Misplaced Pages

#633366

116-515: Ariovistus and the events he was part of are known from Caesar's Commentarii de Bello Gallico . Caesar, as a participant in the events, is a primary source, but as his Commentaries were partly political, they may be suspected of being self-serving. Later historians, notably Dio Cassius , are suspicious of his motives. Ariovistus was a native of the Suebi . He spoke Gaulish fluently. He had two wives, one of whom he had brought from home. The second, who

232-726: A campaign against the Germans, even though they had been considered friends of the Republic. Vercingetorix , leader of the Arverni , united the Gallic tribes against Caesar during the winter of 53–52 BC. This appears in Book VII, chapters 1–13. Vercingetorix's father, Celtillus, was killed after attempting to seize power amongst the Arverni; for that reason, Vercingetorix was a social outcast and had much to gain from

348-413: A corruption of th, with the initial t not expressed. Jordanes had read Ptolemy, but he claimed to be writing of times before those of Ptolemy. A comparison of Germanic geography in the works of the two men has raised some questions concerning the direction in which some Germanics migrated. On the whole, based on Jordanes, the direction has been taken to be southward from Scandinavia, and it is possible that

464-711: A defeat sustained by the Aedui, perhaps in reference to this battle. Ariovistus seized a third of the Aeduan territory, settling 120,000 Germans there. To avoid infringing on his allies for the moment, Ariovistus must have passed over the low divide between the Rhine and the Doubs in the vicinity of Belfort and then have approached the Aedui along the Ognon river valley. That move left the Sequani between him and

580-416: A detailed account of the manner in which the supposed human sacrifices occurred in chapter 16, claiming that "they have images of immense size, the limbs of which are framed with twisted twigs and filled with living persons. These being set on fire, those within are encompassed by the flames" (6.16). Caesar, however, also observes and mentions a civil Druid culture. In chapter 13, he claims that they selected

696-529: A large quantity of stone or wood tablets on their migration would have been a monumental feat. Henige finds it oddly convenient that exactly one quarter were combatants, suggesting that the numbers were more likely ginned up by Caesar than outright counted by census. Even contemporary authors estimated that the population of the Helvetii and their allies were lower, Livy surmised that there were 157,000 overall. But Henige still believes this number inaccurate. During

812-609: A leader of the Haedui (Aedui), which lies mainly in the friendly relationship between Caesar and Diviciacus, said to be "the one person in whom Caesar had absolute confidence" (1.41). His brother, Dumnorix had committed several acts against the Romans because he wanted to become king (1.18); thus Caesar was able to make his alliance with Diviciacus even stronger by sparing Dumnorix from punishment while also forcing Diviciacus to control his own brother. Diviciacus had, in tears, begged Caesar to spare

928-523: A means of sharing his knowledge and educating the Roman people on the foreign conquests. There is no doubt that the Druids offered sacrifices to their god. However, scholars are still uncertain about what kind of offerings they made. Caesar and other Roman authors assert that the Druids would offer human sacrifices on numerous occasions for relief from disease and famine or for a successful war campaign. Caesar provides

1044-559: A mis-transcription of "CCCCXXX" instead of "XXXXIII", which would mean that the real size of the Gaulic force was actually just 43,000. But even Henige suggests that it is possible the numbers have not always been accurately written down, and that the earliest surviving manuscripts are only from the ninth to twelfth centuries. Part of the dispute over the historiography of the Commentarii revolves around modern authors trying to use it to estimate

1160-567: A neutral or mediating party during a rebellion, such as the time one hundred hostages surrendered by the Senones were placed in the custody of the Aedui who helped negotiate between the dissidents and Caesar. Some sources say there is not much evidence that hostages were even harmed, at least severely, in retribution of the broken agreements. It is commonly noted that Caesar never mentions penalties being dealt to hostages. Taking hostages did benefit Rome in one particular way: since hostages were commonly

1276-485: A point to emphasize that he could not trust the Germans, Caesar sent two junior officers, Gaius Valerius Procillus and Marcus Mettius . They found Ariovistus in the process of moving his army up and were put in chains. Over the next few days, Ariovistus moved his camp to within two miles of Caesar's, covering the move with cavalry skirmishes. The Germanic tribes had developed a special force consisting of cavalry mixed with equal numbers of light infantry whose only function

SECTION 10

#1732848625634

1392-401: A rebellion. When it was clear that Caesar had defeated the Gallic rebellion, Vercingetorix offered to sacrifice himself, and put himself at the mercy of Caesar, in order to ensure that his kinsmen were spared. After the defeat, Vercingetorix was brought to Rome and imprisoned for six years before being brought out to adorn Caesar's triumph over Gaul and then publicly executed. Today, Vercingetorix

1508-474: A sham, and he uttered another uncanny prophecy: that he could gain the real friendship of many leading men at Rome by killing Caesar. Moreover, the senate, he said, had determined that Gaul should be governed by its own laws and so ought to be free. By then, Caesar had to escape to his bodyguards, as the Germanic cavalry was beginning to hurl missiles. The next day, Ariovistus invited Caesar to another parlay. Making

1624-412: A single leader who ruled until his death, and a successor would be chosen by a vote or through violence. Also in chapter 13, he mentions that the Druids studied "the stars and their movements, the size of the cosmos and the earth, the nature of the world, and the powers of immortal deities," signifying to the Roman people that the Druids were also versed in astrology, cosmology, and theology. Although Caesar

1740-402: A success story to Rome that would lift the spirits of the people. Furthermore, the tale of unity on the battlefield between two personal rivals is in direct opposition to the disunity of Sabinus and Cotta , which resulted in the destruction of an entire legion. He relates this particular account to illustrate that, despite the losses against Ambiorix and his army, Rome is still able to trust in

