smiles of intelligence", which Del Rey denied before the Francoist judges. As the van approaches Alcalá Street, its occupants see
16472-428: The two —the defamed witnesses— was a man who had been killed in the same way as Castillo. One of the two —witnesses differ— in a defiant gesture threw his cap at the feet of the director general of Security José Alonso Mallol, who had come to the aid center where Castillo had been admitted dead. Mallol did not take any disciplinary action for this insubordination and limited himself to asking for calm. The funeral chapel
16614-538: The uniformed guards to remain silent and the driver Orencio Bayo to clean up the remains of blood left in the van. Immediately after her husband was taken away, Enriqueta Grondona asks for help from friends and colleagues of Calvo Sotelo's party. For her part, the French governess fulfills the order and warns her brothers. The first to arrive at the house, accompanied by his wife, is Arturo Salgado Biempica, secretary and friend of Calvo Sotelo. Almost an hour has passed and there
16756-460: The van did not make any intermediate stop between the Plaza de Pontejos and Calvo Sotelo's home. There are also discrepancies as to the time they arrived at Velázquez Street. According to Hugh Thomas or Ian Gibson, it was around three o'clock in the morning of Monday the 13th. According to Stanley G. Payne , two o'clock. According to Luis Romero or Alfonso Bullón de Mendoza, around half past two. In
16898-419: The van had left the group he commanded. He went along with Lieutenant Colonel Sanchez Plaza, who "was going to give information about the event that had been ordered by the Minister of the Interior, Juan Moles." Alfonso Bullon de Mendoza also states that Major Burillo was at the DGS and that "around seven o'clock" he went to Pontejos along with Lieutenant Colonel Sanchez Plaza. On the other hand, Condés ordered
17040-452: The victim of an attack and at the beginning of July one of them, Joaquín Bau , gave him a Buick automobile as a gift with the purpose of having it armored. On July 10, only three days before his assassination, they had been testing it in the Parque del Buen Retiro . The one who also felt threatened with death was Assault Guard Lieutenant José del Castillo , well known for his commitment to
17182-465: The way, the socialist Luis Cuenca Estevas shot him twice in the back of the head and then took his body to the morgue of the Almudena Cemetery . The crime was a reprisal for the assassination a few hours earlier of Lieutenant Castillo of the Assault Guard, who was well known for his commitment to the Socialists, whose militia he had trained. Calvo Sotelo was the most important victim and practically
17324-615: Was Civil Guard Captain Fernando Condés , who two months later would head the group that assassinated Calvo Sotelo. On Sunday, July 12, around ten o'clock at night, Lieutenant of the Assault Guard José del Castillo , well known for his commitment to the Socialists, as well as belonging to the UMRA , was assassinated in a central street of Madrid. The identity of the assailants is unknown and, as Luis Romero has pointed out, "much has been said over who killed Castillo", although it
17466-502: Was also the objective of the Francoist judges. For his part, the monarchist deputy Fernando Suárez de Tangil , Count of Vallellano, phoned around five in the morning to the house of the president of the Cortes Diego Martínez Barrio to inform him of the possible kidnapping of Calvo Sotelo, but it was his wife who took the message because she did not want to wake him up as she had gone to bed very late after returning from
17608-454: Was and remained to the end a declared enemy of the democracy brought by the Republic. In this anti-democratic militancy Calvo Sotelo was, without doubt, the most outstanding figure and he had followed a cursus honorum capable of attracting great political hostility and intense popular hatred". The truth is that Calvo Sotelo felt threatened with death. Already in the Cortes session of April 15 he had said that he had "the honor of appearing on
17750-524: Was assigned to the Political Vigilance Service and was escort for the socialist deputy Margarita Nelken ). Lieutenant León Lupión informs them all that in command of the van is the officer of the Civil Guard in civilian clothes, Fernando Condés —he had recently been readmitted to the corps and promoted to captain after being amnestied in February from the life sentence for having participated in
17892-404: Was assisted by the judicial secretary Pedro Pérez Alonso and the authorized officer Emilio Macarrón. Shortly afterwards, the judge received a second communication from the DGS in which they told him that the two guards who were guarding Calvo Sotelo's home had been placed at the disposal of the court. When the judge interrogates them, he realizes the seriousness of the case because they tell him that
18034-432: Was certainly irregular, but even more so was the fact that León Lupión did not have the slightest inconvenience in handing over the command of van number 17 to Captain Condés, who, not being from the Assault Guard, but from the Civil Guard (where he was also awaiting assignment), could not be in charge of such a service". Lieutenant León Lupión recognized many years later that "Condés, in reality, should not have provided such
18176-481: Was disseminated and amplified by the press of the same political persuasion. Eduardo González Calleja has gone so far as to affirm that "the Civil War was declared before in Parliament than in the streets" and that in this task Calvo Sotelo stood out especially, who "from the first moment in the Cortes maintained a frankly provocative attitude". An assessment that is fully shared by José Luis Martín Ramos who highlights
