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42-513: During the 1920s and 1930s the union was strongly affected by socialist and communist leadership as its members fought for better wages and living conditions. During World War II, they strongly supported government with increased production from the mines. In 1944 with the establishment of the National Union of Mineworkers , the NUSM became its "Scottish Area," with less autonomy. In the late 20th century,

84-496: A 27% pay rise, by saying that "we know of no other job in which there is such a combination of danger, health hazard, discomfort in working conditions, social inconvenience and community isolation." Mine workers held out for an extra £1 per week, but eventually settled for a package of "fringe benefits" worth a total of £10 million. The inadequacy of the government's response to the strike provoked re-evaluation of emergency planning. The Cabinet Office Briefing Room (known as COBR)

126-550: A ballot reduced public support and made it easier for the government to use legal and police powers against the union without significant political consequences. The closed shop in the state-owned coal sector was ended when a breakaway union, the Union of Democratic Mineworkers , was formed mostly by miners in Nottinghamshire and South Derbyshire who felt betrayed by the NUM for insisting on

168-599: A new headquarters building in Sheffield , which was completed in 1988. However, with membership declining, the union relocated again in 1992, to share the Yorkshire Area offices in Barnsley. Although weakened by the strike, the NUM was still a significant force into the early 1990s. A major scheme of closures of deep mines was announced by the government in 1992. The NUM ran a national ballot on possible strike action, and this

210-465: A policy concentrating on the most productive pits. During his ten-year tenure, productivity increased by 70%, but with far fewer pits and a much reduced workforce. In 1956, 700,000 men produced 207 million tons of coal; by 1971, fewer than 290,000 workers were producing 133 million tons at 292 collieries. Despite this, the NCB's coal activities were still running at a loss in 1970, putting pressure on

252-421: A secret project to gather hundreds of drivers to supply the country's power stations during the strike. A Royal Air Force base was to be used for the unit. They were to have between 400 and 600 trucks and drivers. Fire brigades were also contacted to provide off-duty staff and volunteer groups to cater for the coal convoys. The role of the volunteers was to drive in convoys to break the picketlines blocking

294-574: A strike after their area ballot had rejected strike action. In contrast, the Leicestershire area stayed in the NUM, as the area leader Jack Jones had kept good relations with the local miners by openly defying Scargill. After the end of the strike, the NUM took an active leadership role in working to align the labour movement in the UK more closely with LGBT rights issues. Following the Lesbians and Gays Support

336-434: A wife and two children was approximately 22% above that of his male counterpart in manufacturing, that fell to approximately 2% below the manufacturing figure in 1969. During the 1950s, the wages of miners went up from a prewar position of 84th to near the top in the league table of the wages earned by industrial workers, and by 1960, miners' wages were 7.4% above the average pay of workers in manufacturing industries. During

378-581: The Miners' National Union in England and Wales, and found immediate success, almost tripling pay while also reducing the output of the coal mines. However, a major strike from May to June 1874 used up all the union's reserve funds, and it thereafter achieved little. It went bankrupt in 1882, due to a strike begun in the previous year. In 1886, Keir Hardie founded the Scottish Miners' National Federation. This

420-527: The National Coal Board (NCB) by Thatcher in 1983. In 1984, after secretly stockpiling coal at power stations, the NCB announced the closure of 20 pits. Local regions organised strikes but NUM President Arthur Scargill , without a national ballot of the union's membership, declared a national strike in March 1984, which was ruled illegal in England, making striking miners ineligible for benefits. Support for

462-553: The National Union of Mineworkers . The NUSW became its Scottish Area, with less autonomy than before. By 2014, the union had only 35 members remaining. It was dissolved in 2018. National Union of Mineworkers (UK) The National Union of Mineworkers ( NUM ) is a trade union for coal miners in Great Britain, formed in 1945 from the Miners' Federation of Great Britain (MFGB). The NUM took part in three national miners' strikes, in 1972 , 1974 and 1984–85 . Following

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504-401: The 1960s, however, their pay fell behind other workers, and by 1970 miners were earning 3.1% less than the average worker in manufacturing. It was the first time since 1926 that British miners had officially gone on strike (although there had been unofficial strikes, as recently as 1969). During a parliamentary debate on the strike in its second week, both Labour and Conservative MPs praised

546-486: The 1984–85 strike, and the subsequent closure of most of Britain's coal mines, it became a much smaller union. It had around 170,000 members when Arthur Scargill became leader in 1981, a figure which had fallen in 2023 to an active membership of 82. The Miners' Federation of Great Britain was established in Newport , Monmouthshire in 1888 but did not function as a unified, centralised trade union for all miners. Instead

588-734: The Coal Board - over and above the Wilberforce inquiry recommendations. Rank-and-file NUM miners agreed to the pay offer on 25 February, returning to work on 28 February, which officially ended the strike. The pay concessions from the Coal Board came more than a week after the Battle of Saltley Gate , when around 2,000 NUM pickets descended on a coke works in Birmingham and were later joined by thousands of workers from other industries in Birmingham. The result