1856-568: A type of contract. Two examples of this: Caesar demanding the children of chieftains (2.5) and accepting the two sons of King Galba (2.13). However, as seen by Caesar, sometimes it was only a one-way exchange, with Caesar taking hostages but not giving any. There is evidence though, particularly in Caesar's De Bello Gallico , indicating that the practice was not always effective. Cities often moved to rebel against Rome, even though hostages were in Roman custody. Occasionally, hostages would be entrusted to

1972-402: Is MS. Amsterdam 73, written at Fleury Abbey in the later ninth century. The second (β) encompasses manuscripts containing all of the related works—not only De Bello Gallico , but De Bello Civili , De Bello Alexandrino , De Bello Africo , and De Bello Hispaniensi , always in that order. The oldest manuscript in this class is MS Paris lat. 3864, written at Corbie in the last quarter of

2088-545: Is a Roman representation of a Germanic ancestor of Heer , the ancestor is West Germanic *harja- from Germanic *harjaz appearing in such constructs as *harja-waldaz and *harja-bergaz . The Indo-European root is *koro- . The Indo-European linguist, Julius Pokorny , in Indogermanisches Etymologisches Woerterbuch (which is available on the Internet) simply states on Page 67 under ario-? that

2204-413: Is currently no complete agreement on how the word should be derived. Most etymological dictionaries are silent about it. William Smith 's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and, under Ariovistus , suggests another derivation of the first element that seems to fit runic inscriptions known today. He translates Ario- by German Heer , "a host" and -vistus by German Fürst , "a prince". If Ario-

2320-624: Is likely that Ariovistus's authority extended only over those Germans who had settled in Gaul. He was recognised as a king by the Roman Senate , but how closely the Roman title matched Ariovistus's social status among the Germans remains unknown. Similarly, what the senate meant by rex at that moment in the history of the Roman Republic is not clear. The word "king" can have many meanings and did so throughout Rome's centuries of history. Tacitus says that

2436-862: Is not generally accepted. Latin Harudes is also attested in Old English as Hæredas and related to Old Norse Hörðar "Hords". This name is considered to be an extension of Germanic * xaruþaz ( PIE * ḱosdho- ) "forest" (cf. OE harað , OHG hard "mountain forest, wooded hills", MHG hart ), making the Harudes the "forest-dwellers". This root is considered to stem from Indo-European * ḱóss meaning "pine, conifer", akin to Russian сосна́ sosná "pine", Ancient Greek κῶνος kônos "pinecone, pine-seed, cone", κῶνα kôna "pitch", κώνειον kṓneion "hemlock; giant fennel", Oroshori sānǰ "post". Alternatively, it may be related to Proto-Celtic * karut- ,

SECTION 20

#1732848625634

2552-566: Is one of the few primary sources on the Druids, many believe that he had used his influence to portray the Druids to the Roman people as both barbaric, as they performed human sacrifices, and civilized in order to depict the Druids as a society worth assimilating to Rome (6.16). Lucius Vorenus and Titus Pullo were two centurions in the garrison of Quintus Tullius Cicero , brother of Marcus Tullius Cicero , and are mentioned in Book 5.44 of De Bello Gallico . They were bitter rivals who both sought to achieve

2668-455: Is probably safe to assume there were no Roman roads between Besançon and Belfort at that time. Caesar says that he took a detour to stay in open country, most likely west of the Doubs , through the lands of his Celtic allies. Ariovistus sent ambassadors to Caesar agreeing, because Caesar had come to him, to a conference. Caesar, known for giving his potential enemies every last chance, entertained

2784-449: Is seen in the same light as others who opposed Roman conquest; he is now considered a national hero in France and a model patriot. In De Bello Gallico 6.21–28, Julius Caesar provides his audience with a picture of Germanic lifestyle and culture. He depicts the Germans as primitive hunter gatherers with diets mostly consisting of meat and dairy products who only celebrate earthly gods such as

2900-426: Is surely a rare event in the history of parlays. They both got a chance to present and defend their points of view, face to face, with no filtering or interference from others. Caesar concentrated on Roman policy. Ariovistus now took the tack of claiming the Aedui had attacked him rather than vice versa. Caesar reports that Ariovistus stated that "he was not so uncivilized nor so ignorant of affairs, as not to know that

3016-483: Is that it's a combination of Proto-Germanic *harjaz ("army, host") and *fristaz ("lord, ruler"). In other words, he would've been known by his kinsmen as *Harjafristaz. Similar reconstructed Germanic names are *Harjawaldaz (En. Harold) and *Waldaharjaz (En. Walther), both also translating to army-ruler. The segmentation of the name into Ario- and -vistus is well established. A 19th-century connection between Ehre , "honor", and Ario- turned out to be invalid. There

3132-601: The Gallic War ), also Bellum Gallicum (English: Gallic War ), is Julius Caesar 's firsthand account of the Gallic Wars , written as a third-person narrative . In it, Caesar describes the battles and intrigues that took place in the nine years he spent fighting the Celtic and Germanic peoples in Gaul that opposed Roman conquest. The "Gaul" that Caesar refers to is ambiguous, as

3248-503: The Roman Republic made inroads deeper into Celtic territory and conquered more land, the definition of "Gaul" shifted. Concurrently, "Gaul" was also used in common parlance as a synonym for "uncouth" or "unsophisticated" as Romans saw Celtic peoples as uncivilized compared with themselves. The work has been a mainstay in Latin instruction because of its simple, direct prose. It begins with