18318-468: Was even more impressed, without knowing why, by the clarification with which he ended the interview: —Before deciding to execute the reprisal we were hesitating whether to go to Gil-Robles' or Calvo Sotelo's house. We decided on the latter with the purpose of returning for Gil-Robles if we ended up soon at Calvo Sotelo's house. After my confidant had left, a feeling of disgust and uneasiness came over my body. After midnight, Lieutenant Alfredo León Lupión
18460-464: Was going to be murdered. But apparently, he did not create a violent scene, perhaps to spare his family the spectacle". He descends the stairs accompanied by the governess with whom he speaks in French, which infuriates one of the guards who orders him to speak in Spanish. Calvo Sotelo has told him to warn his brothers Luis and Joaquín, but not his father who is suffering from a stomach ulcer that keeps him in bed —according to Ian Gibson, what he told him
18602-417: Was going to send a truck with guards to arrest me; I answered him that I would not receive them like Calvo; and that was the end of the dialogue. Just in case, I took my boxes of big pistols and my pocket pistol down to my office and continued communicating...". When Martínez Barrio's wife gave him the news of the kidnapping, he felt dismayed and responsible because he was a deputy. The first person he called
18744-467: Was ill with fever; José, twelve years old, and Luis-Emilio, nine), the cook, the maid and the brother of the latter, fifteen years old, who acted as bellboy. Also living there was the French governess who came with the family from Paris when Calvo Sotelo finished his exile. They were all in bed when the group headed by Condés knocked at the door. The maid and the cook came and refused to open the door even though they said they were policemen coming to conduct
18886-526: Was invited to leave the Chamber— and Calvo Sotelo continued with his speech. In the Cortes session of June 16, "perhaps the most dramatic" and "the most quoted in the history of the Republic", Calvo Sotelo also intervened to say, amidst frequent interruptions and shouts, that in Spain there was "disorder, pillage, plunder, looting, destruction everywhere" and to defend once again the establishment of an authoritarian and corporative State and to proclaim himself
19028-466: Was involved in training the militias of the Socialist Youth of Spain (Juventudes Socialistas) . Later he became a member of the leftist Unión Militar Republicana Antifascista (UMRA) clandestine military organization. Faraudo was severely wounded on 8 May 1936 in the evening after being attacked in the street by Falangists while he was strolling with his wife. His name had appeared at the top of
19170-494: Was not possible, in the Academy of Jurisprudence , of which Calvo Sotelo was president. The government denies the permission and it is the president of the Cortes Martínez Barrio who in the evening informs the journalists of the decision, "because it is a dangerous step, since, even if all the precautions that the Government has in its power were taken, there can always be elements interested in disturbing normality". So
19312-525: Was reelected to the Cortes in 1933, and in 1934 joined his party (now the Galician Republican Party) with Azaña’s and others to create the Republican Left , a party which would then become a part of the Popular Front . Casares Quiroga was again reelected in February 1936 and was named Minister of Public Works. After Azaña became President of the Republic in May, Casares Quiroga on 10 May became
19454-445: Was set up in the red room of the General Directorate of Security and Castillo's wife, his relatives and officers of the Assault Guard went there. Also present were members of the socialist militias, especially those of "La Motorizada" , of which Lieutenant Castillo was an instructor, headed by their chief Enrique Puente and among them were Luis Cuenca, skilled in the handling of the pistol and who on some occasions had acted as escort for
19596-482: Was shared by Eduardo Aunós , who like Calvo Sotelo had been a minister in the Dictatorship of Primo de Rivera . When Calvo Sotelo said that he was convinced of the existence of the man "who at the right moment will give the voice of salvation [of Spain]", Aunós answered him: "Yes... but you will be at his side, lending him the help of your great intelligence and your fervent enthusiasm". Calvo Sotelo's interventions in
19738-584: Was the Count of Vallellano: "count me as one more deputy of your minority, at your unlimited disposal, for communications to the President of the Council and Minister of the Interior, unspeakable parliamentary attack; I will inform you from hour to hour or sooner if necessary, I am not moving from here; 3000 civil guards are going out on all the roads that I know of...". The Count replied: "I don't think that will be of any use, Mr. President, my friend should not be looked for on
19880-403: Was the politicians who were responsible for such a state of affairs". At the funeral of Captain Faraudo, Lieutenant Colonel Julio Mangada , "visibly moved" —he was a close friend of Faraudo's—, declared before the tomb "the need to demand that the Government act more energetically against the fascist and reactionary provocations and if it does not do so we must swear to pay an eye for an eye and
20022-423: Was to warn his friends and colleagues Andrés Amado and Arturo Salgado Biempica—. He meets the doorman of the estate to whom he says: "They are taking me under arrest. I have not been able to talk on the phone." Upon arriving at the van he is ordered to sit in the third apartment facing the march, between two uniformed guards (one of them Aniceto Castro Piñeira). The bench in front is left unoccupied. Luis Cuenca
20164-455: Was waiting for me in the office... His face had an expression of weariness on it, the exhaustion of one who has lost the night. Not many days later he was to lose his life in the Guadarrama pigsties. It seems to me a sign of respect for his death not to associate his name with the report he made to me. [...] I was afraid to ask and curious to know. My visitor knew the story in its details and I had
#613386