630-553: The Miners campaign of 1984–85, the organisation's Welsh chapters participated in London's 1985 Lesbian and Gay Pride parade, and at the Labour Party 's 1985 policy conference, the NUM's unanimous block voting support contributed to the successful passage of Composite 26, a resolution which formally committed the party to an LGBT rights platform. Long based in London, Scargill commissioned

672-562: The NACODS members at Markham Main and Kilnhurst . Tom Swain , Labour MP to Derbyshire North East , remarked, "This could be the start of another Ulster in the Yorkshire coalfield." He threatened to "advocate violence" if an immediate government statement were not made on Matthews's death. The strike lasted seven weeks, with NUM leaders agreeing to a pay deal on 19 February, which the union claimed to have wrung about 15 extra pay concessions from

714-682: The NUM and its former president Arthur Scargill that a substantial proportion of union members' subscriptions was being spent on expenses for Scargill, including unauthorised rent payments for a flat in London's Barbican Estate . A further 540 miners' job losses were announced in January 2013. As of 2016, the following area unions are affiliated to the NUM: Presidents Vice Presidents General Secretaries 1972 United Kingdom miners%27 strike The 1972 United Kingdom miners' strike

756-473: The National Union of Mineworkers. Within the organisation, each coalfield continued to exercise a degree of autonomy, having its own district association, president, general secretary, and headquarters. Originally, a national strike required a two-thirds majority in a ballot of members, however, this proved near impossible to achieve, and the majority was reduced to 55% in 1970, and to 50% in 1984. Regions of

798-464: The board to hold down pay increases. The strike occurred because wage negotiations between the NUM and the National Coal Board of the United Kingdom had broken down. In 1960, according to one study, "miners, of whom there were still half a million in 1960, enjoyed historically unprecedented standards of living." According to another study, while the real net income of an average miner in 1957 with

840-485: The entire national grid . A miner from Hatfield Colliery, near Doncaster , Freddie Matthews, was killed by a lorry while he was picketing on 3 February 1972, and a huge crowd attended his funeral. The non-union lorry driver had mounted the pavement to pass the picket line and struck Matthews in the process. In the aftermath of the death, the picketing in the Doncaster area became more violent, with clashes reported with

882-570: The federation represented and co-ordinated the affairs of the existing local and regional miners' unions whose associations remained largely autonomous. The South Wales Miners' Federation , founded in 1898, joined the MFGB in 1899, while the Northumberland Miners' Association and the Durham Miners' Association joined in 1907 and 1908, respectively. In January 1945, the MFGB was superseded by

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924-418: The miners accepted an improved pay offer in a ballot. It was the first time since 1926 that British miners had been on official strike, but there had been a widespread unofficial strike in 1969 . Competition from cheap oil imports arrived in the late 1950s and the coal industry began to suffer from increasing losses. In 1960 Alf Robens became the chairman of the National Coal Board (NCB), and he introduced

966-550: The miners for the forbearance shown during the mass pit closures in the 1960s. Mine foremen and supervisors, represented by the National Association of Colliery Overmen, Deputies and Shotfirers , did not strike. Following some confrontations with NUM pickets, the National Coal Board adopted a policy of giving leave on full pay to any members of NACODS who faced aggressive intimidation on the way to work. The strike

1008-512: The mining industry declined dramatically in Scotland and across Great Britain, putting thousands of men out of work. There had been several attempts to form a national union of miners in Scotland. The Scottish Coal and Iron Miners' Association, formed in 1855, organised a strike of 30,000 miners against a reduction in their wages, but the dispute was lost and the union dissolved soon after. The Scottish Coal and Iron-stone Miners' Protective Association

1050-480: The picket lines as reluctant " scabs ". The strike ended on 3 March 1985 and the miners returned to work without agreement with the NCB. The strike was unsuccessful and its failure was an era-defining moment in British politics. Following the strike large numbers of collieries were closed. The strike's effectiveness was reduced because the NUM leaders refused to nationally ballot members on strike action and argued that it

1092-472: The programme. Unofficial strikes were common in the coal industry. Following an unofficial strike in 1969 about the pay of surface workers, it was decided that the threshold for the ballot should be lowered. The NUM opposed membership of the European Economic Community , beginning with a unanimous conference vote in 1971. During the 1975 referendum, there was a debate within the NUM over

1134-515: The remainder in Mid and East Lothian. The union adopted a new structure, with less autonomy for its affiliates, and was renamed the "National Union of Scottish Mineworkers". In 1929, a group of left-wingers, mostly linked with the Communist Party of Great Britain , left to form the rival United Mineworkers of Scotland. This initially saw some success, but they rejoined in 1936. In 1944, the MFGB became

1176-408: The rest. In some areas, the NUM was militant and threatened strikes in 1981 when the government raised the issue. As the government was not ready for a confrontation, it negotiated a settlement with the union, and backed down from the closures. In what the NUM considered a confrontational move, Ian MacGregor , who had overseen cutbacks and closures at British Steel Corporation , was appointed head of