3364-487: The new moon . However, it is evident that there was a more mundane reason for Ariovistus declining battle: he had Caesar surrounded. Dio Cassius notes the presence of Germans on the slope of the hill behind the camp, where the Porta Quaestoria , the gate where provisions were brought in, would have been. Ariovistus had Caesar under siege and hoped to starve him out. Under its best general, the Roman army now demonstrated

3480-633: The "rex Germanorum" Ariovistus had been petitioned by the Celtic Sequani for assistance in their war against the Aedui . In return, Ariovistus was promised land grants in Gaul, although exactly where is not certain. Gathering forces from a wide area of Germany, Ariovistus crossed the Rhine with large numbers and defeated the Aedui at the Battle of Magetobriga . It is in the context of Ariovistus' subsequent land claims that

3596-457: The 10th and shame and rivalry in the others. Vesontio is about 75 miles (121 km) from the Rhine. Apparently Ariovistus had learned of the Roman presence there because he stopped marching and waited. Using Diviciacus as a guide, Caesar's troops marched 50 miles (80 km) in 7 days, arriving probably in the vicinity of Belfort . The army was moving only 7 miles per day and was relying on Diviciacus to lead them through open country; thus, it

Ariovistus - Misplaced Pages Continue

3712-494: The Aedui and that 100 units of Suebi under the brothers Nasua and Cimberius were about to cross the Rhine. In response to such provocative acts, Caesar mobilized his troops. Caesar was not far away, probably at or near Bibracte , where he had just won a major victory over the Helvetii and other Celtic tribes, and had disposed of the remaining Boii , allowing them to settle in Aeduan land. As only small numbers of Boii were left after

3828-466: The Aedui in the very last war with the Allobroges had neither rendered assistance to the Romans, nor received any from the Roman people in the struggles which the Aedui had been maintaining with him and with the Sequani." The word rendered above as "uncivilized" (McDevitte & Bohn's translation) is barbarus . The classical civilizations throughout their long literary periods consistently characterized

3944-608: The Aedui were also allies of Rome , and in 58 BC Diviciacus , one of their senior magistrates, complained of Ariovistus's cruelty and pleaded with Caesar to intervene on their behalf. Caesar sent ambassadors to summon Ariovistus to a conference. Ariovistus refused the summons on the grounds that if Caesar wanted to speak to him, he should come to him; besides, he was not prepared to enter Caesar's territory without his army, which it would be impractical and expensive to gather. Caesar, therefore, sent his ambassadors back to Ariovistus with his demands: that he bring no more of his people across

4060-721: The Celto-Germanic personal name, Ariovistus, proves nothing (with regard to "Aryan") because it can come from *Hario- . The reconstructed *harja is actually attested in Runic inscriptions as Harja and Harijaz standing alone (possibly meaning a man of the Harii ) Harijaz Leugaz ( Lugii ?) and Swaba-harjaz ( Suebi ?) in combination, as well as being a prefix in Hari-uha "first warrior" and Hariwolafz "battle wolf". Following Smith, Ariovistus translates more directly to "general", raising

4176-669: The Celts? They do not appear in Caesar's campaign against Ariovistus. Very likely, they had been in part the Boii , who were a strong force on the Danube until they encountered the Marcomanni and Quadi . Fear of the Germani forced them out of the region, only to be mainly destroyed by their opposition to Caesar. Caesar had just settled the last of them among the Aedui when the campaign against Ariovistus began. In

4292-596: The Charudes of Ptolemy's Jutland arrived there in prehistory from a more ancient Hordaland. On the other hand, the Hǫrðar could have intruded locally and late into Norway. Some have expanded this idea into a theory that the Goths originated in Germany and entered Scandinavia in the age of Germanic migration. As this hypothesis discounts Jordanes' judgement but accepts his tribal picture, it

4408-564: The Civil War and declare himself dictator, in what would eventually lead to the end of the Roman Republic and the establishment of the Roman Empire . In the Commentarii de Bello Gallico , Caesar mentions several leaders of the Gallic tribes. Among these, Diviciacus and Vercingetorix are notable for their contributions to the Gauls during war. Books 1 and 6 detail the importance of Diviciacus,

4524-557: The Doubs at Vesontio without coming to terms with the Sequani, and no one could pass from the Rhine to the Rhone but on similar terms. The east of the entire great channel is bordered by the Jura mountains and the west by the Massif Central. Vesontio is 120 kilometres (75 mi) from that stretch of the Rhine between Mulhouse and Basel . The Arar formed part of the border between the Aedui and

4640-785: The Elder mentions a meeting between Caesar's predecessor as proconsul of Cisalpine Gaul, Quintus Caecilius Metellus Celer , and a king of the Suebi; which took place during Celer's proconsulship in 62 BC. The sequence of events given by Caesar also seems to indicate that, when his governorship began in 58 BC, the Germans had been settled in Gaul for longer than one year. However, without the status of friend, Ariovistus never could have secured Roman tolerance of his Rhine crossing, whenever it was, but would have been treated as hostile. If I need anything from Caesar, I will go to Caesar; If Caesar wants anything from me, he ought to come to me — Ariovistus However,

4756-545: The Gallic War , I.31) In the following battle against Caesar near Vesontio ( Besançon ), the Harudes formed one of the seven tribal divisions of Ariovistus' host. After suffering a crushing defeat at the hands of the Romans, the Germans fled back over the Rhine. The Harudes (in the graecized form "Charydes") are next mentioned in the Res Gestae Divi Augusti , in which Augustus claims that his fleet had "sailed from

Ariovistus - Misplaced Pages Continue

4872-774: The Gallic War , is often retained in English translations of the book, and the title is also translated to About the Gallic War , Of the Gallic War , On the Gallic War , The Conquest of Gaul , and The Gallic War . The victories in Gaul won by Caesar had increased the alarm and hostility of his enemies at Rome , and his aristocratic enemies, the Optimates , were spreading rumors about his intentions once he returned from Gaul. The optimates intended to prosecute Caesar for abuse of his authority upon his return, when he would lay down his imperium. Such prosecution would not only see Caesar stripped of his wealth and citizenship, but also negate all of

4988-468: The Gauls in an attempt to pacify them. This failed, and the Gauls staged a mass revolt under the leadership of Vercingetorix in 52 BC. Gallic forces won a notable victory at the Battle of Gergovia , but the Romans' indomitable siege works at the Battle of Alesia utterly defeated the Gallic coalition. In 51 BC and 50 BC, there was little resistance, and Caesar's troops were mostly mopping up. Gaul

5104-450: The German camp. Under guard of the first two lines, the third built another castra (camp) in which Caesar placed two legions and the auxiliaries while the other four legions returned to the main camp. It is easy to say in retrospect that Ariovistus should have thrown his entire force against the two lines of battle while the third (the reserve) was preoccupied or that he should have attacked

5220-662: The Germanic Suebi . By 57 BC, Caesar had resolved to conquer all of Gaul, and led campaigns in the east, where the Nervii nearly defeated him. In 56 BC, Caesar defeated the Veneti in a naval battle and took most of northwest Gaul. In 55 BC, Caesar sought to boost his public image, and undertook expeditions across the Rhine river and the English Channel that were the first of their kind. Upon his return from Britain, Caesar

5336-400: The Germanic army from left to right, the Suebi were on Caesar's right, suffered the brunt of the losses, and they were most pursued by Roman cavalry. The Suebi, who had planned to cross the Rhine, turned back. The Germanic tribes that had joined the Suebi in their foray now bought peace by turning against them and attacking them in retreat. In just a few days, the capability had been removed from

5452-490: The Germanic soldiers is unclear. The idea was to place the tribe in a situation where they must be victorious or be annihilated with their women and children. The Germans formed by ethnic group before the Romans: Harudes , Marcomanni , Triboci , Vangiones , Nemetes , Sedusii and Suebi . Apparently, they lacked a reserve, and the Romans followed their established practice of two units forward to one back. Caesar opened

5568-424: The Germans in their previous frequent expeditions across the river, which shows that Ariovistus's subsequent devastation of Sequani lands represented a new policy. The location of the final battle between the Aedui and their enemies, which Caesar names as the Battle of Magetobriga , remains unknown, but Ariovistus's 15,000 men turned the tide, and the Aedui became tributary to the Sequani. Cicero writes in 60 BC of

5684-537: The Germans made a distinction between kings, who were chosen by birth, and military leaders, who were chosen by ability, and that kings did not have absolute power. Some time before Caesar's governorship of Gaul (which began in 58 BC), the Gaulish Arverni and Sequani enlisted Ariovistus's aid in their war against the Aedui . The latter were a numerous Celtic people occupying the area of the upper Loire river in France. Their territory lay between their neighbors to

5800-426: The Germans were some sort of superior warriors. Caesar called a meeting and then berated the centurions for making that necessary instead of just following orders. In one of his noted speeches he recalled them to duty and ended by threatening to march the next morning early with only the 10th legion , about whose valour he said he had no doubts at all. The speech had the intended effect of arousing fanatical loyalty in

5916-490: The Harudes are first mentioned by Caesar: "But a worse thing had befallen the victorious Sequani than the vanquished Aedui, for Ariovistus, the king of the Germans, had settled in their territories, and had seized upon a third of their land, which was the best in the whole of Gaul, and was now ordering them to depart from another third part, because a few months previously 24,000 men of the Harudes had come to him, for whom room and settlements must be provided." ( Commentaries on

SECTION 50

#1732848625634

6032-644: The Harudes, as the latter migrated into Norway. There they are believed to be the Hǫrðar people who settled in Hordaland and gave name to the fjord Hardanger . In a second theory, the Hǫrðar are identical to the Arochi dwelling in the Scandza mentioned in the Getica of Jordanes , which dates to the 6th century, but might refer to any time prior to then. The ch in that case would be

6148-681: The Helveti keep their promises (1.14). Then the Aedui gave hostages to the Sequani, during the Sequani's rise to power (1.31). In Book 2, the Belgae were exchanging hostages to create an alliance against Rome (2.1) and the Remi offered Caesar hostages in their surrender (2.3, 2.5). Later in the book Caesar receives 600 hostages from the Aedui (2.15) and other hostages from most of Gaul (2.35). This practice of exchanging hostages continues to be used throughout Caesar's campaigns in diplomacy and foreign policy. Today

6264-489: The Jura mountains, not a tolerable situation for either if they were not going to be allies. Ariovistus made the decision to clear out the Sequani from the strategic Doubs valley and to repopulate it with Germanic settlers. He demanded a further third of Celtic land for his allies the Harudes . Caesar makes it clear that Germanic tribes were actually in the land of the Sequani and terrorising them. They are said to have controlled all

6380-399: The Rhine, and that he and his allies restore the hostages they had taken from the Aedui and undertake not to make war against them. He pointed out that Ariovistus was a friend to Rome and that the Romans had a prior interest, which they certainly would enforce. Ariovistus was welcome to keep the friendship of Rome if he would comply. Otherwise he, Caesar, acting in accordance with the decrees of

6496-448: The Romans (6.23). Caesar's generalizations, alongside the writings of Tacitus, form the barbaric identity of the Germans for the ancient world. Caesar's account of the Druids and the "superstitions" of the Gallic nations are documented in Book 6, chapters 13, 14 and 16–18 of De Bello Gallico . In chapter 13, he mentions the importance of Druids in the culture and social structure of Gaul at