1218-460: The sponsorship giving to Labour MPs in coalfields, given how many of them were campaigning in favour of membership and defying the NUM policy. The Yorkshire Area passed a resolution that tightened the conditions for sponsorship of MPs. In the 1980s, because many coal mines were overwhelmingly unprofitable, the Conservative government headed by Margaret Thatcher sought to close them and privatise

1260-567: The strike was not universal; in some areas such as North Wales , support was small but great in others such as South Wales . Also, Yorkshire was more enthusiastic about the strike than Nottinghamshire where many miners refused to strike. Margaret Thatcher described the strikers as the "enemy within", but Scargill was equally confrontational. Picket lines were stationed outside the pits and other industrial sites requiring coal and violent clashes with police were common. Strikers had no source of income and some were forced by circumstances to cross

1302-528: The supply of coal to the Scottish power plants. The plans were never put into place because the dispute was brought to a close. An inquiry into miners' pay, chaired by Lord Wilberforce , was set up by the government in February 1972, as the strike was drawing to a close. It reported a week later. It recommended pay increases of between £4.50 and £6 per week. Lord Wilberforce defended the increases, which represented

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1344-484: The union could call their own strikes. Different areas varied as to how militant they were, and it was not uncommon for animosity to exist between areas. On formation, the NUM had the following areas: The NUM was strongly supportive of the Labour Party. During the first government of Harold Wilson , hundreds of pits closed and thousands of miners left the coal industry but the NUM leadership put up little resistance to

1386-573: The union had 1,855 members. In 2012 the union's general secretary, Chris Kitchen , admitted it was in decline after the investigative website Exaro revealed that in 2011 the Derbyshire branch had just one member who was not a paid official. Filings with the Trades Union Certification Officer showed that the NUM's Derbyshire branch had just four members, three of whom were paid officials. In 2012, it emerged in court cases between

1428-719: The wishes of secretary Chisholm Robertson and leading activist Shaw Maxwell . Although the early strike was lost, the federation continued, with membership reduced to under 16,000, and particularly few members in Lanarkshire. However, by the end of the decade it had regained members and, as coal prices rose, the union was able to win more of its demands. The SMF became known as a strong supporter of socialism . By 1914, membership had risen to around 82,000, with half in Lanarkshire, one quarter in Fife and Kinross, an eighth in Ayrshire, and most of

1470-612: Was a major dispute over pay between the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) and the Conservative Edward Heath government of the United Kingdom . Miners' wages had not kept pace with those of other industrial workers since 1960. The strike began on 9 January 1972 and ended on 28 February 1972, when the miners returned to work. The strike was called by the National Executive Committee of the NUM and ended when

1512-460: Was also formed in 1855 by various local unions, and was led by Alexander Macdonald ; although this was also badly affected by the lost strike, it survived to reform as the Scottish Miners' Amalgamated Society in 1859, but achieved little as each union acted separately, and dissolved in 1863, by which time it had only 1,500 members. The Scottish Miners' Association was formed in 1872, with MacDonald as its secretary and treasurer. It worked closely with

1554-466: Was an issue for each area to decide. In some areas that held ballots the majority voted against striking but were subject to picketing from areas that had declared a strike. The strike was deemed illegal by the courts on the basis that the NUM rulebook required a secret ballot for a national strike. Although working miners had instigated the legal action, the NUM leadership presented it as an attack on its right to conduct its own internal affairs. The lack of

1596-465: Was based on the Ayrshire Miners' Union , but initially had a total of 23,570 members in 26 districts. Hardie became its secretary and, through it newspaper, The Miner , he campaigned for the nationalisation of the coal mines, a minimum wage and a five-day week. Although its membership dropped rapidly, forcing it to dissolve in 1888, several of its districts survived as independent unions. The union

1638-548: Was characterised as a "victory for violence" by the Conservative Cabinet at the time, in reference to some clashes between miners and police and to some throwing of stones and bottles at lorries trying to pass the pickets. A volunteer force was planned in Scotland to break the miners' pickets during the strike. After release of government papers under the thirty-year rule , it has been revealed that civil servants , police, local authorities and other organisations worked on

1680-408: Was characterised by the miners sending flying pickets to other industrial sites to persuade other workers to strike in solidarity, which led to railway workers' refusing to transport coal and power station workers' refusing to handle coal. Power shortages emerged, and a state of emergency was declared on 9 February, after the weather had turned cold unexpectedly and voltage had been reduced across

1722-573: Was founded in 1894, as the Scottish Miners Federation (SMF). It initially brought together seven county unions, with others joining soon after. It initially had 35,900 members. The unions which constituted the early federation were: The union immediately organised a strike for better pay and conditions. It also joined the Miners' Federation of Great Britain , and this led to conflict. The SMF president, Robert Smillie , agreed to follow English unions in accepting wage reductions, against

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1764-468: Was passed by members. It worked with the National Association of Colliery Overmen, Deputies and Shotfirers to challenge the closures in the High Court ; the court imposed an emergency injunction against the closures and the strike action was called off. However, from mid-1993, the mines started closing; the number of working miners and therefore also the membership of the union continued to fall. In 2011

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