6612-514: The Sequani. Strabo , who lived a generation after Caesar in the late republic and early empire, does make a statement concerning the cause of the conflict between the Sequani and Aedui, and it was in fact commercial, at least in Strabo's view. Each tribe claimed the Arar and the transportation tolls from traffic along it, "but now", says Strabo, "everything is to the Romans." The Sequani also habitually supported

6728-503: The Suebi of mounting any offensive over or on the Rhine, which they assiduously avoided for some time to come, taking refuge in the Black Forest as the future Alamanni . Ariovistus may have escaped, but it is unlikely that he retained any position in the citizen-army of the Suebi. When the Usipetes and Tencteri were driven from their lands by the Suebi in 55 BC, he was not mentioned. He

6844-404: The battle and was probably slated for rapid advancement. The enemy line broke and ran for the Rhine, which was 15 miles (24 km) away, women and all, with the Roman cavalry in hot pursuit. Some, including Ariovistus himself, managed to cross the river in boats or by swimming. The rest were cut down by Roman cavalry, including both of Ariovistus's wives and one of his daughters; another daughter

6960-424: The battle with a charge against the Germanic left, which seemed the weakest part of the line. The Germanic forces responded by charging with such speed that the Romans were unable to cast pila and the fight entered the swordplay stage immediately. The Roman open line of battle, in which each man was left room to fight, prevailed. The Germans crowded into a phalanx and began to push the Romans backward, even though

7076-459: The battle, the Aedui were obliging. Caesar must have immediately begun marching up the Saône valley. Ariovistus, being a skilled general in his own right, identified Vesontio as the key to the strategic Doubs valley and marched for it, but Caesar, probably relying on intelligence from the Gauls, arrived there first and established a main base. He had to combat a panic among his own men, who had heard that

SECTION 60

#1732848625634

7192-524: The campaign against the Usipetes and the Tenceri, Caesar makes the incredible claim that the Romans faced an army of 430,000 Gauls, that the Roman victory was overwhelming, that the Romans lost not a single soldier, and that upon their loss the Gauls committed mass suicide. Henige finds this entire story impossible, as did Ferdinand Lot , writing in 1947. Lot was one of the first modern authors who directly questioned

7308-400: The civil war in 43 BC. The author portrays Caesar's thoughts frequently, with an emphasis on making Caesar seem efficient, decisive, and straightforward, and that his view on how war should be waged is the same. The work paints the conflict as inevitable and necessary. From the 1970s, some critics began to regard the work less as history than literature, in the tradition of poets following

7424-476: The classic tactics that had made Rome master of the entire Mediterranean region to such an extent that the Romans were able to call it " our sea ". It is unlikely that Ariovistus suspected what was coming. Caesar knew that the Germans outnumbered him and that his best and only defense was an attack. He had to force the Germans to battle or be starved into surrender. Leaving a light defense in camp Caesar advanced in acies triplex to within 600 yards (550 m) of

7540-430: The conflict, offering reasonable terms to settle the matter; however, as Caesar himself relates, Ariovistus later accused him of intending to lead an army against him right from the outset. Cassius Dio, writing more than two centuries later, agrees, characterising Caesar as attempting to provoke a war to win glory and power while he took pains not to look like the aggressor. Whatever the motivation, Ariovistus overestimated

7656-425: The distinguishing characteristic of the Germans for Caesar, as described in chapters 23 and 24, is their warring nature, which they believe is a sign of true valour (6.23). The Germans have no neighbors, because they have driven everyone out from their surrounding territory (6.23). Their greatest political power resides in the wartime magistrates, who have power over life and death (6.23). While Caesar certainly respects

7772-466: The early Empire, the same Germanic tribes that had fought for Ariovistus appeared on both sides of the Rhine in Alsace. Then, they were of mixed ethnicity and perhaps no longer spoke Germanic. It seems clear that the Romans had allowed them to take the former lands of the now missing Boii, in exchange for serving as a buffer against the Suebi. They did serve long and faithfully. The province of Germania Superior

7888-414: The easier to accept his outlandish claims. Caesar sought to portray his fight as a justified defense against the barbarity of the Gauls (which was important, as Caesar had actually been the aggressor contrary to his claims). By making it appear that he had won against overwhelming odds and suffered minimal casualties, he further increased the belief that he and the Romans were godly and destined to win against

8004-421: The four legions while they were divided from the two, but the tides of battle are never predictable, no matter what the odds. The next day Caesar used the auxiliaries from the forward camp as cover while he brought all six rested and fed legions to a starting line before it in acies triplex formation. Each tribune conspicuously took personal charge of one legion, and the quaestor took the 6th. Caesar wanted

8120-444: The frequently quoted phrase Gallia est omnis divisa in partes tres , meaning "Gaul is a whole divided into three parts". The full work is split into eight sections, Book 1 to Book 8, varying in size from approximately 5,000 to 15,000 words. Book 8 was written by Aulus Hirtius , after Caesar's death. Although most contemporaries and subsequent historians considered the account truthful, 20th-century historians have questioned

8236-605: The generalship of Tiberius and is also attested by Velleius Paterculus . During the later age of Germanic migrations, the Harudes do not seem to appear in Jutland. Instead, the Angles and Jutes are there, who migrate to Britain. In Tacitus the Angles are further south. Perhaps not all the Harudes left Jutland, and the Harudes could have been a constituent of the Jutes. The Angles were probably occupying territory abandoned at least in part by

8352-494: The godless barbarians of Gaul. Overall, Henige concludes that "Julius Caesar must be considered one of history's earliest – and most durably successful – 'spin doctors'". Classicist Ruth Breindal believes it likely that Caesar did not directly write the work, but instead dictated most of it to a scribe at one time and the scribe wrote as Caesar spoke, or that the scribe took notes and wrote the account afterwards. Still, she does believe that Caesar had an overwhelming hand in creating

8468-589: The greatest honors "and every year used to contend for promotion with the utmost animosity" (5.44). Their garrison had come under siege during a rebellion by the tribes of the Belgae led by Ambiorix . They showed their prowess during this siege by jumping from the wall and directly into the enemy despite being completely outnumbered. During the fighting, they both find themselves in difficult positions and are forced to save each other, first Vorenus saving Pullo and then Pullo saving Vorenus. Through great bravery they are both able to make it back alive slaying many enemies in

8584-403: The idea that Ariovistus was coming to his senses. It was agreed that they should meet on horseback, accompanied only by cavalry. Caesar brought mounted soldiers of the 10th legion , who joked that they had been promoted to knights, which was the origin of the 10th legion's nickname Equestris. The meeting of the two on a high mound between the camps with the bodyguards a few hundred yards away

8700-467: The latter jumped up on the shields of the enemy to thrust them downward. A cavalry officer, Publius Licinius Crassus , from his advantageous position on his horse, grasped what was happening and on his own initiative ordered the third line of battle (the infantry reserve) into action in support of the Roman left. The Romans were momentarily victorious on their left. That decision was usually reserved to senior officers but Crassus won high praise for it after

8816-498: The laws he enacted during his term as Consul and his dispositions as pro-consul of Gaul. To defend himself against these threats, Caesar knew he needed the support of the plebeians , particularly the Tribunes of the Plebs, on whom he chiefly relied for help in carrying out his agenda. The Commentaries were an effort by Caesar to directly communicate with the plebeians – thereby circumventing

8932-411: The life of his brother, and Caesar saw an opportunity to not only fix his major problem with Dumnorix, but also to strengthen the relationship between Rome and one of its small allies. Another major action taken by Diviciacus was his imploring of Caesar to take action against the Germans and their leader, Ariovistus . His fear of Ariovistus and the general outcry from the Gallic people led Caesar to launch

9048-506: The many geographical and historical claims that can be retrieved from the work. Notable chapters describe Gaulish custom (6.13), their religion (6.17), and a comparison between Gauls and Germanic peoples (6.24). Since the work of Karl Nipperdey in 1847, the existing manuscripts have been divided into two classes. The first (α) encompasses manuscripts containing only De Bello Gallico and characterized by colophons with allusions to late antique correctores . The oldest manuscript in this class

9164-436: The men to see that they were under the eyes of the entire senior command, which would certainly share their fate. They then began an advance on the weakest feature of the Germanic force, its open camp. Caesar says that the enemy camp was defended by a wagon train, drawn up behind the German forces, which had now either to fight or to run. The usual chorus of wailing women was placed on the wagons. The effect that it really had on

9280-456: The model of Homer . Harudes The Charudes or Harudes were a Germanic group first mentioned by Julius Caesar as one of the tribes who had followed Ariovistus across the Rhine. While Tacitus ' Germania makes no mention of them, Ptolemy 's Geographia locates the Charudes (Χαροῦδες) on the east coast of the Cimbrian peninsula (see Hardsyssel ). Sometime before 60 BC,

9396-497: The mouth of the Rhine eastward as far as the lands of the Cimbri to which, up to that time, no Roman had ever penetrated either by land or by sea, and the Cimbri and Charydes and Semnones and other peoples of the Germans of that same region (Cimbrian peninsula) through their envoys sought my friendship and that of the Roman people". The naval expedition in question took place in 5 AD under

9512-791: The ninth century. For De Bello Gallico , the readings of α are considered better than β. The editio princeps was published by Giovanni Andrea Bussi at Rome in 1469. The original publication time of the Bello Gallico is uncertain. It had been definitely published by 46 BC, when Cicero reviewed it and gave it great praise. It is unclear whether the books were released individually, or all at once. Nipperdey's 1847 account believed that they had been mostly all composed at once in 50 BC. Frank Adcock suggested in 1956 that they had been written in stages, but then published simultaneously. T. P. Wiseman believed they were written and published yearly, as Caesar would have gained enormous utility from keeping

9628-586: The northeast, the Sequani, who occupied the Doubs river valley, and the Arverni in the Massif Central . Caesar does not say what the cause of the conflict was, but the Sequani controlled access to the Rhine river along the valley of the Doubs. To that end, they had gradually built up an oppidum , or fortified town, at Vesontio . Tradesmen headed up the Rhone and its tributary the Saône (the ancient Arar) could not pass

9744-423: The oppida, but that is not entirely true, as Vesontio was not under Germanic control. However, the country to the north of there was presumably under Germanic control. In 59 BC, while Julius Caesar was consul , Ariovistus had been recognised as "king and friend" by the Roman Senate . He had likely already crossed the Rhine at this point. Cicero indicates that the Aedui's defeat took place in or before 60 BC. Pliny

9860-465: The outlandish claims made in the work. Of particular note are Caesar's claims that the Romans fought Gallic forces of up to 430,000 (a size believed to be impossible for an army at that time), and that the Romans suffered no deaths against this incredibly large force. Historian David Henige regards the entire account as clever propaganda meant to boost Caesar's image, and suggests that it is of minimal historical accuracy. The Latin title, Commentaries on

9976-479: The peoples of the north and east as barbari , usually rendered in English as "barbarians". The word reflected the mixture of condescension, contempt and fear the Greeks and Romans had for those who did not share their civilisation or values. Only rarely did such barbarians manage to make known their feelings about such use of the concept, as did Ariovistus on that occasion. Ariovistus described official Roman friendship as

10092-454: The population of the Helvetii because in their camp there was a census, written in Greek on tablets, which would have indicated 263,000 Helvetii and 105,000 allies, of whom exactly one quarter (92,000) were combatants. But Henige points out that such a census would have been difficult to achieve by the Gauls, that it would make no sense to be written in Greek by non-Greek tribes, and that carrying such

10208-567: The possibility that the name is a title granted to the man by the Suebi, his real name subsequently eclipsed by it. Caesar relates that the Suebi maintained a citizen army of 100,000 men picked yearly, and Tacitus that the Suebi were not one tribe. Ariovistus was probably picked from among the generals to lead an army group into Gaul, as seers were generally used for that purpose. Commentarii de Bello Gallico Commentarii de Bello Gallico ( Classical Latin : [kɔm.mɛnˈtaː.ɾi.iː deː ˈbɛl.loː ˈɡal.lɪ.koː] ; English: Commentaries on

10324-557: The pre-Roman population of Gaul. In the 18th century, authors extrapolated from the text populations of 40–200 million. Authors in the 19th century guessed in the 15–20 million range based on the text. 20th century authors guessed as low as 4 million, with Henige giving a modern range of 4–48 million between authors. Ultimately, Henige sees the Commentarii as a very clever piece of propaganda written by Caesar, built to make Caesar appear far grander than he was. Henige notes that Caesar's matter of fact tone and easy to read writing made it all

10440-424: The process. They return to the camp showered in praise and honors by their fellow soldiers. Though they started out in competition, they both showed themselves to be worthy of the highest praise and equal to each other in bravery (5.44). Caesar uses this anecdote to illustrate the courage and bravery of his soldiers. Since his forces had already been humiliated and defeated in previous engagements, he needed to report

10556-457: The public informed about his exploits. The debate as to the time and nature of publication continues, with critical examination of the evolution of the writing style the chief tool for dating the work. Even if the works were published after the wars, it was clear that Caesar was waging a propaganda campaign during the war, including writing copious letters to his political allies back in Rome. Because of

10672-461: The questionable nature of the war, and threats by his enemies to have him essentially tried for war crimes, winning the public relations battle was critical for Caesar. Caesar's account was largely taken as truthful and accurate until the 20th century. Nipperdey's manuscript in 1847 was considered "monumental", and was the first critical examination of the text, which considered Caesar to be infallible. Nipperdey even chose to modify his translation of

10788-413: The senate, could not let the harassment of the Aedui go unpunished. Ariovistus refused to comply, asserting the right of conquest and the right of the conqueror to exact tribute from the conquered. Ridiculing Rome's ability to protect its friends and boasting of Germanic invincibility, Ariovistus invited Caesar to attack him if he wished. Caesar presents himself as attempting to act as an honest broker in

10904-431: The sons of political figures and would typically be under Roman watch for a year or more, Romans had ample time to introduce those hostages to the Roman customs in hopes that when they were freed, they would go on to become influential political leaders themselves and favor Rome in subsequent foreign relations. This book is often lauded for its polished, clear Latin ; in particular, German historian Hans Herzfeld describes

11020-409: The strength of his position. He apparently believed his official relationship to Rome was one of equals, but the Romans accepted no equals and saw the relationship as one between patron and client. He also appears to have believed the Romans would not attack him. At the same time that Caesar received Ariovistus's message, he heard from his Celtic allies that the Harudes were devastating the country of

11136-492: The sun, fire, and the moon (6.21–22). German women reportedly wear small cloaks of deer hides and bathe in the river naked with their fellow men, yet their culture celebrates men who abstain from sex for as long as possible (6.21). Caesar concludes in chapters 25–28 by describing the Germans living in the almost-mythological Hercynian forest full of oxen with horns in the middle of their foreheads, elks without joints or ligatures, and uri who kill every man they come across. However,

11252-511: The term hostage has a different connotation than it did for the Ancient Romans, which is shown in the examples above. Where the Romans did take prisoners of war, hostages could also be given or exchanged in times of peace. The taking of hostages as collateral during political arrangements was a common practice in ancient Rome. The idea of the practice was that important people from each side were given to ensure that both sides kept their word;

11368-426: The term had various connotations in Roman writing and discourse during Caesar's time. Generally, Gaul included all of the regions primarily inhabited by Celts , aside from the province of Gallia Narbonensis (modern-day Provence and Languedoc-Roussillon ), which had already been conquered in Caesar's time; therefore encompassing the rest of modern France , Belgium , Western Germany , and parts of Switzerland . As

11484-400: The text more accurately. Up until the 20th century authors tended to follow Pollio's thinking, attributing mistakes not to Caesar but to the process, such as errors in translation and transcription throughout time. Ernest Desjardins , writing in 1876, suggested (in what Henige considers to be very charitable on Desjardins part) that the error in numbers in the Usipetes campaign was the result of

11600-413: The text where it contradicted itself, giving Caesar the benefit of any doubts. Even in 1908, Camille Jullian wrote a comprehensive history of Gaul and took Caesar's account as unerring. But after World War II historians began to question if Caesar's claims stood up. Historian David Henige takes particular issue with the supposed population and warrior counts. Caesar claims that he was able to estimate

11716-411: The time of his conquest. Chapter 14 addresses the education of the Druids and the high social standing that comes with their position. He first comments on the role of sacrificial practices in their daily lives in chapter 16. Caesar highlights the sacrificial practices of the Druids containing innocent people and the large sacrificial ceremony where hundreds of people were burnt alive at one time to protect

11832-541: The usual channels of communication that passed through the Senate – to propagandize his activities as efforts to increase the glory and influence of Rome. By winning the support of the people, Caesar sought to make himself unassailable from the boni. The Commentarii cover the Gallic Wars over a period of eight years, beginning with conflict over the migration of the Helvetii in 58 BC, which drew in neighboring tribes and

11948-434: The validity of Caesar's numbers, finding a fighting force of 430,000 to have been unbelievable for the time. Not all contemporaries of Caesar believed the account to have been accurate. Gaius Asinius Pollio , who served under Caesar, noted that the account had been put together without much care or regard for the truth. Still, Pollio attributed this to mistakes by Caesar's lieutenants, or even that Caesar intended to rewrite

12064-471: The valor of its soldiers. Thus, Caesar turns a military blunder into a positive propaganda story. In the first two books of De Bello Gallico , there are seven examples of hostage exchanges. First, the Helveti exchange hostages with the Sequani as a promise that the Sequani will let the Helveti pass and that the Helveti will not cause mischief (1.9 and 1.19). The Helveti also give Caesar hostages to ensure that

12180-419: The warring instincts of the Germans, he directs his readers to see that their cultures are simply too barbaric, especially when contrasted with the high-class Gallic Druids described at the beginning of chapter six. For example, Caesar writes that robberies committed outside of the state are legalized in hopes of teaching young people discipline and caution, an idea nearly offensive to the judicial practices of

12296-409: The whole from famine, plague, and war (6.16). Chapter 17 and 18 focuses on the divinities the Gauls believed in and Dis, the god which they claim they were descended from. This account of the Druids highlights Caesar's interest in the order and importance of the Druids in Gaul. Caesar spent a great amount of time in Gaul and his book is one of the best preserved accounts of the Druids from an author who

12412-425: The work as "a paradigm of proper reporting and stylistic clarity". It is traditionally the first authentic text assigned to students of Latin, as Xenophon 's Anabasis is for students of Ancient Greek ; they are both autobiographical tales of military adventure told in the third person. It contains many details and employs many stylistic devices to promote Caesar's political interests. The books are valuable for

12528-401: The work, but believes much of the grammar and clarity of the work to be the result of the scribe or scribes involved. Breindal also considers the main point of the work to be as a propaganda piece to protect Caesar's reputation in the vicious politics of Rome. Book eight was written after Caesar's death in 44 BC by consul Aulus Hirtius ; Hirtius must have written the book before his own death in

12644-432: Was conquered, although it would not become a Roman province until 27 BC, and resistance would continue until as late as 70 AD. There is no clear end-date for the war, but the imminent Roman Civil War led to the withdrawal of Caesar's troops in 50 BC. Caesar's wild successes in the war had made him extremely wealthy and provided a legendary reputation. The Gallic Wars were a key factor in Caesar's ability to win

12760-406: Was dead by late 54 BC, when his death is said to have been a cause of indignation among the Germans. Caesar was left a free hand on the left bank of the Rhine. He immediately went on to a campaign against the Belgae , and the disposition of the lands on the Rhine is missing from his account. The question of who held Alsace is historically significant. The place names in it are Celtic, but where were

12876-844: Was formed from them. As for the Germans who had already settled among the Celts, it is not clear what happened to them; however, there is no record of any ethnic cleansing . It is more likely that they integrated into the new Romano-Celtic population. Most scholars consider Ariovistus to be derived from the Gaulish ario ("noble, free, advanced") and uid-, uidi-, uissu- ("perception, knowledge"). Ariovistus thus would mean "Noble Sage" or "He Who Knows in Advance." Ariovistus can be found listed in Celtic etymological dictionaries among similar Gaulish names, such as Ariomanus ("Good Leader"), Ariogaisus ("Spear Leader"), and Ariobindus ("White Leader"). Another possibility

12992-425: Was hailed as a hero, though he had achieved little beyond landing because his army had been too small and he was unable to land his cavalry. The next year, he went back with a larger army, including cavalry, and was more successful, setting up a friendly king and bringing his rival to terms. However, tribes rose up on the continent, and the Romans suffered a humiliating defeat. 53 BC saw a draconian campaign against

13108-399: Was in Gaul. However, although Caesar provides what is seemingly a first-hand account, much of his knowledge of the Druids comes not from personal experience, but rather from the hearsay of others, and is regarded as anachronistic. Caesar based some of his account on that of Posidonius, who wrote a clear and well-known account of the Druids in Gaul. Caesar provides his account of the Druids as

13224-410: Was taken prisoner. Both Caesar's emissaries were rescued unharmed, to relate their harrowing adventures as the Germans debated (in their presence) whether they should be burned then or later. Caesar said that encountering Procillus and freeing him from his chains gave him as much pleasure as the victory, which offers some insight into the emotional climate of Caesar's forces. If Caesar named the units in

13340-468: Was the sister of King Voccio of Noricum , he acquired in an arranged political marriage. Ariovistus is described by Caesar as rex Germanorum . That is often translated as "king of the Germans", but as Latin had no definite article , it could equally be translated as "king of Germans", with no implication that he ruled all Germans. Indeed, Germania is known to have been divided into many tribal and political groups, many of which were ruled by kings. It

13456-468: Was to support cavalrymen, individually or in units, who had become enmeshed in combat. Caesar's men stood in battle formation outside the walls of his camp each day, but only skirmishes were offered. Finally, from a distance of two miles, Ariovistus cut Caesar's supply line, isolating his garrison. Caesar claims the Germanic side did not attack in force because their wise women had pronounced from their divinations that they should not engage in battle before

#633366